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International Relations, International Relations Theory, International Legitimacy, Legitimacy, Legitimacy and Authority, Legitimacy Theory, and 15 moreLegitimation, Peace and Conflict Studies, Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, International Negotiation, Conflict Managment of Intractable Conflitcs, Regional Integration, Regional Cooperation, Regionalism, Public Diplomacy, Middle East Studies, Middle East Politics, Latin American Studies, Latin American politics, and Kathryn Sikkink edit
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My main areas of research and teaching are legitimation struggles, conflict resolution, regional cooperation, and pop... moreMy main areas of research and teaching are legitimation struggles, conflict resolution, regional cooperation, and populist foreign policies, particularly focusing on their interplay in the realms of European, Latin American, and Middle Eastern politics. Emails: daniel.wajner@mail.huji.ac.il edit
This book aims to introduce readers to the emerging and developing field of populism and foreign policy, highlighting some of the more important scientific advances in the past decade and setting the stage for future contributions to this... more
This book aims to introduce readers to the emerging and developing field of populism and foreign policy, highlighting some of the more important scientific advances in the past decade and setting the stage for future contributions to this growing research program. Across its different chapters, this edited volume examines what is distinctive about populist foreign policy (PFP) in parallel to its diversity in cultural, socio-economic, and political terms. Moreover, by exploring how populist governments addressed their foreign policies in Latin America, North America, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Southern Europe, the Middle East, East and Southeast Asia, Oceania, and Africa, the book analyzes the domestic and international conditions which enable or constrain PFP in each region.
Research Interests:
European Studies, Latin American Studies, International Relations, Southeast Asian Studies, International Relations Theory, and 15 moreForeign Policy Analysis, Middle East Studies, Africa, Foreign Policy, Populism, Political Legitimacy, Diplomacy, European Union, Authoritarianism, Central and Eastern Europe, Relaciones Internacionales, United States, Populismo, Diplomacy and international relations, and Politica Exterior
Scholars of international relations generally consider that under conditions of violent conflict and war, smuggling and trans-border crime are likely to thrive. In contrast, this book argues that in fact it is globalisation and peaceful... more
Scholars of international relations generally consider that under conditions of violent conflict and war, smuggling and trans-border crime are likely to thrive. In contrast, this book argues that in fact it is globalisation and peaceful borders that have enabled transnational illicit flows conducted by violent non-state actors, including transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking organizations, and terrorist cells, who exploit the looseness and demilitarization of borderlands. Empirically, the book draws on case studies from the Americas, compared with other regions of the world experiencing similar phenomena, including the European Union and Southeast Europe (the Western Balkans), Southern Africa, and Southeast Asia. To explain the phenomenon in itself, the authors examine the type of peaceful borders and regimes involved in each case; how strong each country is in the governance of their borderlands; their political willingness to control their peaceful borders; and the prevailing socio-economic conditions across the borderlands.
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, Transnationalism, and 12 moreConflict Resolution, Conflict Management, Borders and Frontiers, Relaciones Internacionales, Peace and Conflict Management, Transnationality, International Crimes, Politica Exterior, Estudios De Paz, Resolución De Conflictos (Mediación, Illicit Flows, and Peaceful Borders
Research Interests:
This article reviews one of the expanding research programs in International Relations (IR): the study of populist foreign policy (PFP). Recent years have witnessed a significant proliferation of IR scholars researching the nexus between... more
This article reviews one of the expanding research programs in International Relations (IR): the study of populist foreign policy (PFP). Recent years have witnessed a significant proliferation of IR scholars researching the nexus between the global rise of populism and their foreign policies across different countries, regions, and subfields. However, scientific progress at such stage of this research program demands an in-depth “mapping” of its different ontological approaches. To this end, we identify and explore five different “schools” of PFP that have been consolidated in the last decade, while highlighting their accomplishments in understanding the distinctive populist elements in foreign policy and their possibilities of analyzing local and external conditions under which PFP impacts global politics. We also set the stage for future contributions on the drivers, patterns, and effects of PFP, under the assumption that the populist phenomenon and its transnational dimensions will continue to affect IR prospects for a long time to come.
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, International Relations, International Relations Theory, Foreign Policy Analysis, Political Science, and 13 morePolitical Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Foreign Policy, Populism, Diplomacy, Democracy, Relaciones Internacionales, Ciencias Sociales, Política comparada, Ciencias Políticas, Populismo, Diplomacy and international relations, Politica Exterior, and Populisme
Populist politics in Southern Europe displays several distinctive patterns related to a shared history, geography, culture, and economy, while being subject to similar geopolitical pressures. In the last decade, moreover, the... more
Populist politics in Southern Europe displays several distinctive patterns related to a shared history, geography, culture, and economy, while being subject to similar geopolitical pressures. In the last decade, moreover, the Euro-Mediterranean region has been struck by destabilizing shocks: the Eurozone crisis and the refugee crisis, which led to a realignment of party politics, with populist parties of both the left and the right enjoying high levels of popular support and taking, or have gotten close to taking, governmental power. These patterns make Southern Europe an interesting case for the study of populism and foreign policy through a (sub-)regional comparative approach. This article applies a structured, focused comparison of the populist foreign policies (PFP) of France, Italy, Spain, and Greece, seeking to explain how populist leaderships have shaped foreign policy in these countries and the conditions under which their PFP were translated into action. After putting Euro-Mediterranean populism in context, we examine four structural themes of catalysts or constraints that populists face when 'navigating' PFP around the European Mare Nostrum: international power distribution, ideological underpinnings, domestic political system, and policy domains. The comparative analysis reveals how, while populist performances are often aimed at executing a rupture and, as a result, gaining legitimacy, the implementation of PFP in Southern Europe has ultimately been affected by structural pressures to discard these revolutionary impulses and align with the mainstream.
Research Interests:
European Studies, International Relations, European integration, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Mediterranean Studies, and 13 morePopulism, European Union, Mediterranean, European Union Politics, France, Regional Integration, Spain, Italy, Greece, Relaciones Internacionales, Integración Regional, Populismo, and Populisme
This essay explores the evolution of the diplomatic relations between Israel and Latin America, with a particular focus on the ways the dynamics of their relations has been affected by a reciprocal (though asymmetrical) search for... more
This essay explores the evolution of the diplomatic relations between Israel and Latin America, with a particular focus on the ways the dynamics of their relations has been affected by a reciprocal (though asymmetrical) search for legitimation and recognition; economic cooperation and development; and power and influence. Special attention is devoted to identifying the underlying patterns that characterized the gradual development of diplomatic links as well as the elements that have influenced the shifts experienced over seven decades of international interactions. The essay refers in general to the relations between Israel and the region, as well as to specific examples from key Latin American countries, including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Venezuela.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, Israel Studies, Colombia, Latin American politics, and 15 moreLatin American Foreign Policy, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Chile, Israel's Foreign Policy, Israel, Mexico, Latin America, Relaciones Internacionales, Relaciones Internacionales en América Latina, Latinoamerica, América Latina, Politica Exterior, and Politica Exterior de los Estados Unidos
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Under what conditions do populists embrace or reject “the international”? Some scholars of populism argue that populist leaders tend to neglect political (inter-)action in the international arena due to their stated preference for... more
Under what conditions do populists embrace or reject “the international”? Some scholars of populism argue that populist leaders tend to neglect political (inter-)action in the international arena due to their stated preference for isolationist, nationalistic, and protectionist stances. Meanwhile, others claim that through their promotion of performative encounters and transnational solidarities between “People(s),” populists are actually more likely to engage with actors, ideas, styles, and agendas coming from abroad. This article explores this apparent contradiction, hypothesizing that three main elements influence the “populist mindset” to narrate the external world and thus adopt or rather resist new contingencies originating internationally: legitimacy, support, and opportunity. To examine the combination of these behavioral patterns, we compare two populist presidents who are paradigmatic of a fourth wave of populism in Latin America: Brazil's Jair Messias Bolsonaro and Mex...
This edited volume aimed to provide answers to two key questions: what is distinctive about Populist Foreign Policy (PFP), and what are the domestic and international factors that enable and constrain PFP. In the conclusions that follow,... more
This edited volume aimed to provide answers to two key questions: what is distinctive about Populist Foreign Policy (PFP), and what are the domestic and international factors that enable and constrain PFP. In the conclusions that follow, therefore, we make both intra- and cross-regional comparisons, trying to identify similarities and differences in PFP patterns and in the international and national features that constrain or enact these patterns. In addition, we delve into several topics that remain to be discussed more intensively, as well as normative and policy oriented issues to be considered, in the hope this will serve as an agenda for further research.
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Political Science, Foreign Policy, and 12 morePopulism, Regionalism, Regional Integration, Comparative Political Theory, Relaciones Internacionales, Comparative Regionalism, Política comparada, Radical Right-wing Populist Parties, Ciencias Políticas, Populismo, Politica Exterior, and Left Wing Parties
Research Interests:
European Studies, International Relations, Humanities, European integration, Political Science, and 15 morePolitical Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Populism, European Union, European Union Politics, European Union external relations, Política, Relaciones Internacionales, International Relations and European Studies, Partidos políticos, Integración Regional, Populismo, Right Wing Populism, Politica Exterior, Populismos Latinoamericanos, and Populisme
¿Cómo se legitiman los liderazgos populistas por medio del escenario internacional? Recientes investigaciones en la disciplina de Relaciones Internacionales han destacado la importancia de profundizar en las fuentes, patrones y efectos... more
¿Cómo se legitiman los liderazgos populistas por medio del escenario internacional? Recientes investigaciones en la disciplina de Relaciones Internacionales han destacado la importancia de profundizar en las fuentes, patrones y efectos transnacionales del fenómeno populista. Sin embargo, se requiere aún un análisis más profundo de la diversidad de estrategias de legitimación empleadas por populistas en sus interacciones externas. Este estudio examina las formas en que liderazgos populistas contemporáneos en Europa han rearticulado transnacionalmente el núcleo duro de la conceptualización populista (“pueblo” y “élites”). Tal proyección del antagonismo pueblo-versus-élites al nivel internacional pretende influenciar positivamente a audiencias locales y externas para así moldear sus percepciones de legitimidad. Utilizando como vehículo analítico un modelo ideal que incorpora tres funciones de (des-)legitimación que actúan vía mecanismos normativos, políticos y emocionales (adecuación, consenso y empatía, respectivamente), se mapean ilustraciones de diversas estrategias de legitimación internacional de liderazgos populistas europeos, de izquierdas y de derechas. La identificación de patrones similares, así como particularidades locales, sugieren novedosas enseñanzas sobre las condiciones bajo las cuales los gobiernos populistas se difunden y empoderan a nivel regional y global.
Research Interests:
European Studies, International Relations, European integration, Political Science, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, and 15 morePopulism, European Union, European Union (International Studies), European Union Politics, European Union external relations, Relaciones Internacionales, International Relations and European Studies, Partidos políticos, Integración Regional, Populismo, Right Wing Populism, Politica Exterior, Populismos Latinoamericanos, Populisme, and Left-Wing Populism
This article aims to contribute to the growing academic debate on the transnational drivers and patterns of contemporary populism. As populist leaderships expand both politically and geographically, the very nature of the populist... more
This article aims to contribute to the growing academic debate on the transnational drivers and patterns of contemporary populism. As populist leaderships expand both politically and geographically, the very nature of the populist phenomenon is changing, as it is increasingly being projected on the international stage. Contemporary populist leaders show a growing willingness to transfer the discursive construction of a struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘the elites’ to the regional and global levels as a way of obtaining internal and external legitimation. In so doing, they exploit the symbiotic two-level game that links national and international (de-)legitimation dynamics, seeking to gain ‘abroad’ the kind of legitimacy that they cannot obtain ‘at home’. This article suggests three mechanisms that explain the populist ‘way out’ from various legitimation traps based on the traditional distinctions between input, throughput, and output legitimacy. The article’s argument is illustrate...
Research Interests:
International Relations, Legitimacy and Authority, Foreign Policy Analysis, Political Science, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, and 15 morePopulism, Legitimacy, Political Legitimacy, Power and Legitimacy, Regionalism, International Cooperation, New Left, Regional Integration, Relaciones Internacionales, Integración Regional, Populismo, Discurso Populista, Politica Exterior, Legitimidad, and Populist Foreign Policy
This article attempts to engage the burgeoning research on the transnational dimensions of populism with recent theorization on legitimation strategies in international politics. Focusing on the performative practices of the wave of Pink... more
This article attempts to engage the burgeoning research on the transnational dimensions of populism with recent theorization on legitimation strategies in international politics. Focusing on the performative practices of the wave of Pink Tide neo-populist leaders in Latin America (also called “Chavista” or “Bolivarian”), this work identifies three main strategies of legitimation – affective, normative, and institutional – and tracks their transnational resonance. Indications of these strategies include the extrapolation of strong emotional attachments with supporters abroad, the empowerment of identity-based solidarities, and the reconstruction of regionalist projects. Their drive to mobilize transnational support has been complemented by a normative flipside – the discursive attack on rival “anti-national” elites and the readiness to use national revenues for demonstrating solidarity with international allies. Analysis details how these strategies projected the populists’ legitimac...
Research Interests:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, Populism, Legitimacy, Latin American Foreign Policy, and 15 moreLatin American Politics (Political Science), Regional Integration, Comparative Political Theory, Legitimation, Global Politics, Venezuelan Politics, Integración Regional, Populismo, Discurso Populista, Politica Exterior, Populismos Latinoamericanos, Legitimidad, Chavismo, Latin American Regional Integration, and Latin American regionalism
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, International Relations, Political Science, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Populism, and 9 moreInternational Cooperation, Regional Integration, Radical Right Populism, Foreign Affairs, Relaciones Internacionales, Integración Regional, Populismo, Politica Exterior, and Populisme
Scholars of international relations generally consider that under conditions of violent conflict and war, smuggling and trans-border crime are likely to thrive. In contrast, this book argues that in fact it is globalisation and peaceful... more
Scholars of international relations generally consider that under conditions of violent conflict and war, smuggling and trans-border crime are likely to thrive. In contrast, this book argues that in fact it is globalisation and peaceful borders that have enabled transnational illicit flows conducted by violent non-state actors, including transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking organizations, and terrorist cells, who exploit the looseness and demilitarization of borderlands. Empirically, the book draws on case studies from the Americas, compared with other regions of the world experiencing similar phenomena, including the European Union and Southeast Europe (the Western Balkans), Southern Africa, and Southeast Asia. To explain the phenomenon in itself, the authors examine the type of peaceful borders and regimes involved in each case; how strong each country is in the governance of their borderlands; their political willingness to control their peaceful borders; and th...
Research Interests:
Comparative Politics, International Relations, Political Economy, Peace and Conflict Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, and 15 moreTerrorism, Transnationalism, Political Science, Politics, Conflict Resolution, Conflict Management, Borders and Frontiers, Relaciones Internacionales, Peace and Conflict Management, International Crimes, Politica Exterior, Cambridge University, Estudios De Paz, Illicit Flows, and Peaceful Borders
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, Humanities, Peace and Conflict Studies, Globalization, and 15 moreBorder Studies, Global Governance, Interdisciplinary Studies, Frontier Studies, Borders and Frontiers, Ciencias Sociales, Globalización, Latin American, Latinoamerica, Fronteras, Frontera, Ciencias Políticas, Borders and Borderlands, Peace Conflict Studies, and Latin American Studies Association
How do populists conduct foreign policy? The existing literature on populism focuses mainly on domestic patterns, and until recently the foreign dimension of populism has been largely overlooked. This paper aims to fill theoretical and... more
How do populists conduct foreign policy? The existing literature on populism focuses mainly on domestic patterns, and until recently the foreign dimension of populism has been largely overlooked. This paper aims to fill theoretical and empirical lacunae by mapping patterns of change and continuity in the formulation of geopolitical and economic international policy among Latin-American populist governments. Striving to conduct a systematic comparative analysis, this paper explores three waves of populist foreign policies in Latin America (classic, neoliberal, and progressive). While it is difficult to highlight a unified phenomenon, the findings reveal that several ‘unifying’ elements indeed exist: they are manifest in the tendency of such governments to jointly (re)construct transnational solidarities for legitimation purposes and to adopt economic foreign policies with a pragmatic bent. Moreover, in opposition to the two first waves of populist governments, the most recent wave has embraced personalist styles, emotional public diplomacy, and clientelist techniques with support networks abroad, thus actively projecting the domestic patterns of populism to the regional and global levels in an attempt to leverage both domestic and international legitimacy. This study offers critical lessons for IR scholarship’s increasing engagement with populism, contributing to the lively debate regarding the rise of populist trends across the globe.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Political Science, Foreign Policy, Populism, and 10 moreLatin American Foreign Policy, Latin American Politics (Political Science), Relaciones Internacionales, Política Externa, Ciencias Políticas, Integración Regional, Populismo, Right Wing Populism, Populismos Latinoamericanos, and Left-Wing Populism
How can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010? Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to... more
How can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010? Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to outmaneuver their opponents on the battleground. However, an increasing number of clashes are guided by a “performance logic”: although the players interact with one another, their real targets are audiences. The present study aims to bridge this gap, proposing a phenomenological framework for analyzing this particular kind of performative contest over legitimation and delegitimation in contemporary conflicts. It expands upon the idea that current anarchical global politics increasingly lead contending actors to engage in “pure” legitimation struggles—“battles for legitimacy”—seeking to persuade international audiences that they deserve political support. After providing guidelines for the identification of these phenomena, this article presents a model for the methodical examination of their interactive dynamics based on three legitimation functions (appropriateness, consensus, empathy). This model is applied to the flotilla case by mapping the protagonists’ framing contests across “legitimation (battle)fields.” The findings of this study, which emphasize the strong interplay between normative, political, and emotional mechanisms for empowering (de)legitimation strategies, can contribute to expanding the research program concerning international legitimacy.
Research Interests:
Legitimacy and Authority, Israel Studies, International Security, Public Diplomacy, Language and Power, and 15 moreLegitimacy, Political Legitimacy, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Power and Legitimacy, Turkey, Turkish Foreign Policy, Israel, Arab-Israeli conflict, Framing, Soft Power and International Relations, Framing and agenda setting research, Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Language and Politics, Turkish - Israeli Relations, and Soft Power and Public Diplomacy
Most IR scholars attribute changes in foreign-policy strategic planning to shifts in interests, capabilities, alliances, norms, knowledge, and context. Even those studies focusing on social learning as a driver for policy change mostly... more
Most IR scholars attribute changes in foreign-policy strategic planning to shifts in interests, capabilities, alliances, norms, knowledge, and context. Even those studies focusing on social learning as a driver for policy change mostly underestimate the role of international legitimacy dynamics in influencing learning processes. This paper seeks to bridge the gap between theory and practice by building on David Ausubel's theory of meaningful learning to address the Gaza Flotilla crisis as a paradigmatic case of legitimacy learning. This tragic incident, which occurred in May 2010, deepened the diplomatic crisis between Israel and Turkey, until their official reconciliation in June 2016. Likewise, it led to growing delegitimization of Israel among several global audiences. Having internalized the magnitude of the political damage that this incident caused and the need to subordinate operational decisions to legitimation considerations, Israel sought to tackle similar future challenges through reforms in numerous issue-areas relating to foreign-policy strategic planning: diplomatic, military, communications, intelligence, technological, and humanitarian. Drawing on testimonies of Israeli policymakers and the reports published by committees appointed to examine the flotilla events, this phenomenological study describes Israel's meaningful learning process, tracing the subsequent development of delegitimatzia (“delegitimation”) as an advance organizer among Israeli governmental and nongovernmental institutions. These findings can serve scholars in outlining a broader research agenda for analyzing how different actors adapt to the battles for legitimacy that characterize contemporary global politics.
Research Interests:
Legitimacy and Authority, Foreign Policy Analysis, Israel Studies, Public Diplomacy, Social Learning Theory, and 15 morePublic Relations, Israel/Palestine, Foreign Policy, Legitimacy, Political Legitimacy, Israel's Foreign Policy, Soft Power, Israel, Arab-Israeli conflict, Soft Power and International Relations, Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication, Politica Exterior, Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and Legitimidad
What are the implications of hard economic times for regional economic cooperation? Existing research is sharply divided on the answer to this question. Some studies suggest that economic crises encourage governments to strengthen their... more
What are the implications of hard economic times for regional economic cooperation? Existing research is sharply divided on the answer to this question. Some studies suggest that economic crises encourage governments to strengthen their regional institutions, but others indicate that they lead to decreasing investment in such initiatives. Both sides overlook the possibility that the passage of time conditions these relationships, however. We aim to bridge these opposing perspectives by distinguishing between short-term and long-term effects of economic hard times on institutionalized regional cooperation. We argue that in the short term economic crises impede regional institutionalization due to protectionist pressures, nationalistic public sentiments, and political instability. This effect is reversed in the longer term, as interest groups and the public adopt more favorable attitudes toward regional economic organizations (REOs) and governments employ these institutions to demonstrate their competence and to improve economic conditions. We evaluate this argument in relations to regional institutionalization, which refers to the functional scope and structure of REOs. Using a data set that contains information on this dimension for thirty REOs over four decades, we find strong support for the theoretical framework: regional institutionalization remains stagnant in the immediate aftermath of economic crises, but increases in subsequent years.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Political Science, International Cooperation, International Organizations (International Studies), Regional Studies, and 13 moreRegional Integration, Institutionalism, International and Regional Organization, Economic Crises, Economic Crisis, Comparative and International Regional Organizations, Regional Economic Integration, Regional Organizations, Financial and Economic Crisis, Diplomacy and international relations, Institutionalization, Regional Cooperation, and Institutional regionalism
This article suggests that transnational motives have remained key components of legitimation strategies for regional realignment in Latin America. Specifically, we assess the legitimation strategy of the late Venezuelan president Hugo... more
This article suggests that transnational motives have remained key components of legitimation strategies for regional realignment in Latin America. Specifically, we assess the legitimation strategy of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez and the associated political movement, Chavismo, as a recent case of transnational identity politics. Studies of Chavismo have stressed its role in the changing balance of power in early twenty-first-century Venezuela and the redrafting of global alliances, through a series of organizational moves and petrodollars. Combined with these political and economic boosters, Chavismo’s impact was sustained through a strategy that sought legitimation by drawing on earlier narratives of the solidarity of “Nuestramérica” (Our America), used in reshaping transnational networks within the region and beyond. This identity layer provided a basis for regional and international realignment and organizational creation, even if more recently it lost traction and ...
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, Legitimacy and Authority, Foreign Policy Analysis, Latin American politics, and 15 moreAmerican Foreign Policy, Legitimacy, Latin American Foreign Policy, Legitimation, Latin American, Latinoamerica, América Latina, Democracy and legitimacy in global governance, Integración Regional, International Legitimacy, Chavez, Latinamerican Politics, Hugo Chávez, Legitimation of Power, and Chavismo
Research Interests:
International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies, Border Studies, Political Science, Regional and Local Governance, and 11 moreForeign Policy, Egypt, Jordan, Regional Integration, Israel, Middle East, Borders and Frontiers, Peace Processes, Border Security, Security and Peace Studies, and International Peace and Security
Contemporary politics is increasingly entering an era of global populism. Within this challenging context, the lessons from past experience on populism, in which Latin America and “Latin-Americanists” have particular prominence, can... more
Contemporary politics is increasingly entering an era of global populism. Within this challenging context, the lessons from past experience on populism, in which Latin America and “Latin-Americanists” have particular prominence, can contribute to provide a satisfactory response to many pressing questions concerning the foreign policies of today’s populist regimes. This chapter explores possible patterns in the formulation of foreign policies among Latin-American populist regimes during the periods known as “classic populism” (1930s–1950s), “neoliberal neopopulism” (1980s–1990s), and “progressive neopopulism” (2000s–). The Latin American experience serves as a multi-dimensional case study for analyzing a range of populist eras in the same region and comparing, with significant variance in time and space, how populist regimes conducted their policies on the regional, sub-regional, interregional, and global levels. The findings of such a comparative study indicate that it is difficult to define a coherent “populist foreign policy” in Latin America in terms of ideological or programmatic content. Nevertheless, it is possible to distinguish a greater tendency among Latin-American populists to support regionalist and globalist policies by empowering identity-based solidarities, and thus legitimizing themselves locally, regionally and internationally. This chapter aims to contribute to a growing research program focusing on populist foreign policies.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, Comparative Politics, International Relations, Latin America (Comparative Politics), Foreign Policy Analysis, and 15 moreLatin American politics, Political Science, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Foreign Policy, Populism, Latin American Politics (Political Science), Latin America, Relaciones Internacionales, Estudios Latinoamericanos, Política comparada, Latinoamerica, Integración Regional, Populismo, Politica Exterior, and Populismos Latinoamericanos
This chapter seeks to further our understanding of the populist phenomenon by surveying state-of-the-art research on the global dimension of populism. The very idea of ‘global populism,’ however, remains puzzling. What is truly ‘global’... more
This chapter seeks to further our understanding of the populist phenomenon by surveying state-of-the-art research on the global dimension of populism. The very idea of ‘global populism,’ however, remains puzzling. What is truly ‘global’ about the current populist momentum? Moreover, in what way are these global political trends ‘populist’? The present chapter explores the expanding academic output on global populism, analyzing the scientific progress achieved according to three different categories: sources, patterns, and effects. The first section is devoted to explanations of populism's appearance on the world stage and how it became a global phenomenon. The second section discusses research evidence regarding the implementation of populist patterns ‘abroad’: how populist performances are ‘staged’ on the international scene. The third section delves into the literature evaluating the potential impact of populism on the international system; particularly, how populist trends may affect transnational, regional, and global spheres. Finally, the concluding remarks discuss the extent to which scientific progress has been made, while suggesting topics and methodologies that may improve the study of global populism in the future. The chapter draws critical lessons for emerging academic engagement with the transnational dimensions of populism, as well as relevant policy implications for international cooperation, regional integration, and global governance.
Research Interests:
Political Sociology, Latin American Studies, International Relations, Political Philosophy, Social Sciences, and 15 moreGlobalization, Political Theory, Political Science, Political communication, Populism, Elites (Political Science), Political Elites, Political Mobilization, Teoría Política, Ciencia Politica, Relaciones Internacionales, Ciencias Sociales, Radical Right-wing Populist Parties, Populismo, and Left Wing Parties
How do populists conduct foreign policy? Extant literature on populism focuses mainly on domestic patterns, and until recently the foreign dimension of populism has been largely overlooked. This paper aims to fill theoretical and... more
How do populists conduct foreign policy? Extant literature on populism focuses mainly on domestic patterns, and until recently the foreign dimension of populism has been largely overlooked. This paper aims to fill theoretical and empirical lacunae by mapping patterns of change and continuity in the formulation of geopolitical and economic international policy among Latin-American populist governments. Striving to conduct a systematic comparative analysis, this paper explores three waves of populist foreign policies in Latin America (classic, neoliberal, and progressive). While it is difficult to highlight a unified phenomenon, the findings reveal that several ‘unifying’ elements indeed exist: these are manifest in the tendency of such governments to jointly (re)construct transnational solidarities for legitimation purposes and to adopt economic foreign policies with a pragmatic bent. Moreover, in opposition to the two first waves of populist governments, the most recent wave has embraced personalist styles, emotional public diplomacy, and clientelist techniques with support networks abroad, thus actively projecting the domestic patterns of populism to the regional and global levels in an attempt to leverage both domestic and international legitimacy. This study offers critical lessons for IR scholarship's increasing engagement with populism, contributing to the lively debate regarding the rise of populist trends across the globe.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, International Relations Theory, Foreign Policy Analysis, Latin American politics, and 15 morePolitical Science, Foreign Policy, Populism, Latin American Foreign Policy, Neoliberalism, Latin American Politics (Political Science), Relaciones Internacionales, Radical Right-wing Populist Parties, Politics and International relations, Populismo, Neopopulismo, Politica Exterior, Populismos Latinoamericanos, Democracia Participativa y Nueva Izquierda en Latinoamerica, and Left Wing Parties
Contemporary politics is increasingly entering an era of global populism. Within this challenging context, the lessons from past experience on populism, in which Latin America and “Latin-Americanists” have particular prominence, can... more
Contemporary politics is increasingly entering an era of global populism. Within this challenging context, the lessons from past experience on populism, in which Latin America and “Latin-Americanists” have particular prominence, can contribute to provide a satisfactory response to many pressing questions concerning the foreign policies of today’s populist regimes. This chapter explores possible patterns in the formulation of foreign policies among Latin-American populist regimes during the periods known as “classic populism” (1930sִ–1950s), “neoliberal neopopulism” (1980s–1990s), and “progressive neopopulism” (2000s–). The Latin American experience serves as a multi-dimensional case study for analyzing a range of populist eras in the same region and comparing, with significant variance in time and space, how populist regimes conducted their policies on the regional, sub-regional, interregional, and global levels. The findings of such a comparative study indicate that it is difficult to define a coherent “populist foreign policy” in Latin America in terms of ideological or programmatic content. Nevertheless, it is possible to distinguish a greater tendency among Latin-American populists to support regionalist and globalist policies by empowering identity-based solidarities, and thus legitimizing themselves locally, regionally and internationally. This chapter aims to contribute to a growing research program focusing on populist foreign policies.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, Comparative Politics, International Relations, Latin America (Comparative Politics), Foreign Policy Analysis, and 15 moreLatin American politics, Political Science, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Foreign Policy, Populism, Latin American Politics (Political Science), Latin America, Relaciones Internacionales, Estudios Latinoamericanos, Política comparada, Latinoamerica, Integración Regional, Populismo, Politica Exterior, and Populismos Latinoamericanos
In this chapter, we argue that there has been a rich and not-enough-emphasized literature from the Latin American region that has suggested responses, complementary and alternative scenarios to the world orders formulated in the North. We... more
In this chapter, we argue that there has been a rich and not-enough-emphasized literature from the Latin American region that has suggested responses, complementary and alternative scenarios to the world orders formulated in the North. We examine the Latin American responses and reactions to alternative world orders in analytical and normative terms. First, we assess general attempts of theorizing in the region, and from the region, about world order(s). Second, we present the different Latin American approaches along several issue-areas: (1) peace and security, through the promotion of norms of international law and institutions; (2) international political economy, (under) development, and globalization, through the assessment of developmentalism (desarrollismo) and the South American dependency school (dependencia); and (3) foreign policy formulations, through the autonomy approach, peripheral Realism, regionalism, including the recent trend of post-hegemonic regionalism and multilateralism. Finally, we explain the relative silence and limitations of the Latin American approaches, as well as the potential dialogue between Northern scenarios and Latin American responses. Ultimately, the formulation of alternative scenarios and responses by Latin American scholars and practitioners is relevant not only to understand the realities of the region but also to make sense of international relations at large, and not only in the Western Hemisphere.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, Latin American politics, Latin American Politics (Political Science), Latin America, and 15 moreWORLD ORDER, Globalization and New World Order, Relaciones Internacionales, Estudios Latinoamericanos, América Latina, New World Order, International system, Nuevo Orden Mundial, International Order, Sistema Internacional, Latin America's International Relations, Liberal international order, Orden internacional, Orden Internacional Liberal, and Nuevo orden internacional
Research Interests:
This article suggests that transnational motives have remained key components of legitimation strategies directed at regional realignment in Latin America. Specifically, we assess the legitimation strategy of the late Venezuelan president... more
This article suggests that transnational motives have remained key components of legitimation strategies directed at regional realignment in Latin America. Specifically, we assess the legitimation strategy of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez and the associated political movement, known as Chavismo, analyzing it as a recent case of transnational identity politics. Studies of Chavismo have stressed its role at the level of the changing balance of power in early 21st century Venezuela and the redrafting of global alliances, through a series of organizational moves and the use of 'petrodollars'. It is our claim that, combined with these political and economic boosters, its impact was sustained through a strategy that sought legitimation by drawing on earlier narratives of 'Nuestramerican' ('Our-American') solidarity, used in reshaping transnational networks within the region and beyond. This identity layer provided a basis for the regional and international realignment and organizational creation, even if more recently it entered a deceleration stage as it lost traction and became criticized for its unfulfilled promises and growing gap between rhetoric and implementation. 1 Thanks are due to three anonymous reviewers of a first version of this article, whose comments and suggestions were invaluable in improving the text, to the editors for their suggestions, and to Alex Estrada who assisted editing it.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This article introduces an analytical framework to explain the coexistence of peaceful borders and illicit transnational flows as evidenced by drug trafficking, human trafficking and smuggling, weapons trafficking, and terrorism in the... more
This article introduces an analytical framework to explain the coexistence of peaceful borders and illicit transnational flows as evidenced by drug trafficking, human trafficking and smuggling, weapons trafficking, and terrorism in the Americas, a region characterized by international peace, domestic peace, and regional integration. Under the assumption that peaceful relations among neighboring countries enable the incursion of transnational nonstate actors across their borders, the article poses this main question: Under which conditions might peaceful borders enable illicit transnational flows? There is much more variance in the incidence of these illicit transnational flows across borders than in the existence of international peace. The article examines two major variables: the degree of governance and institutional strength of the bordering states; and the prevalent socioeconomic conditions of the bordering states. En este artículo introducimos un marco analítico para explicar y entender la coexistencia de fronteras pacíficas y movimientos transnacionales ilícitos, como por ejemplo el tráfico de drogas, el tráfico y contrabando de personas, el tráfico de armas, y terrorismo, en las Américas. Para ello, tomamos como punto de partida el argumento que relaciones pacíficas entre países vecinos facilitan, bajo ciertas circunstancias, la incursión de actores no-estatales transnacionales a través de sus fronteras. La pregunta principal que nos formulamos en este artículo es: Cuáles son las condiciones a partir de las cuales las fronteras pacíficas permiten movimientos transnacionales ilícitos? Se refleja una mayor variación en la incidencia de estos movimientos transnacionales ilícitos a través de fronteras que la existencia de paz internacional. Por lo tanto, examinamos dos variables importantes: (1) el grado de gobernanza y fortaleza institucional de los países vecinos; y (2) las condiciones socio-económicas que prevalecen en los países vecinos.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies, Social Sciences, Globalization, and 15 moreBorder Studies, Global Governance, Political Science, Peace & Conflict Studies, Interdisciplinary Studies, Frontier Studies, Borders and Frontiers, Relaciones Internacionales, Ciencias Sociales, Globalización, Latinoamerica, Fronteras, Frontera, Ciencias Políticas, and Borders and Borderlands
Haftel, Yoram Z., and Daniel F. Wajner, "Linking economic performance and regional institutionalization: more local, less global?", in The Relevance of Regions in a Globalized World, edited by Galia Press-Barnathan, Ruth Fine, and Arie M.... more
Haftel, Yoram Z., and Daniel F. Wajner, "Linking economic performance and regional institutionalization: more local, less global?", in The Relevance of Regions in a Globalized World, edited by Galia Press-Barnathan, Ruth Fine, and Arie M. Kacowicz. Routledge, 2018.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Regional and Local Governance, Regional Planning/Development, Regionalism, International Cooperation, and 13 moreInternational Economic Relations, International Economic Law - WTO & Regionalism, Regional Economics, Regional Integration, International and Regional Organization, Economic Crisis, Comparative and International Regional Organizations, Regions, Integración Regional, Regional Economic Integration, Regional Cooperation, Economia Regional, and Economic performance
“La `Responsabilidad de Proteger´: Bases Filosóficas, Normas en Pugna y Nuevos Desafíos.” En, Javier Bonilla Saus and Pedro Isern Munne (eds.) Libertades, Derechos, Contratos y Ciudadanías (Buenos Aires: Ed. Biblios, 2016). El presente... more
“La `Responsabilidad de Proteger´: Bases Filosóficas, Normas en Pugna y Nuevos Desafíos.” En, Javier Bonilla Saus and Pedro Isern Munne (eds.) Libertades, Derechos, Contratos y Ciudadanías (Buenos Aires: Ed. Biblios, 2016).
El presente capítulo ahonda en las bases filosóficas de la norma internacional “Responsabilidad de Proteger” (“R2P”), la cual ha asumido un rol central en la política global de la última década. R2P se refiere a la responsabilidad a asumir por la comunidad internacional ante violaciones en gran escala de las poblaciones luego de que sus gobiernos no ejerzan dicha responsabilidad. Calurosos vienen siendo los debates generados en torno a las justificaciones de intervenir o no vía R2P, cómo y cuándo debe ser aplicada y bajo qué autoridad ejecutora. No obstante, menor ha sido la discusión en torno a las raíces filosóficas de dicha norma, así como de las normas competidoras que se desprenden de su aplicación, tal como se propone en el presente estudio. Precisamente, en los últimos años la norma no sólo está siendo fuertemente desafiada por críticas hacia la eficacia de su implementación, sino también por normas en pugna. Justificaciones basadas en la reafirmación de principios tales como la soberanía, el relativismo cultural, el pacifismo, el orden internacional o la legitimidad, compiten con “R2P” en el campo normativo. El estudio de los pilares filosóficos por detrás de estas críticas permite no sólo posicionar más claramente los debates en el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales, sino también enriquecer los agitados debates al respecto de su aplicación práctica.
El presente capítulo ahonda en las bases filosóficas de la norma internacional “Responsabilidad de Proteger” (“R2P”), la cual ha asumido un rol central en la política global de la última década. R2P se refiere a la responsabilidad a asumir por la comunidad internacional ante violaciones en gran escala de las poblaciones luego de que sus gobiernos no ejerzan dicha responsabilidad. Calurosos vienen siendo los debates generados en torno a las justificaciones de intervenir o no vía R2P, cómo y cuándo debe ser aplicada y bajo qué autoridad ejecutora. No obstante, menor ha sido la discusión en torno a las raíces filosóficas de dicha norma, así como de las normas competidoras que se desprenden de su aplicación, tal como se propone en el presente estudio. Precisamente, en los últimos años la norma no sólo está siendo fuertemente desafiada por críticas hacia la eficacia de su implementación, sino también por normas en pugna. Justificaciones basadas en la reafirmación de principios tales como la soberanía, el relativismo cultural, el pacifismo, el orden internacional o la legitimidad, compiten con “R2P” en el campo normativo. El estudio de los pilares filosóficos por detrás de estas críticas permite no sólo posicionar más claramente los debates en el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales, sino también enriquecer los agitados debates al respecto de su aplicación práctica.
Research Interests:
As we have seen in the last part, the contribution made by Barnett and Duvall with histaxonomy of four dimensions of power is very helpful as theoretical framework; nevertheless, it is still weak to implement as a methodological tool it... more
As we have seen in the last part, the contribution made by Barnett and Duvall with histaxonomy of four dimensions of power is very helpful as theoretical framework; nevertheless, it is still weak to implement as a methodological tool it is very difficult to distinguish in a real case what is originated through the structure or the actor, as well as to measure if the specificity is direct or diffuse.
Research Interests:
Modernity has returned to our lives. During 2020, we have witnessed firsthand the explosion of a global pandemic that has not only left death, hunger, inequality, stress, and loneliness. The collective trauma of COVID-19 has also left us... more
Modernity has returned to our lives. During 2020, we have witnessed firsthand the explosion of a global pandemic that has not only left death, hunger, inequality, stress, and loneliness. The collective trauma of COVID-19 has also left us with a set of old-new principles that might guide humanity during the reconstruction of the world. Has Modernity returned to our lives? Or rather, are we the ones who came back to it? The backbone of the socio-historical process that we understand by ‘modern’, or at least its more liberal version, has been present all these years. We are the ones who have denied the centrality of this ‘liberal script’ to describe and prescribe the forms of organization of society and individual self-determination. We have been too easily manipulated by the optical illusions of ethical relativism, institutional anarchy, individualist fundamentalism, populist verbiage, and alternative truths. We thought we were gradually entering a post-material, post-modern world. The pandemic reversed this trend. Towards the (beginning of the) end of the COVID-19 crisis, embodied in the growing and steady supply of vaccines to contain the virus, we have enough analytical perspective to explore the experiences we have gone through and learn the lessons that can allow us to build a better future. These lessons are here to stay, but it is our responsibility to interpret them socially and translate them politically. This brief article summarizes the five constituent components of the liberal script of modernity to be implemented into the post-COVID era.
Research Interests:
La Modernidad ha vuelto a nuestras vidas. Durante 2020, fuimos testigos de la irrupción de una pandemia que no solo ha dejado muerte, hambre, desigualdad, estrés y soledad. El trauma colectivo provocado por el covid-19 también nos ha... more
La Modernidad ha vuelto a nuestras vidas. Durante 2020, fuimos testigos de la irrupción de una pandemia que no solo ha dejado muerte, hambre, desigualdad, estrés y soledad. El trauma colectivo provocado por el covid-19 también nos ha legado principios que guiarán al mundo que comenzamos a reconstruir. ¿Es la Modernidad la que ha vuelto a nuestras vidas o hemos sido nosotros los que hemos regresado a ella? La columna vertebral que sustenta el proceso histórico-social que entendemos por “moderno”, o por lo menos su “guion” más liberal, ha estado presente estos años. Somos nosotros quienes le hemos quitado su centralidad a la hora de describir y prescribir las formas de organización de la sociedad y de la autodeterminación del individuo en ella. Con demasiada facilidad hemos caído en las ilusiones ópticas del relativismo ético, la anarquía institucional, el fundamentalismo individualista, la verborragia populista y las verdades alternativas. Hacia el inicio de la salida de la pandemia, que se refleja en la aprobación y la provisión progresiva de vacunas y medicamentos para contener el virus, contamos con la perspectiva analítica necesaria para explorar las experiencias que vivimos durante 2020 y aprender de manera significativa las lecciones que nos permitan construir un futuro mejor. Estas lecciones aprendidas durante el “año del coronavirus” han llegado para quedarse. No obstante, somos nosotros los responsables de cómo interpretarlas socialmente y traducirlas políticamente en los diversos escenarios. De ahí la importancia de analizar los cinco componentes constitutivos del guion liberal de la Modernidad hacia la era posterior al covid-19 que comenzamos a construir.
Research Interests:
Liberalism, Modernity, Filosofía Política, Filosofía, Relaciones Internacionales, and 13 moreCiencias Sociales, Liberalismo, Salud, Modernidad, Ciencias Políticas, Modernización y Modernidad, Postmodernidad, Coronavirus, Covid-19, Coronavirus COVID-19, Pandemic Coronavirus COVID19, COVID-19 PANDEMIC, and PANDEMIA Covid 19
Research Interests:
This dissertation explores the links between the dynamics of international legitimacy and the peaceful resolution of conflicts, two important subjects in International Relations (IR) that have seldom been addressed in tandem. In the last... more
This dissertation explores the links between the dynamics of international legitimacy and the peaceful resolution of conflicts, two important subjects in International Relations (IR) that have seldom been addressed in tandem. In the last two decades, a growing literature in IR has endorsed the assumption that legitimacy considerations matter during conflicts by affecting discourses, policymaking, and outcomes. This study seeks to demonstrate that legitimacy may be relevant not only for winning wars but also for making peace.
The study proposes a new theoretical framework to explain the causal and constitutive mechanisms operating between the perceived international legitimacy of the conflictual actors and their policy strategies during a negotiated peace settlement (NPS) and identify these mechanisms in cases of intractable conflicts based on ethnonational sources. With this aim in mind, the general question that guides this research is: How does the international legitimacy of the actors affect their policy strategies towards the peaceful resolution of the conflicts in which they are involved?
As part of the theoretical framework, the research offers multiple responses to this question, according to the phases of the negotiating process. First, the research explores how different combinations of the actors’ perceived domestic and international legitimacy can produce four policy strategies concerning their entrance to peace negotiations: status quo, advocacy, internationalization, and revisionism.
Likewise, two hypotheses are suggested to explain how (de-)legitimation dynamics can influence the actors’ policy strategies throughout negotiation processes. Both are based on the existence of a legitimacy gap (LG), which is a function of the perceived legitimacy of each of the parties and the relation between them. The research postulates, firstly, that the broader the LG between the conflictual actors, the less their policy strategies reflect a willingness to reach an NPS. In addition, a second hypothesis proposes that the narrower the LG between the conflictual actors, the more their policy strategies reflect a willingness to reach an NPS.
Finally, once the peace negotiations end, the research examines the actors’ return to the different alternatives of policy strategies according to their respective calculations of domestic and international legitimacy.
This theoretical framework is implemented in a multi-round case study of an intractable conflict between a sovereign state (Israel) and an ethnonational group seeking self-determination (the PLO). This framework is tested in the analysis of legitimation dynamics before, during, and after the critical junctures of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiated peace processes between 1990 and 2010: the Madrid-Oslo process (1991-1995), the Camp David-Taba process (2000-2001), and the Annapolis process (2007-2008).
In terms of methodology, this research implements a multi-step process tracing. Through the process tracing, we tell the story of the negotiated peace processes through the unfolding development of events, providing evidence for the external and domestic constraints and the consequent reactions of the policymakers. In parallel, concerning the analysis of the legitimation clashes and their subsequent dynamics, the research presents an interpretative analytical model based on three legitimation functions that encompass normative, strategic, and emotional dimensions (appropriateness, consensus and empathy), in an attempt to capture the inter-subjective nature of the actors' perceived legitimacies over time. Data collection for these methods relies on primary sources that describe the processes’ dynamics, prioritizing biographies and secondary sources. In addition, 18 semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants in the negotiation processes between 2018 and 2019.
Incorporating legitimation dynamics in Conflict Resolution, Negotiation Analysis and Peace Studies not only fills in the existing theoretical lacuna but also helps overcome what remains a challenge for the ripeness theory: the moment in peace negotiations when a final deal can be closed. Understanding these dynamics may also yield insights regarding both the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and policy uncertainties such as the manner in which third parties can intervene to promote positive outcomes.
The study proposes a new theoretical framework to explain the causal and constitutive mechanisms operating between the perceived international legitimacy of the conflictual actors and their policy strategies during a negotiated peace settlement (NPS) and identify these mechanisms in cases of intractable conflicts based on ethnonational sources. With this aim in mind, the general question that guides this research is: How does the international legitimacy of the actors affect their policy strategies towards the peaceful resolution of the conflicts in which they are involved?
As part of the theoretical framework, the research offers multiple responses to this question, according to the phases of the negotiating process. First, the research explores how different combinations of the actors’ perceived domestic and international legitimacy can produce four policy strategies concerning their entrance to peace negotiations: status quo, advocacy, internationalization, and revisionism.
Likewise, two hypotheses are suggested to explain how (de-)legitimation dynamics can influence the actors’ policy strategies throughout negotiation processes. Both are based on the existence of a legitimacy gap (LG), which is a function of the perceived legitimacy of each of the parties and the relation between them. The research postulates, firstly, that the broader the LG between the conflictual actors, the less their policy strategies reflect a willingness to reach an NPS. In addition, a second hypothesis proposes that the narrower the LG between the conflictual actors, the more their policy strategies reflect a willingness to reach an NPS.
Finally, once the peace negotiations end, the research examines the actors’ return to the different alternatives of policy strategies according to their respective calculations of domestic and international legitimacy.
This theoretical framework is implemented in a multi-round case study of an intractable conflict between a sovereign state (Israel) and an ethnonational group seeking self-determination (the PLO). This framework is tested in the analysis of legitimation dynamics before, during, and after the critical junctures of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiated peace processes between 1990 and 2010: the Madrid-Oslo process (1991-1995), the Camp David-Taba process (2000-2001), and the Annapolis process (2007-2008).
In terms of methodology, this research implements a multi-step process tracing. Through the process tracing, we tell the story of the negotiated peace processes through the unfolding development of events, providing evidence for the external and domestic constraints and the consequent reactions of the policymakers. In parallel, concerning the analysis of the legitimation clashes and their subsequent dynamics, the research presents an interpretative analytical model based on three legitimation functions that encompass normative, strategic, and emotional dimensions (appropriateness, consensus and empathy), in an attempt to capture the inter-subjective nature of the actors' perceived legitimacies over time. Data collection for these methods relies on primary sources that describe the processes’ dynamics, prioritizing biographies and secondary sources. In addition, 18 semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants in the negotiation processes between 2018 and 2019.
Incorporating legitimation dynamics in Conflict Resolution, Negotiation Analysis and Peace Studies not only fills in the existing theoretical lacuna but also helps overcome what remains a challenge for the ripeness theory: the moment in peace negotiations when a final deal can be closed. Understanding these dynamics may also yield insights regarding both the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and policy uncertainties such as the manner in which third parties can intervene to promote positive outcomes.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Legitimacy and Authority, Peace and Conflict Studies, Israel Studies, International Security, and 14 moreConflict, Legitimacy, Political Legitimacy, Negotiation, Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, Arab-Israeli conflict, Peace and Conflict Resolution, Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, International Legitimacy, International Security and Strategic affairs, International Peace and Security, and International Peace and Conflict Resolution
This M.A. thesis deals with the subject of international legitimacy which is a topic that has returned to the stage of global politics due to the events of the “Arab Spring”. In this context, the Arab League has been frequently regarded... more
This M.A. thesis deals with the subject of international legitimacy which is a topic that has returned to the stage of global politics due to the events of the “Arab Spring”. In this context, the Arab League has been frequently regarded as having assumed a prominent legitimation role, however, there is currently no existing theoretical framework in International Relations that allows for the verification of this hypothesis.
In order to contribute to this discussion, this theoretically-inclined research attempts to find an alternative to the ontological, epistemological and methodological confusion that reigns over the dynamics of legitimacy in IR. For this purpose, we address three “Arab Spring” case studies (Egypt, Bahrain and Libya) in order to analyze how the rhetorical strategies of the Arab League influenced the legitimacy of the actors involved and thus the outcomes of these conflicts. We do this by employing a framework which combines process tracing and methods for discourse analysis, including an innovative “International Legitimacy Index” (ILI) as a measuring tool. Throughout the empirical study we demonstrate how the access to the framing brokers of the ACE legitimation factors (Appropriateness, Consensus and Empathy) reveals itself to be the key to success in legitimation battles. The expected findings could lead to novel implications about the role of regional organizations as legitimation sources as well as well as explain factors that govern conflict resolution in current Middle Eastern and global politics.
In order to contribute to this discussion, this theoretically-inclined research attempts to find an alternative to the ontological, epistemological and methodological confusion that reigns over the dynamics of legitimacy in IR. For this purpose, we address three “Arab Spring” case studies (Egypt, Bahrain and Libya) in order to analyze how the rhetorical strategies of the Arab League influenced the legitimacy of the actors involved and thus the outcomes of these conflicts. We do this by employing a framework which combines process tracing and methods for discourse analysis, including an innovative “International Legitimacy Index” (ILI) as a measuring tool. Throughout the empirical study we demonstrate how the access to the framing brokers of the ACE legitimation factors (Appropriateness, Consensus and Empathy) reveals itself to be the key to success in legitimation battles. The expected findings could lead to novel implications about the role of regional organizations as legitimation sources as well as well as explain factors that govern conflict resolution in current Middle Eastern and global politics.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Legitimacy and Authority, International Relations Theory, Peace and Conflict Studies, Conflict, and 15 moreRegionalism, Conflict Resolution, Conflict Management, Legitimacy of International Governance, Regional Integration, International and Regional Organization, Framing, Framing and agenda setting research, Legitimation, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Arab League, Framing Theory, International Legitimacy, Resolución De Conflictos (Mediación, and League of Arab States
This M.A. thesis deals with the subject of international legitimacy which is a topic that has returned to the stage of global politics due to the events of the “Arab Spring”. In this context, the Arab League has been frequently regarded... more
This M.A. thesis deals with the subject of international legitimacy which is a topic that has returned to the stage of global politics due to the events of the “Arab Spring”. In this context, the Arab League has been frequently regarded as having assumed a prominent legitimation role, however, there is currently no existing theoretical framework in International Relations that allows for the verification of this hypothesis.
In order to contribute to this discussion, this theoretically-inclined research attempts to find an alternative to the ontological, epistemological and methodological confusion that reigns over the dynamics of legitimacy in IR. For this purpose, we address three “Arab Spring” case studies (Egypt, Bahrain and Libya) in order to analyze how the rhetorical strategies of the Arab League influenced the legitimacy of the actors involved and thus the outcomes of these conflicts. We do this by employing a framework which combines process tracing and methods for discourse analysis, including an innovative “International Legitimacy Index” (ILI) as a measuring tool. Throughout the empirical study we demonstrate how the access to the framing brokers of the ACE legitimation factors (Appropriateness, Consensus and Empathy) reveals itself to be the key to success in legitimation battles. The expected findings could lead to novel implications about the role of regional organizations as legitimation sources as well as well as explain factors that govern conflict resolution in current Middle Eastern and global politics.
In order to contribute to this discussion, this theoretically-inclined research attempts to find an alternative to the ontological, epistemological and methodological confusion that reigns over the dynamics of legitimacy in IR. For this purpose, we address three “Arab Spring” case studies (Egypt, Bahrain and Libya) in order to analyze how the rhetorical strategies of the Arab League influenced the legitimacy of the actors involved and thus the outcomes of these conflicts. We do this by employing a framework which combines process tracing and methods for discourse analysis, including an innovative “International Legitimacy Index” (ILI) as a measuring tool. Throughout the empirical study we demonstrate how the access to the framing brokers of the ACE legitimation factors (Appropriateness, Consensus and Empathy) reveals itself to be the key to success in legitimation battles. The expected findings could lead to novel implications about the role of regional organizations as legitimation sources as well as well as explain factors that govern conflict resolution in current Middle Eastern and global politics.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Legitimacy and Authority, Middle East Studies, International organizations, Legitimacy, and 15 morePower and Legitimacy, International Cooperation, Egypt, International Organizations (International Studies), Regional Organisations, Middle East Politics, Regional Integration, Middle East, Libya, Bahrain, International and Regional Organization, MENA region, Egypt, Arab Spring, middle east, Arab studies, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), and Arab League
El propósito central del presente trabajo de investigación consiste en explicar el proceso de negociaciones entablado entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea entre los años 1999 y 2008 hacia un Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional, con el fin... more
El propósito central del presente trabajo de investigación consiste en explicar el proceso de negociaciones entablado entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea entre los años 1999 y 2008 hacia un Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional, con el fin de identificar las principales causas que condujeron a su estancamiento y las razones por las cuales no se ha avanzado desde entonces. Se trata de un estudio de caso en el cual se utilizan diversos conceptos y modelos teóricos para realizar una narrativa analítica profunda y meticulosa, con lo cual se responde acerca de la incidencia que han tenido actores e instituciones en el devenir y en los resultados del proceso negociador. A partir del trabajo realizado se concluye que el proceso de negociaciones se vio afectado por una serie de múltiples factores vinculados a los intereses de los actores y la institucionalidad de los bloques regionales, así como también a otras condicionantes externas e intrínsecas al propio desarrollo del proceso. Desde una perspectiva particular, se advierte la especial influencia de la dimensión institucional en los resultados del proceso negociador, a partir de las características intergubernamentales y supranacionales que conforman los bloques. En el caso del MERCOSUR, su institucionalidad laxa e imperfecta - moldeada a partir de los intereses de los actores –se considera uno de los factores determinantes que impidió avanzar en la concreción de una oferta consensuada suficientemente atractiva para la contraparte.
Hacia fines de 2008, la situación relativa a las negociaciones comerciales entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea era muy similar a la que se había dejado cuatro años atrás: no se experimentaron mayores avances ni retrocesos. Una nueva caída de la Ronda de Doha en julio de 2008, sumado a diversos cambios que se están sucediendo en el contexto regional e internacional, parecen volver a captar la atención sobre las posibilidades de retomar las negociaciones en el plano birregional.
Hacia fines de 2008, la situación relativa a las negociaciones comerciales entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea era muy similar a la que se había dejado cuatro años atrás: no se experimentaron mayores avances ni retrocesos. Una nueva caída de la Ronda de Doha en julio de 2008, sumado a diversos cambios que se están sucediendo en el contexto regional e internacional, parecen volver a captar la atención sobre las posibilidades de retomar las negociaciones en el plano birregional.
Research Interests:
European Studies, Latin American Studies, International Relations, European integration, International organizations, and 14 moreLatin American politics, International Negotiation, European Union, Negotiation, International Organizations (International Studies), European Union Politics, Regional Integration, Mercosur/Mercosul, Mercosur, International and Regional Organization, Integración Latinoamericana, Integración Regional, International Organization, and Negociación
El propósito central del presente trabajo de investigación consiste en explicar el proceso de negociaciones entablado entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea entre los años 1999 y 2008 hacia un Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional, con el fin... more
El propósito central del presente trabajo de investigación consiste en explicar el proceso de negociaciones entablado entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea entre los años 1999 y 2008 hacia un Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional, con el fin de identificar las principales causas que condujeron a su estancamiento y las razones por las cuales no se ha avanzado desde entonces. Se trata de un estudio de caso en el cual se utilizan diversos conceptos y modelos teóricos para realizar una narrativa analítica profunda y meticulosa, con lo cual se responde acerca de la incidencia que han tenido actores e instituciones en el devenir y en los resultados del proceso negociador. A partir del trabajo realizado se concluye que el proceso de negociaciones se vio afectado por una serie de múltiples factores vinculados a los intereses de los actores y la institucionalidad de los bloques regionales, así como también a otras condicionantes externas e intrínsecas al propio desarrollo del proceso. Desde una perspectiva particular, se advierte la especial influencia de la dimensión institucional en los resultados del proceso negociador, a partir de las características intergubernamentales y supranacionales que conforman los bloques. En el caso del MERCOSUR, su institucionalidad laxa e imperfecta - moldeada a partir de los intereses de los actores –se considera uno de los factores determinantes que impidió avanzar en la concreción de una oferta consensuada suficientemente atractiva para la contraparte.
Hacia fines de 2008, la situación relativa a las negociaciones comerciales entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea era muy similar a la que se había dejado cuatro años atrás: no se experimentaron mayores avances ni retrocesos. Una nueva caída de la Ronda de Doha en julio de 2008, sumado a diversos cambios que se están sucediendo en el contexto regional e internacional, parecen volver a captar la atención sobre las posibilidades de retomar las negociaciones en el plano birregional.
Hacia fines de 2008, la situación relativa a las negociaciones comerciales entre el MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea era muy similar a la que se había dejado cuatro años atrás: no se experimentaron mayores avances ni retrocesos. Una nueva caída de la Ronda de Doha en julio de 2008, sumado a diversos cambios que se están sucediendo en el contexto regional e internacional, parecen volver a captar la atención sobre las posibilidades de retomar las negociaciones en el plano birregional.
Research Interests:
International Relations, International Negotiation, European Union, Regionalism, International Negotiations, and 15 moreRegional Organisations, Regional Integration, Mercosur/Mercosul, International and Regional Organization, Relaciones Internacionales, Free trade agreements, Comparative and International Regional Organizations, Integración Regional, Regional Economic Integration, Union Europea - Mercosur, Integración Economica Regional America Latina, Regional Integration and International trade, Negociación, International trade agreements , and Integracion regional-Mercosur
This essay explores the evolution of the diplomatic relations between Israel and Latin America, with a particular focus on the ways the dynamics of their relations has been affected by a reciprocal (though asymmetrical) search for... more
This essay explores the evolution of the diplomatic relations between Israel and Latin America, with a particular focus on the ways the dynamics of their relations has been affected by a reciprocal (though asymmetrical) search for legitimation and recognition; economic cooperation and development; and power and influence. Special attention is devoted to identifying the underlying patterns that characterized the gradual development of diplomatic links as well as the elements that have influenced the shifts experienced over seven decades of international interactions. The essay refers in general to the relations between Israel and the region, as well as to specific examples from key Latin American countries, including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Venezuela.
Research Interests:
Diplomatic History, Latin American Studies, International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Israel Studies, and 15 morePublic Diplomacy, Diplomatic Studies, Foreign Policy, Latin American Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Israeli-Arab Relations, Soft Power, Israel, Arab-Israeli conflict, Soft Power and International Relations, Diplomacia, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Diplomacy and international relations, Politica Exterior, and Soft Power and Public Diplomacy
This paper aims to contribute to the growing academic debate on the transnational drivers and patterns of contemporary populism. As populist leaderships expand both politically and geographically, the very nature of the populist... more
This paper aims to contribute to the growing academic debate on the transnational drivers and patterns of contemporary populism. As populist leaderships expand both politically and geographically, the very nature of the populist phenomenon is changing, as it is increasingly being projected on the international stage. Contemporary populist leaders show a growing willingness to transfer the discursive construction of a struggle between 'the people' and 'the elites' to the regional and global levels as a way of obtaining internal and external legitimation. In so doing, they exploit the symbiotic two-level game that links national and international (de-)legitimation dynamics, seeking to gain 'abroad' the kind of legitimacy that they cannot obtain 'at home'. This paper suggests three mechanisms that explain the populist 'way out' from various legitimation traps based on the traditional distinctions between input, throughput, and output legitimacy. The paper's argument is illustrated with reference to prototypical cases of populism in Europe, the Americas, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. The incorporation of the literature on international legitimacy enhances our understanding of the strategic activation of populist attitudes through the transnational articulation of empty signifiers, the global diffusion of this phenomenon, and the possibilities for its contestation and mitigation.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Legitimacy and Authority, Foreign Policy Analysis, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Populism, and 15 moreLegitimacy, Political Legitimacy, Power and Legitimacy, Regionalism, International Cooperation, New Left, Regional Integration, Relaciones Internacionales, Radical Right-wing Populist Parties, Integración Regional, Populismo, Discurso Populista, Politica Exterior, Legitimidad, and Populist Foreign Policy
This chapter seeks to further our understanding of the populist phenomenon by surveying state-of-the-art research on the global dimension of populism. The very idea of ‘global populism,’ however, remains puzzling. What is truly ‘global’... more
This chapter seeks to further our understanding of the populist phenomenon by surveying state-of-the-art research on the global dimension of populism. The very idea of ‘global populism,’ however, remains puzzling. What is truly ‘global’ about the current populist momentum? Moreover, in what way are these global political trends ‘populist’? The present chapter explores the expanding academic output on global populism, analyzing the scientific progress achieved according to three different categories: sources, patterns, and effects. The first section is devoted to explanations of populism's appearance on the world stage and how it became a global phenomenon. The second section discusses research evidence regarding the implementation of populist patterns ‘abroad’: how populist performances are ‘staged’ on the international scene. The third section delves into the literature evaluating the potential impact of populism on the international system; particularly, how populist trends may affect transnational, regional, and global spheres. Finally, the concluding remarks discuss the extent to which scientific progress has been made, while suggesting topics and methodologies that may improve the study of global populism in the future. The chapter draws critical lessons for emerging academic engagement with the transnational dimensions of populism, as well as relevant policy implications for international cooperation, regional integration, and global governance.
Research Interests:
Political Sociology, Latin American Studies, International Relations, Political Philosophy, Social Sciences, and 15 moreGlobalization, Political Theory, Political Science, Political communication, Populism, Elites (Political Science), Political Elites, Political Mobilization, Teoría Política, Ciencia Politica, Relaciones Internacionales, Ciencias Sociales, Radical Right-wing Populist Parties, Populismo, and Left Wing Parties
This chapter delves into the ways in which populist leaderships that have government control (i.e. populist governments), conduct their legitimation strategies on the international scene. Struggles over legitimacy have traditionally been... more
This chapter delves into the ways in which populist leaderships that have government control (i.e. populist governments), conduct their legitimation strategies on the international scene. Struggles over legitimacy have traditionally been intrinsic to the drivers, patterns and impact of populism, and the dynamics of legitimization and de-legitimization are particularly relevant once populists take power. However, the theoretical frameworks of populism and legitimacy have barely been integrated, and populist strategies of international (de-)legitimation have been largely ignored.
Hence, by adopting an ideational approach to the dynamics of populist legitimation, this chapter explores why and how contemporary populist governments try to legitimize themselves abroad. Indeed, the last two decades have seen a developing consensus among scholars that the core of the populist concept is the ideational (re)construction of a permanent struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘elites’ (Hawkins et al 2018; Mudde 2004:543-5; Wiesehomeier et al, this volume). It has been widely studied how populists articulate these ‘empty signifiers’ (Laclau 2005; Panizza 2005) and how domestic audiences are more or less prone to be attracted and activated by this type of discourse (Hawkins, Riding, and Mudde 2012; Hawkins, Rovira-Kaltwasser, and Andreadis 2018). In this sense, incorporating theoretical frameworks for studying (de)legitimation strategies could be of special help in understanding populists who design a particular strategy to reach specific audiences.
This initiative is even more relevant since the dynamic process of ideational reconstruction between leaders and followers is increasingly projected on the international scene. Contemporary populist governments show a growing willingness to transfer the discursive antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘elites’ on the regional and global spheres (Wajner 2019b). The recent ‘discovery’ of the rise of illiberal democracies internationally has shown how scholars of populism largely overlooked its external dimensions, as well as the lack of interest that for decades characterized IR scholars towards populism as a category of political analysis. Certainly, the academic debate of recent years on the ‘global’ features of populism has made a valuable contribution in developing initial theoretical links (e.g. Destradi and Plagemann 2019; Drezner 2017; Hadiz and Chryssogelos 2017; Stengel, MacDonald and Nabers 2019; Verbeek and Zazlove 2017; Voeten 2019). Yet a closer study of how populist discourse is activated through the international arena is necessary for a better understanding of populism.
The chapter is organized as follows. The first section introduces the rationale for a theoretical exchange between populism and legitimacy. The second section explains populists’ growing quest for legitimation on the international scene, suggesting three explanations for this trend. The third section identifies multiple international (de-)legitimation strategies by populists based on three legitimation functions these perform. The chapter concludes by discussing the findings, assessing their potential contribution and suggesting new avenues for research on populist legitimization.
Hence, by adopting an ideational approach to the dynamics of populist legitimation, this chapter explores why and how contemporary populist governments try to legitimize themselves abroad. Indeed, the last two decades have seen a developing consensus among scholars that the core of the populist concept is the ideational (re)construction of a permanent struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘elites’ (Hawkins et al 2018; Mudde 2004:543-5; Wiesehomeier et al, this volume). It has been widely studied how populists articulate these ‘empty signifiers’ (Laclau 2005; Panizza 2005) and how domestic audiences are more or less prone to be attracted and activated by this type of discourse (Hawkins, Riding, and Mudde 2012; Hawkins, Rovira-Kaltwasser, and Andreadis 2018). In this sense, incorporating theoretical frameworks for studying (de)legitimation strategies could be of special help in understanding populists who design a particular strategy to reach specific audiences.
This initiative is even more relevant since the dynamic process of ideational reconstruction between leaders and followers is increasingly projected on the international scene. Contemporary populist governments show a growing willingness to transfer the discursive antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘elites’ on the regional and global spheres (Wajner 2019b). The recent ‘discovery’ of the rise of illiberal democracies internationally has shown how scholars of populism largely overlooked its external dimensions, as well as the lack of interest that for decades characterized IR scholars towards populism as a category of political analysis. Certainly, the academic debate of recent years on the ‘global’ features of populism has made a valuable contribution in developing initial theoretical links (e.g. Destradi and Plagemann 2019; Drezner 2017; Hadiz and Chryssogelos 2017; Stengel, MacDonald and Nabers 2019; Verbeek and Zazlove 2017; Voeten 2019). Yet a closer study of how populist discourse is activated through the international arena is necessary for a better understanding of populism.
The chapter is organized as follows. The first section introduces the rationale for a theoretical exchange between populism and legitimacy. The second section explains populists’ growing quest for legitimation on the international scene, suggesting three explanations for this trend. The third section identifies multiple international (de-)legitimation strategies by populists based on three legitimation functions these perform. The chapter concludes by discussing the findings, assessing their potential contribution and suggesting new avenues for research on populist legitimization.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, International Relations Theory, Foreign Policy Analysis, Political Science, and 14 morePolitical Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Foreign Policy, Populism, Political Legitimacy, European Foreign Policy, International Politics, Leadership (Political Science), Regional Integration, Relaciones Internacionales, Ciencias Políticas, Integración Regional, Populismo, Política Internacional, and Teoría de las relaciones internacionales
Few grassroots-based coalitions from a " peripheral " region have affected high international politics to the degree of creating a global domino effect. However, the process that led to Brazil's declaration of Palestinian state... more
Few grassroots-based coalitions from a " peripheral " region have affected high international politics to the degree of creating a global domino effect. However, the process that led to Brazil's declaration of Palestinian state recognition on 3 December 2010, followed by regional and worldwide echoes of similar actions, provides a pertinent illustration. This analysis examines the winding road to the declaration, focusing on the domestic circumstances that conditioned this Brazilian policy. Using process tracing and content analysis techniques, it describes how a pro-Palestinian Transnational Advocacy Network grew in its degree of institutionalisation, political access, and popular mobilisation, managing to constrain Brazilian policy-makers’ preferences. The findings suggest some novel insights about the changing nature of diplomacy and the role of civil societies in the “Battles for Legitimacy” that characterise contemporary global politics.
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Diplomacy and Statecraft on March 2017, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09592296.2017.1275521
Full quote: Wajner, Daniel F. "Grassroots Diplomacy in Battles for Legitimacy: The Transnational Advocacy Network for the Brazilian Recognition of the Palestinian State." Diplomacy & Statecraft 28.1 (2017): 128-151.
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Diplomacy and Statecraft on March 2017, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09592296.2017.1275521
Full quote: Wajner, Daniel F. "Grassroots Diplomacy in Battles for Legitimacy: The Transnational Advocacy Network for the Brazilian Recognition of the Palestinian State." Diplomacy & Statecraft 28.1 (2017): 128-151.
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, Legitimacy and Authority, Public Diplomacy, Brazilian Studies, Legitimacy, and 23 moreLatin American Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Power and Legitimacy, Transnational Advocacy Networks, Israeli-Arab Relations, History of Brazilian Foreign Relations, Advocacy and Activism, Grassroots Movements, Brazilian Foreign policy, Legitimacy Theory, Legitimation, Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Grassroots, Grassroots Activism, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Diplomacy and international relations, International Legitimacy, Legitimation and Policy Dynamics, State Recognition, Legitimacion, Legitimidad, Legitimidade, and Public Opinion and Legitimacy
The topic of international legitimacy has returned to centre stage during the Arab Spring, in which the Arab League has apparently assumed a prominent legitimation role. Although some scholarship has studied how international... more
The topic of international legitimacy has returned to centre stage during the Arab Spring, in which the Arab League has apparently assumed a prominent legitimation role. Although some scholarship has studied how international organizations are decisive in legitimizing actors and their actions during conflicts, relatively scant attention has been focused at constructing a comprehensive analytical framework for this kind of assessment that could be also applied to regional organizations (ROs). This paper proposes that when actors are involved in battles over international legitimation, analysing their access to the socially identified brokers of three legitimation functions (appropriateness, consensus, and empathy) is key to assess their success. Particularly, we argue that relevant identity-based ROs may have a crucial legitimizing role by operating as brokers of regional consensus. For this purpose, two case studies – Bahrain and Libya – illustrate how the Arab League’s brokerage influenced the legitimation of the actors involved and their outcomes. The findings suggest novel implications about the decisive legitimizing impact of regionalism on conflict resolution.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Legitimacy and Authority, Political Legitimacy, Power and Legitimacy, Legitimacy of International Governance, and 11 moreRegional Organisations, Regional Integration, International and Regional Organization, Soft Power and International Relations, Legitimation, Comparative and International Regional Organizations, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Arab League, Bahrain and the Arab Spring, International Legitimacy, and Lybian Civil War
This article suggests that transnational motives have remained key components of legitimation strategies for regional realignment in Latin America. Specifically, we assess the legitimation strategy of the late Venezuelan president Hugo... more
This article suggests that transnational motives have remained key components of legitimation strategies for regional realignment in Latin America. Specifically, we assess the legitimation strategy of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez and the associated political movement, Chavismo, as a recent case of transnational identity politics. Studies of Chavismo have stressed its role in the changing balance of power in early twenty-first-century Venezuela and the redrafting of global alliances, through a series of organizational moves and petrodollars. Combined with these political and economic boosters, Chavismo's impact was sustained through a strategy that sought legitimation by drawing on earlier narratives of the solidarity of "Nuestramérica" (Our America), used in reshaping transnational networks within the region and beyond. This identity layer provided a basis for regional and international realignment and organizational creation, even if more recently it lost traction and became criticized for its unfulfilled promises and growing gap between rhetoric and implementation. Este artículo sugiere que la dimensión transnacional es un componente clave de las estrategias de legitimación para el realineamiento de estados y movimientos sociales en América Latina. Analizamos la estrategia de legitimación del expresidente venezolano Hugo Chávez y de los movimientos políticos aliados como un caso reciente de política identitaria transnacional. Previos estudios del chavismo se han enfocado en el cambiante equilibrio de poder en Venezuela a principios del siglo XXI y la elaboración de nuevas alianzas globales, a través de una serie de acciones institucionales y el uso de petrodólares. Combinado con tales catalizadores políticos y económicos, su impacto fue sustentado a través de una estrategia que construyó sobre la base de narrativas preexistentes un discurso de Nuestramericana solidaridad, utilizado para la remodelación de redes transnacionales dentro y fuera de la región. Dicho estrato identitario sirvió para el realineamiento regional e internacional y la construcción institucional, si bien recientemente ha entrado en una etapa de desaceleración a medida que perdió tracción y fuese criticado debido a promesas incumplidas y su creciente brecha entre retórica e implementación. This article assesses the regional legitimation strategies of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez and the political movement associated with him, analyzing it as a recent case of transnational identity politics in Latin America. It claims that transnational themes, grievances, and expectations have continued to play a key role in identity politics and international relations in the region. Focusing on the case of Chavismo-that is, the political project, movement, and regime led by Chávez and his regional allies and successors-it reconstructs the rise and partial erosion of an encompassing narrative of transnational, "Nuestramerican" solidarity and its political implications for regional dynamics. Although much has been written about the political history and structure of Chavismo (Ellner), less attention has been devoted to an equally crucial aspect of its soft-balancing strategy: how the discursive strategies used to enhance legitimacy and pursue a regional and global
Research Interests:
Latin American Studies, International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Latin American politics, American Foreign Policy, and 15 moreLegitimacy, Latin American Foreign Policy, Power and Legitimacy, Venezuela, Latin American Politics (Political Science), Regional Integration, Relaciones Internacionales, América Latina, Venezuelan Politics, Integración Regional, Chavez, Politica Exterior, Hugo Chávez, ¿Existe Una Filosofía De Nuestra América?, and el chavismo como fenómeno político y social.
Most IR scholars attribute changes in foreign-policy strategic planning to shifts in interests, capabilities, alliances, norms, knowledge, and context. Even those studies focusing on social learning as a driver for policy change mostly... more
Most IR scholars attribute changes in foreign-policy strategic planning to shifts in interests, capabilities, alliances, norms, knowledge, and context. Even those studies focusing on social learning as a driver for policy change mostly underestimate the role of international legitimacy dynamics in influencing learning processes. This paper seeks to bridge the gap between theory and practice by building on David Ausubel's theory of meaningful learning to address the Gaza Flotilla crisis as a paradigmatic case of legitimacy learning. This tragic incident, which occurred in May 2010, deepened the diplomatic crisis between Israel and Turkey, until their official reconciliation in June 2016. Likewise, it led to growing delegitimization of Israel among several global audiences. Having internalized the magnitude of the political damage that this incident caused and the need to subordinate operational decisions to legitimation considerations, Israel sought to tackle similar future chall...
Research Interests:
Legitimacy and Authority, Foreign Policy Analysis, Israel Studies, Public Diplomacy, Social Learning Theory, and 15 morePolitical Science, Public Relations, Foreign Policy, Legitimacy, Political Legitimacy, Soft Power, Israel, Soft Power and International Relations, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication, Politica Exterior, Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, Israel Palestine, Arab Israeli conflict, and Legitimidad
How can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010? Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to... more
How can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010? Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to outmaneuver their opponents on the battleground. However, an increasing number of clashes are guided by a “performance logic”: although the players interact with one another, their real targets are audiences. The present study aims to bridge this gap, proposing a phenomenological framework for analyzing this particular kind of performative contest over legitimation and delegitimation in contemporary conflicts. It expands upon the idea that current anarchical global politics increasingly lead contending actors to engage in “pure” legitimation struggles—“battles for legitimacy”—seeking to persuade international audiences that they deserve political support. After providing guidelines for the identification of these phenomena, this article presents a mode...
Research Interests:
Legitimacy and Authority, Social Work, Israel Studies, International Security, Public Diplomacy, and 15 morePolitical Science, Language and Power, Legitimacy, Political Legitimacy, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Power and Legitimacy, Turkey, Turkish Foreign Policy, Israel, Framing, Soft Power and International Relations, Framing and agenda setting research, Language and Politics, Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and Arab Israeli conflict
What are the implications of hard economic times for regional economic cooperation? Existing research is sharply divided on the answer to this question. Some studies suggest that economic crises encourage governments to strengthen their... more
What are the implications of hard economic times for regional economic cooperation? Existing research is sharply divided on the answer to this question. Some studies suggest that economic crises encourage governments to strengthen their regional institutions, but others indicate that they lead to decreasing investment in such initiatives. Both sides overlook the possibility that the passage of time conditions these relationships, however. We aim to bridge these opposing perspectives by distinguishing between short-term and long-term effects of economic hard times on institutionalized regional cooperation. We argue that in the short-term economic crises impede regional institutionalization due to protectionist pressures, nationalistic public sentiments, and political instability. This effect is reversed in the longer-term, as interest groups and the public adopt more favorable attitudes towards regional economic organizations (REOs) and governments employ these institutions to demonstrate their competence and to improve economic conditions. We evaluate this argument in relations to regional institutionalization, which refers to the functional scope and structure of REOs. Using a data set that contains information on this dimension for thirty REOs over four decades, we find strong support for the theoretical framework: regional institutionalization remains stagnant in the immediate aftermath of economic crises, but increases in subsequent years.
Research Interests:
International Relations, Political Economy, Foreign Policy Analysis, International Studies, Regional policy, and 15 moreInternational organizations, International Political Economy, Comparative Political Economy, Political Institutions, Regionalism, International Organizations (International Studies), Time Perception, Regional Economics, Long Term Evolution (LTE), Regional Integration, Financial Crisis, Economic Crisis, Comparative Regionalism, Institutionalization, and Regional Cooperation
This chapter examines the evolution of the relationship between Israel and Latin America in general and with specific countries in the region in particular. The 21st century has witnessed the adoption of very antagonistic and very... more
This chapter examines the evolution of the relationship between Israel and Latin America in general and with specific countries in the region in particular. The 21st century has witnessed the adoption of very antagonistic and very emphatic positions towards Israel by several important Latin American countries. Following a succinct review of the gradual development of diplomatic stances since the adoption of the United Nation Partition Plan for Palestine of 29 November 1947 until the beginning of the new millennium, the analysis focuses upon the shifts that have taken place in the past decade. The chapter attempts to explain why there was a surge in Israel-Latin America relations, in which countries and sectors this surge is mostly felt, what is the Latin American perspective on the deepening of relations with Israel, and what are the actual results on the ground. The chapter focuses on what has changed in the relations between Israel and Latin America and why. Among the varying explanations, the decline of relevance of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the systemic change in the structure of the post-Cold War era, Israel's economic and technological clout, religious changes in Latin America, and domestic political cleavages in the region are particularly relevant.