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First published July 1990

Structural Changes and New Cleavages: the Progress Parties in Denmark and Norway

Jørgen Goul Andersen and Tor BjørklundView all authors and affiliations
Volume 33, Issue 3
https://doi.org/10.1177/000169939003300303

Abstract

The Progress parties have been variously dubbed 'flash party, protest party', 'tax-revolt party', petty bourgeois protest movement populist party, 'extreme right-wing party' None of these labels passess unambrguously through a critical examination More recently, commentators have some times referred to the Progress parties as conventional bourgeois parties. Such a label is however. also problematic, as the social background or class profile of both parties shows an increasing dewaUun from conventional bourgeois parties Our approach is that the Progress parties must be inter preted in connection with the new cleavages in postindustral society We discuss the Progress parties in relation to cleavages emanating from the welfare state, and in particular to postindustrial materialism and the changed role of the working class

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1 Some of the arguments in this article are more thoroughly worked out empirically in an unfinished manuscript with the working title 'The Progress Parties in Denmark and Norway'.
2 At least the Swedish voters do not appear to be more favourable towards the welfare state, nor do they exhibit greater trust in politicians, see e.g. Giljam & Holmberg 1990; Goul Andersen 1990c, d; Svallfors 1989.
3 This is indirectly supported by the fact that attitudinal consistency, as well as the consistency between attitudes and party choice, increased significantly in Denmark exactly between 1971 and 1975 (Nielsen 1976. Goul Andersen 1984).
4 A survey gives sense to the reactions among Progress Party voters. According to a survey from MMI (Market and Media Institute) a majority of the Norwegian Progress Party supporters in 1987 (59 per cent) were of the opinion that it was unacceptable to omit to register taxable incomes' The figure was a little higher in the sample total (71 per cent), but anyway the data indicate that the Norwegian party is hardly a channel for extra- parliamentary protest. In Denmark, small-scale tax evasion appears to be more accepted by the general public but again the differences between Progress Party voters and other voters are small
5 Furthermore, on the item referred to in Table 1, panel data reveal that Progress Party voters in the 1973 election were no more distrustful in 1971 than the average voter (Nielsen 1979:101)
6 In 1983, 41 per cent of the local politicians attached to SV were women compared to only 12 per cent among the local politicians from the Progress Party (Bjorklund & Hellevik 1988).
7 With data from the last two elections the connection between the proportion of immigrants in the different municipalities and support to the Progress Party have been investigated (Valen, Aardal & Vogt 1990). The analysis based on a multivariat model reveals a positive correlation between votes for the Progress Party and the share of immigrants In addition we have analysed a survey among pupils from the 1989 election campaign (The survey is conducted by the Norwegian Social Science Data Service) The data show no clearcut relationship between the density of immigrants and votes for the Progress Party.

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Volume 33, Issue 3
Pages: 195 - 217
Article first published: July 1990
Issue published: July 1990

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Jørgen Goul Andersen
Institute of Political Science, University of Aarhus
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Tor Bjørklund
Institute for Social Research, Oslo
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