Kniha pojednava o nejvýznamnějsich městech, klasterech a hradech, ktere posledni Přemyslovci založili v jižnich Cechach ve 13. stoleti. Jednotlive kapitoly se věnuji hradu Zvikov, hradu a městu Pisek, Hradu v Taboře, cisterciackemu... more
Kniha pojednava o nejvýznamnějsich městech, klasterech a hradech, ktere posledni Přemyslovci založili v jižnich Cechach ve 13. stoleti. Jednotlive kapitoly se věnuji hradu Zvikov, hradu a městu Pisek, Hradu v Taboře, cisterciackemu klasteru Zlata Koruna, městu Ceske Budějovice. Pocatky těchto lokalit zde byly shrnuty z pohledu historiků, archeologů a kunsthistoriků. Zavěrecne dvě kapitoly se věnuji tehdejsi architektuře v jižnich Cechach a vztahu Přemysla Otakara II. k rodu Vitkovců.
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“The image of all rulers” or the vicious circle of the Znojmo rotunda The paper deals with the dating and interpretation of the Přemyslid cycle in two stripes of wall paintings in the rotunda of the Virgin Mary and St. Catherine in... more
“The image of all rulers” or the vicious circle of the Znojmo rotunda
The paper deals with the dating and interpretation of the Přemyslid cycle in two stripes of wall paintings in the rotunda of the Virgin Mary and St. Catherine in Znojmo, specifically the recent discussion sparked by an article by the same author (Reitinger, Lukáš: Znojemský cyklus Přemyslovců a oficiální katalog českých knížat. Umění 67, 2019, pp. 498–513). Here the author offered the interpretation of the paintings – they depict a visualisation of the official catalogue of Bohemian princes, which was a kind of backbone of the identity of the Přemyslids from the 12th century at the latest. The main arguments in favour of this interpretation are its simple comprehensibility for the contemporary commissioner and observer and the fact that the Přemyslid cycle, in its simplest sequence, coincides with the official catalogue, especially in the fact that Vratislav II is in both cases the 21st in the sequence from Přemysl Oráč (see appendix). This thesis was opposed in a very heated polemic by Lubomír Jan Konečný (Sakrálně-politická legitimace Přemyslovců v malbách znojemské rotundy. Vlastivědný věstník moravský 74, 2022, pp. 227–232) and David Vrána (Znojemská rotunda v současných polemikách. Vlastivědný věstník moravský 74, 2022, pp. 232–255), to whose texts the present article responds. The paper draws attention to the principal weaknesses of their theses, especially about the time of the construction and painting of the Znojmo rotunda, about the fundamental symbolism of the cloaks of the princes depicted, and about the unconvincing attempt to date the creation of the aforementioned official catalogue to the 13th century. Last but not least, the author of the paper takes into account the broader context of such medieval legitimizing depictions of genealogy and the succession of rulers or holders of a certain office.
The paper deals with the dating and interpretation of the Přemyslid cycle in two stripes of wall paintings in the rotunda of the Virgin Mary and St. Catherine in Znojmo, specifically the recent discussion sparked by an article by the same author (Reitinger, Lukáš: Znojemský cyklus Přemyslovců a oficiální katalog českých knížat. Umění 67, 2019, pp. 498–513). Here the author offered the interpretation of the paintings – they depict a visualisation of the official catalogue of Bohemian princes, which was a kind of backbone of the identity of the Přemyslids from the 12th century at the latest. The main arguments in favour of this interpretation are its simple comprehensibility for the contemporary commissioner and observer and the fact that the Přemyslid cycle, in its simplest sequence, coincides with the official catalogue, especially in the fact that Vratislav II is in both cases the 21st in the sequence from Přemysl Oráč (see appendix). This thesis was opposed in a very heated polemic by Lubomír Jan Konečný (Sakrálně-politická legitimace Přemyslovců v malbách znojemské rotundy. Vlastivědný věstník moravský 74, 2022, pp. 227–232) and David Vrána (Znojemská rotunda v současných polemikách. Vlastivědný věstník moravský 74, 2022, pp. 232–255), to whose texts the present article responds. The paper draws attention to the principal weaknesses of their theses, especially about the time of the construction and painting of the Znojmo rotunda, about the fundamental symbolism of the cloaks of the princes depicted, and about the unconvincing attempt to date the creation of the aforementioned official catalogue to the 13th century. Last but not least, the author of the paper takes into account the broader context of such medieval legitimizing depictions of genealogy and the succession of rulers or holders of a certain office.
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The article explores the long-standing discussion about the dating of what was called Christian’s Legend of St Ludmila, St Wenceslas and his companion Podiven, which is claimed to have been written in the time of the Prague bishop... more
The article explores the long-standing discussion about the dating of what was called Christian’s Legend of St Ludmila, St Wenceslas and his companion Podiven, which is claimed to have been written in the time of the Prague bishop Adalbert/Vojtěch in the late 10th century but which some historians consider a forgery from the mid-12th century. One of the few parts of legends that reveal more about the time they were written is the descriptions of saints’ graves, because the authors wanted not only to spread the cult, but also to convince their readers and listeners to ake a pilgrimage to the saint’s relics. These descriptions naturally correspond
to the time when the legend was written. A passage describing a tomb can be found in the ninth chapter of Christian’s Legend. Here the author says that while St Wenceslas’s body was interred in St Vitus’ Church, his trusty “miles” Podiven was buried in the cemetery next to the church, with only a wall separating the two. This situation, however, lasted only until Bishop Sever/Šebíř’s time, 1031–1060, when Podiven’s remains were removed and placed inside the church because of the extension of St Wenceslas’ Chapel. According to the chronicler Cosmas, here they were rediscovered later and in 1124 buried again in St Nicholas’ Chapel. From these two mentions, it can be concluded that Christian is describing the location of Podiven’s grave before 1031–1060, and therefore he must have written the legend earlier than that. The article examines various views of this argument, first proposed by Josef Pekař during the debates over the authenticity of Christian’s Legend, and notes that the fundamental problem described above has so far been neglected. It is hard to imagine the author of the legend locating the grave of someone who was (almost) a saint to a place where it had not been for more than a hundred years. But the disputed section also provides more clues with its grammatical structure. Christian not only describes Podiven’s grave in a situation that was last true in 1031–1060, but also deliberately switches from the past to the present tense to emphasise that the remains of Wenceslas’s servant are still there. The article rejects Petr Kubín’s main arguments that date Christian’s Legend
to the mid-12th century, when Princess Ludmila was to be canonised.
The author explains the discrepancies between Christian’s Legend and the real cult of Saint Ludmila by claiming that the hagiographic text itself had been written before the cult of St Ludmila and Podiven spread and was broadly accepted. He notes that one of the goals of Bishop Adalbert/Vojtěch in the late 10th century was to give Prague more saints. His ambitious (perhaps even grandiose) vision of a Prague of three saints, Wenceslas, Ludmila and Podiven, however only stayed
on the parchment of Christian’s Legend; St Ludmila had to wait for widespread veneration until the 12th century and Podiven ultimately never became a saint.
to the time when the legend was written. A passage describing a tomb can be found in the ninth chapter of Christian’s Legend. Here the author says that while St Wenceslas’s body was interred in St Vitus’ Church, his trusty “miles” Podiven was buried in the cemetery next to the church, with only a wall separating the two. This situation, however, lasted only until Bishop Sever/Šebíř’s time, 1031–1060, when Podiven’s remains were removed and placed inside the church because of the extension of St Wenceslas’ Chapel. According to the chronicler Cosmas, here they were rediscovered later and in 1124 buried again in St Nicholas’ Chapel. From these two mentions, it can be concluded that Christian is describing the location of Podiven’s grave before 1031–1060, and therefore he must have written the legend earlier than that. The article examines various views of this argument, first proposed by Josef Pekař during the debates over the authenticity of Christian’s Legend, and notes that the fundamental problem described above has so far been neglected. It is hard to imagine the author of the legend locating the grave of someone who was (almost) a saint to a place where it had not been for more than a hundred years. But the disputed section also provides more clues with its grammatical structure. Christian not only describes Podiven’s grave in a situation that was last true in 1031–1060, but also deliberately switches from the past to the present tense to emphasise that the remains of Wenceslas’s servant are still there. The article rejects Petr Kubín’s main arguments that date Christian’s Legend
to the mid-12th century, when Princess Ludmila was to be canonised.
The author explains the discrepancies between Christian’s Legend and the real cult of Saint Ludmila by claiming that the hagiographic text itself had been written before the cult of St Ludmila and Podiven spread and was broadly accepted. He notes that one of the goals of Bishop Adalbert/Vojtěch in the late 10th century was to give Prague more saints. His ambitious (perhaps even grandiose) vision of a Prague of three saints, Wenceslas, Ludmila and Podiven, however only stayed
on the parchment of Christian’s Legend; St Ludmila had to wait for widespread veneration until the 12th century and Podiven ultimately never became a saint.
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Humanities and Art
Detailed itinerary of Přemysl Ottokar II (1247-1278), king of Bohemia and duke of Austria
Krumlovský obrazový kodex, tež zvaný Liber depictus je uložen v Rakouske narodni knihovně (pod signaturou Cod. 370) a dvě generace umělců se na jeho vzniku mohly podilet ve 40. letech 14. stoleti, nebo nejpozději kolem roku 1350. Lukas... more
Krumlovský obrazový kodex, tež zvaný Liber depictus je uložen v Rakouske narodni knihovně (pod signaturou Cod. 370) a dvě generace umělců se na jeho vzniku mohly podilet ve 40. letech 14. stoleti, nebo nejpozději kolem roku 1350. Lukas Reitinger v prvni kapitole Hledani prvni ctenaře předklada hypotezu, že pravděpodobným prvnim majitelem a nasledným donatorem kodexu byl pražský a řezenský kanovnik Petr II z Rožmberka. V nasledných kapitolach se Daniel Soukup věnuje tematu zobrazeni židovských postav v Liber depictus ve světle kostýmu středověkeho askenazu, regulacim židovskeho odivani a motivu ecclesia et synagoga v miraklu De Lidda na strankach Liber depictus.
Metodicka publikace přinasi ucelenou sumarizaci zkusenosti s připravou a realizaci historicky poucených festivit v prostředi někdejsich aristokratických sidel. Casově se koncentruje zejmena na festivity z obdobi 18. stoleti a z... more
Metodicka publikace přinasi ucelenou sumarizaci zkusenosti s připravou a realizaci historicky poucených festivit v prostředi někdejsich aristokratických sidel. Casově se koncentruje zejmena na festivity z obdobi 18. stoleti a z tematickeho hlediska se koncentruje na aktivity souvisejici s fenomenem barokniho divadla, na výstupy ve stylu tradicni komedie dell´arte, dobove hudebni produkce, zahradni slavnosti, aranžovani květin a slavnostnich tabuli, iluminace a ohňostroje. Publikace ma sloužit jako zdroj informaci a prakticka přirucka k organizaci historicky poucených slavnosti v zameckých arealech.
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Vzpominky na Přemyslovce byly v saskem klasteře Pegau, který roku 1091 založil Wiprecht z Grojce a jeho choť Judita, dcera ceskeho krale Vratislava II., přitomny v několika rovinach. Nejvice vsak promlouva ze stranek klasterniho letopisu... more
Vzpominky na Přemyslovce byly v saskem klasteře Pegau, který roku 1091 založil Wiprecht z Grojce a jeho choť Judita, dcera ceskeho krale Vratislava II., přitomny v několika rovinach. Nejvice vsak promlouva ze stranek klasterniho letopisu (Annales Pegavienses), jehož nejstarsi dochovana podoba byla sestavena kratce po polovině 12. stoleti. Podrobne zpravy o poměrech v Cechach a v přemyslovske dynastii vypovidaji, že neznamý benediktýn měl k dispozici zasvěcene informatory. K nim předevsim patřil druhý pegavský opat Windolf, jenž řidil kongregaci půl stoleti a mohl zprostředkovat nejen vzpominky přislusniků fundatorovy rodiny, ale i samotných Přemyslovců, předevsim knižat Bořivoje II. a Soběslava I., kteři hojně v casech sveho vyhnanstvi využivali pravě pohostinstvi Wiprechtova grojcskeho hradu v těsne blizkosti klastera Pegau. Ocenit již je nutne zminky o dynastických sporech v Cechach na pocatku 12. stoleti, s výpověďmi jiných pramenů koresponduji do urcite miry i relace o podminkac...
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Braunschweig Testimony of Czech Historiography of the 13 th Century: The study deals with the chronicle collection entitled Cronica Boemorum auct. canonico S. Blasii Brunsvicensis, which originated between 1292 and 1296, and the... more
Braunschweig Testimony of Czech Historiography of the 13 th Century: The study deals with the chronicle collection entitled Cronica Boemorum auct. canonico S. Blasii Brunsvicensis, which originated between 1292 and 1296, and the relationship of this work to narrative sources of Czech provenance of the 13 th and 14 th centuries. The compiler of this work, the canon of the chapter of St Blase in Braunschweig, used the chronicle of Cosmas and the works of his two continuators, whose narration he significantly reduced, but his work still contains certain passages and details over and above these models. The study attempts to prove that this shows the existence of an unpreserved original detailed version of the Second Continuation of Cosmas.
Lukaš Reitinger: imperator posuit in caput eius coronam. Barbarossas Könige und Vladislav II. von Böhmen. In: Verwandschaft - Freundschaft - Feindschaft. Politische Bindungen zwischen dem Reich und Ostmitteleuropa in der Zeit Friedrich Barbarossas. Edd. K. Görich, M. Wihoda. Wien 2019, S. 111-147.more
The study deals with clients of Sir Oldřich of Rozmberk, i.e. with minor noblemen who served Oldřich and who also got in touch with Sigismund of Luxembourg. Some started serving the Rozmberks during the Hussite wars and hoped to get... more
The study deals with clients of Sir Oldřich of Rozmberk, i.e. with minor noblemen who served Oldřich and who also got in touch with Sigismund of Luxembourg. Some started serving the Rozmberks during the Hussite wars and hoped to get political and military support from Oldřich; some ceased to serve the Rozmberk family after some time. Clients were sent to Sigismund as Rozmberk's messengers or they accompanied Oldřich of Rozmberk to Sigismund's court where they had a chance to win benefits and privileges for their master and for themselves. The paper also discusses losses that clients suffered in fights with Hussites and also Sigismund's donations to Rozmberk's clients which frequently remained unimplemented even after Hussite wars.