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First published July 2001

Party System Institutionalization in 30 African Countries

Michelle Kuenzi and Gina LambrightView all authors and affiliations
Volume 7, Issue 4
https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068801007004003

Abstract

In their study of 12 Latin American countries, Mainwaring and Scully develop a framework to assess levels of party system institutionalization and explore the impact of the degree of party system institutionalization on democratic consolidation. In this paper, we provide a description of the levels of party system institutionalization in the African context. Employing three criteria adapted from the framework of Mainwaring and Scully, we systematically measure the level of party system institutionalization in 30 African countries. More specifically, we examine (1) regularity of party competition; (2) extent to which parties manifest roots in society; and (3) institutionalization, or the extent to which citizens and organized interests perceive that parties and elections are the means of determining who governs in the 30 countries. Our findings indicate that the level of party system institutionalization is generally lower in African countries than in those of Latin America. However, we find that the length of time during which a country has experience with democracy is an important factor in determining the level of party system institutionalization. The difference in performance between the five long-standing African democracies and those countries new to multipartyism was notable on all of the criteria.

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Much of the data on which we base our analyses was drawn from the following sources: Africa South of the Sahara (London: Europa Publications Ltd., 1997); Michael Bratton and Nicolas van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Michael Bratton and Nicolas van de Walle, MSU Working Paper No. 14, Political Regimes and Regime Transitions in Africa: A Comparative Handbook (Department of Political Science, Michigan State University; Alan J. Day (ed.) with Henry W. Degenhardt (contributing ed.), Political Parties of the World (Chicago: St. James Press, 1996); Europa World Year Book (London: Europa Publications Ltd., 1996); Keesing's Contemporary Archives (London: Keesing's Ltd.); Dieter Nohlen, Michael Krennerich and Bernhard Thibaut (eds) Elections in Africa: A Data Handbook (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Political Handbook and Atlas of the World (New York: published for the Council on Foreign Relations by Simon & Schuster, 1996).
1. Welfling's (1973) work on the institutionalization of parties and party systems in 31 African countries constitutes an early and rigorous treatment of the subject. Unfortunately, only a few scholars have pursued this line of inquiry.
2 However, the relative `youth' of African political parties should still be emphasized. Morgenthau also notes that, at the time of independence, the oldest political party was only 20 years old (1964: 330).
3 Mainwaring and Scully do not operationalize this criterion or attempt to assess levels of party organization in a systematic manner.
4 Since Gambia's most recent election (January 1997) is in many ways distinct from the pre-coup elections, we have not included it in our calculations.
5 In calculating electoral volatility we treated coalitions as a single party in our calculations when the coalition was a true electoral coalition and votes were registered for the coalition as a whole. In cases where votes were registered for each party in the coalition, each party is counted separately.
6 We chose to exclude the 1992 Constituent Assembly elections in the Seychelles because the electoral system in place at the time was fundamentally different from that which was in place for the 1993 and 1998 National Assembly elections. We did, however, include Namibia's 1989 Constituent Assembly elections because the electoral rules and institutional design that governed those elections remained the same for the 1994 National Assembly elections.
7 In some cases, we were unable to calculate scores for presidential volatility and/or presidential/legislative difference. For those countries with parliamentary systems, the final score on criterion one is based solely on legislative volatility. Some countries have had only one presidential election. In such cases, the final score on criterion one represents an average of the two scores the country receives for legislative volatility and presidential/legislative difference.
8 We obtained several of our data points from the Bratton and van de Walle data set (1996). We adopt their operational definition of this indicator, which is whether the parties winning seats agree to take their seats in the legislature after the election.
9 As Table 2a shows, eight countries report NA, or not applicable, in the presidential volatility column. This is because four of the countires (Botswana, Lesotho, Mauritius and South Africa) do not have a presidential system or directly elected presidents. The other four countries that received NA on this indicator (Congo, Equatorial Guinea, CAR and Namibia) did so because at present there has only been one multiparty presidential election, and we were unable to calculate a presidential volatility score. For these countries the mean electoral volatility score reported represents only the legislative volatility.
10 In calculating legislative volatility for Mauritius, we treated the seat holdings of electoral alliances as those of a single party. However, many of the sources we consulted report the seat holdings of the individual parties making up the different electoral alliances. It is, therefore, possible to calculate volatility by looking at the changes in an individual party's legislative seats from election to election. When calculated in this manner, legislative volatility for Mauritius drops to 49 percent. However, this volatility score still earns Mauritius a score of one on our scale of institutionalization for this criterion.
11 In calculating Lesotho's electoral volatility score, we divided by 79 rather than by 80, which is the actual number of legislative seats, because one seat was not filled due to a postponement because a candidate died during the campaign. Similarly, in calculating Madagascar's score we divided by 134 rather than by the 138 legislative seats in the first election because four seats were not filled.
12 Had we used legislative votes as opposed to legislative seats, our expectations would have been the obverse: we would have expected those countries with plurality, single-member districts to have relatively low volatility levels and those with proportional electoral formulas and large, multimember districts to have high volatility levels.
13 We initially constructed five categories, but found that one of our categories had no cases (i.e. no countries had district magnitude ranging from 6 to 10).
14 The median is a better measure of central tendency than the mean, as the mean is greatly affected by outliers (Neto and Cox, 1997).
15 In only 6 of the 30 countries were the elections used in the calculations of the difference between presidential and legislative voting concurrent. These countries are: Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Seychelles and Zambia. The presidential and legislative elections in the remaining countries were not concurrent. We considered elections concurrent only if the presidential and legislative elections were held on the same day.
16 In the case of the Cameroon, one of the two older parties to win seats captured only 0.5 percent of the seats.
17 The party system in Gambia before the 1994 coup would have fallen into the institutionalized category. Following the coup in 1994, the party system will most likely pass through a period of reconstruction in order to return to the level of institutionalization achieved previously.

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Published In

Volume 7, Issue 4
Pages: 437 - 468
Article first published: July 2001
Issue published: July 2001

Keywords

  1. Africa
  2. party system institutionalization
  3. party systems
  4. political parties

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