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This book examines the foreign policy of the Republic of Cyprus, particularly since 2004—the year of its accession to the European Union and of the failed Annan Plan V of the United Nations which aimed to solve the decades-old Cyprus... more
This book examines the foreign policy of the Republic of Cyprus, particularly since 2004—the year of its accession to the European Union and of the failed Annan Plan V of the United Nations which aimed to solve the decades-old Cyprus Problem. Scholarly work about the politics and foreign policy of the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) has been almost entirely analyzed through the prism of the Cyprus Problem. This is not without justification since the Cyprus Problem is indeed central to the social, political, and economic life of Cyprus. However, Cyprus is located in a highly neuralgic area of historical and geopolitical importance that is, more often than not, characterized by rapid developments, instability, and insecurity. Therefore, the RoC’s politics and foreign policy go well beyond the confines of the Cyprus Problem, or so they should. Although the subject of the book is not international by definition, the book touches upon many regional and international dimensions that render it relevant for anyone who wants to better understand not just Cyprus but also the broader region and its importance for regional and international actors.
Παρά τη σημαντικότητα των παγκόσμιων και περιφερειακών εξελίξεων και τη σοβαρότητα της τουρκικής πρόκλησης, η αντίληψη και η ανάλυση της Τουρκίας στον ελληνικό χώρο πάσχει συχνά από λανθασμένες ερμηνείες, αφηγήματα, προκαταλήψεις, και... more
Παρά τη σημαντικότητα των παγκόσμιων και περιφερειακών εξελίξεων και τη σοβαρότητα της τουρκικής πρόκλησης, η αντίληψη και η ανάλυση της Τουρκίας στον ελληνικό χώρο πάσχει συχνά από λανθασμένες ερμηνείες, αφηγήματα, προκαταλήψεις, και γενικά μύθους που είτε υπερβάλλουν είτε υποτιμούν τις δυνατότητες και τον ρόλο της χώρας.

Το βιβλίο 8 + 2 Μύθοι για την Τουρκική Εξωτερική Πολιτική του Ζήνωνα Τζιάρρα έχει σκοπό να εξετάσει συνοπτικά δέκα βασικούς μύθους προκειμένου να συνεισφέρει στη δημόσια συζήτηση γύρω από αυτό το μείζον ζήτημα. Τους περισσότερους μπορούμε να τους βρούμε στον δημόσιο διάλογο στην Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο. Ένας μικρός αριθμός εξ αυτών σχετίζεται περισσότερο με το τουρκικό αφήγημα για την τουρκική εξωτερική πολιτική. Η επιλογή των ενοτήτων βασίζεται σε παραδοσιακά ή σύγχρονα ζητήματα που προκύπτουν στην ελληνική ή διεθνή βιβλιογραφία και στη δημόσια συζήτηση. Η ανάγκη που προκύπτει είναι η απόκτηση μιας προοπτικής που δεν θα περιορίζεται από τον ελληνικό ή κυπριακό φακό, αλλά θα λαμβάνει υπόψη τις ευρύτερες εσωτερικές και εξωτερικές πραγματικότητες της Τουρκίας.
In the context of rapid developments in Turkey and its broader geopolitical environment over the past decade, this book examines and conceptualises Turkey’s changing foreign policy towards a more assertive and revisionist paradigm. More... more
In the context of rapid developments in Turkey and its broader geopolitical environment over the past decade, this book examines and conceptualises Turkey’s changing foreign policy towards a more assertive and revisionist paradigm. More specifically it details the rhetorical and practical-political content of what is termed ‘Lausanne Syndrome’; namely, Turkey’s efforts in recent years – under the AKP government – to revise the geopolitical status quo brought about by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) in its broader neighbourhood.

By employing a Neoclassical Realist theoretical framework and paying particular attention to ideational factors, the book argues that, contrary to the more widely known ‘Sèvres Syndrome’, which predicts a more cautious brand of Turkish foreign policy, the ‘Lausanne Syndrome’ is associated with a different political-ideological current and predicts a more revisionist type of foreign policy behaviour, even though it has emerged out of the same historical circumstances and been triggered by the same external geopolitical factors. The impact of the ‘Lausanne Syndrome’ on Turkey’s foreign policy behaviour is subsequently tested in four case studies from the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East: Cyprus, Libya, Syria, and Iraq.
Παρά το γεγονός ότι η διεθνής πολιτική της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου μας απασχολεί σε επίπεδο πολιτικής και ειδησεογραφίας καθημερινά, η συστηματική έρευνα και μελέτη γύρω από αυτήν είναι πολύ περιορισμένη, ακόμα και στην ελληνόγλωσση... more
Παρά το γεγονός ότι η διεθνής πολιτική της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου μας απασχολεί σε επίπεδο πολιτικής και ειδησεογραφίας καθημερινά, η συστηματική έρευνα και μελέτη γύρω από αυτήν είναι πολύ περιορισμένη, ακόμα και στην ελληνόγλωσση βιβλιογραφία. Οι αναλύσεις για την Τουρκία, την ενεργειακή ασφάλεια, τις διακρατικές και πολυμερείς συνεργασίες στην περιοχή, τα ελληνοτουρκικά, το Κυπριακό, τη Λιβύη και πολλά άλλα παρεμφερή ζητήματα παρασύρονται πολύ συχνά από τον όγκο και τη ροή της καθημερινής πληροφόρησης και ειδησεογραφίας. Στην απουσία ενός καλά θεμελιωμένου γνωσιολογικού πλαισίου, το αποτέλεσμα είναι να χάνουμε τη δυνατότητα ανάγνωσης της μεγάλης εικόνας και ερμηνείας των εξελίξεων, τόσο σε επίπεδο θεσμών όσο και σε επίπεδο Μέσων Μαζικής Ενημέρωσης και κοινωνίας. Το ανά χείρας σύγγραμμα επιδιώκει να εξετάσει κάποιες από τις βασικές δυναμικές που συνδιαμορφώνουν τη σύγχρονη διεθνή πολιτική στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο εμπίπτουν οι γεωπολιτικές τάσεις και μεταβολές στο διεθνές και περιφερειακό σύστημα, το μεγάλο κεφάλαιο της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής, και τα περιφερειακά δίκτυα συνεργασίας με επίκεντρο την κυπριακή εξωτερική πολιτική και τις αντιλήψεις περί ασφάλειας στην περιοχή. Πέρα από την παράθεση στοιχείων και την ανάλυση, σκοπό αποτελεί και η αναγνώριση κάποιων μοτίβων ανταγωνισμού και συνεργασίας που αναφύονται στην περιφέρεια, αλλά και η ανάδειξη της σημασίας της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου ως «νέας» γεωπολιτικής υπο-περιφέρειας.
From the moment it came to power in 2002, Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to change the direction of Turkish foreign policy (TFP), making it more dynamic and multileveled and giving it a wider geographical scope and a... more
From the moment it came to power in 2002, Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to change the direction of Turkish foreign policy (TFP), making it more dynamic and multileveled and giving it a wider geographical scope and a more focused ideological drive. As the country's regional influence grew, the Turkish state began successfully to emphasize its historical and cultural links to countries or minorities throughout Europe, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East. One of the main ways in which the country achieves this influence is by courting its diaspora and playing 'big brother' to ethnic or religious groups that it perceives as kin communities – i.e. akraba topluluklar. Against this background, the papers of this collective report investigate the dynamics of perceived kinship in TFP. The authors examine: the roots of this foreign policy approach and its particularities under the AKP; the ways in which Turkey demonstrates and builds power for akraba topluluklar; the extent to and ways in which this policy regarding diaspora and perceived kin communities increases Turkey's influence; the effects that the policy has on the politics, economy and social life of the diaspora communities and their relationship with host countries; and the kind of fractures or divisions that are created within the communities due to Turkey's attempts to maximize its presence and influence over them.
The purpose of this collective volume is to examine in depth the new geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean with particular focus on the various aspects of the emergent trilateral partnerships of the Greece-Cyprus-Israel and... more
The purpose of this collective volume is to examine in depth the new geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean with particular focus on the various aspects of the emergent trilateral partnerships of the Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt. The authors are particularly interested about the individual and collective drivers and motivations that brought these countries together, as well as the strengths, weaknesses and prospects of these partnerships. Moreover, the volume aims to shed light on how regional and global powers shape the geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean, and how they view the trilateral partnerships. At the same time, the prospects and pre-conditions of success for these partnerships are also examined in light of the common interests of participating states, areas of cooperation and third party inclusion or reactions.
We willingly imagine that the speed of development of events has always remained constant here on earth. This is reflected in the fact that it is generally believed that the rate of natural phenomena is the same today as it has always... more
We willingly imagine that the speed of development of events has always remained constant here on earth. This is reflected in the fact that it is generally believed that the rate of natural phenomena is the same today as it has always been in the past and will remain this way more or less in the future. It is, now, a fact that the speed of progression of events is not constant over time. It was ascertained that since around the beginning of the 20th century the rate has accelerated in various fields, hence the term "acceleration of history" came to describe this phenomenon. This acceleration continues its course today and will even intensify.
Τα τελευταία χρόνια το ενδιαφέρον για την Τουρκία και το ρόλο της στην ευρύτερη περιοχή έχει αυξηθεί σημαντικά. Η πολιτική της σε διεθνές επίπεδο αλλά και η αυξημένη αστάθεια στο εσωτερικό της απασχολούν όλο και περισσότερο τα γειτονικά... more
Τα τελευταία χρόνια το ενδιαφέρον για την Τουρκία και το ρόλο της στην ευρύτερη περιοχή έχει αυξηθεί σημαντικά. Η πολιτική της σε διεθνές επίπεδο αλλά και η αυξημένη αστάθεια στο εσωτερικό της απασχολούν όλο και περισσότερο τα γειτονικά κράτη και τα σημαντικότερα κέντρα λήψης αποφάσεων διεθνώς. Αυτό το ενδιαφέρον εξυπηρετεί αυτή η μελέτη και επιδιώκει μια σχετικά σύντομη και περιεκτική ανάλυση της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο με έμφαση στην περίοδο μετά το 2010.

Εδώ προσδιορίζεται το γεωπολιτικό όραμα της Τουρκίας και αναδεικνύονται οι μέθοδοι υλοποίησής του, αναλύονται οι προσπάθειες εφαρμογής της τουρκικής ηγεμονίας στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο, και εξετάζονται οι αντιστάσεις που αυτές οι προσπάθειες παράγουν σε κοινωνικό και διακρατικό επίπεδο. Μεταξύ άλλων, σημαντικό εγχείρημα των συγγραφέων αποτελεί η αποκωδικοποίηση του τρόπου με τον οποίο οι τουρκικές πολιτικές ελίτ αντιλαμβάνονται τον ρόλο και την ισχύ της χώρας τους, όπως επίσης και η αξιολόγηση των επιπτώσεων που έχει το γεωπολιτικό όραμα στις πολιτικές και στην τουρκική στρατηγική υπό το ΑΚΡ. H ιδιαιτερότητα του βιβλίου έγκειται τόσο στην έμφαση που δίνει στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο όσο και στον συνδυασμό διεθνολογικών και κοινωνιολογικών αναλυτικών προσεγγίσεων.

Τέλος, όπως αναδεικνύουν οι συγγραφείς, η Τουρκία βρίσκεται σε μια θέση όπου το φιλόδοξό της γεωπολιτικό όραμα την οδηγεί σε αναθεωρητικές πολιτικές και τη χρήση στρατιωτικής ισχύος. Ωστόσο, λόγω αδυναμίας να διαχειριστεί αυτή την «υπερεξάπλωση», αναγκάζεται συχνά να επιστρέφει στην ασφάλεια της Δύσης και ενίοτε στην αδράνεια του «περιμένοντας και βλέποντας».
The eastern Mediterranean offers a good case study for the examination of changes and continuities in Turkish foreign policy and geopolitical thinking more broadly. The question, then, would be: How has the strategic significance of the... more
The eastern Mediterranean offers a good case study for the examination of changes and continuities in Turkish foreign policy and geopolitical thinking more broadly. The question, then, would be: How has the strategic significance of the eastern Mediterranean changed, if at all, for Turkey since the Republic’s establishment, and why? To address this question, I first look at the importance and role of the eastern Mediterranean for
Turkey during the first years after its establishment (1923), the Cold War and the post-Cold War period, until the election of the AKP. The second section focuses on the period of AKP governance, and accounts not only for the changes in Turkish foreign policy but also for the transitions in the region’s balances of power. The general argument is that, despite some ideological and strategic fluctuations, the eastern Mediterranean during the twentieth century was seen as a key geopolitical space for the defence of Turkey’s borders, sovereignty and national security. In the twenty-first century, under the AKP, things have changed significantly. While the eastern Mediterranean remains important for Turkish national security, it has also become an area where Turkish foreign policy activism has
expanded and revisionist aspirations have been manifested, as well as a means for power projection further abroad.
This chapter assesses the “maturity” of the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) foreign policy and examines whether the RoC has—or is able to develop—grand strategic capacities. The author argues that the Cyprus Problem has been inevitably and... more
This chapter assesses the “maturity” of the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) foreign policy and examines whether the RoC has—or is able to develop—grand strategic capacities. The author argues that the Cyprus Problem has been inevitably and negatively affecting grand strategic formulation in the RoC even as it complicates and hinders the country’s day-to-day foreign policy and diplomatic practice. From this perspective, the popular understanding that the RoC can have long-term foreign policies or a grand strategy without the resolution of the Cyprus Problem is questioned. At the same time, it is argued that the RoC should not stop engaging in capacity building and a pro-active foreign policy while having the resolution of the Cyprus Problem as a strategic objective.
This introduction provides a brief account of the geopolitical background against which this book it was prepared and explains why such a task has been undertaken. It suggests that new regional and international geopolitical dynamics... more
This introduction provides a brief account of the geopolitical background against which this book it was prepared and explains why such a task has been undertaken. It suggests that new regional and international geopolitical dynamics rendered the study of the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) foreign policy necessary for the better understanding of its own drivers, the broader region as well as extra-regional interests. Moreover, it explains why it is important to look at the RoC foreign policy not only through the narrow lens of the Cyprus Problem but also go beyond it. As such, it introduces the concept of foreign policy “maturity” and provides some basic guidelines on how foreign policy maturity could be defined and applied in different case studies of foreign policy analysis.
From the moment it came to power in 2002, Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to change the direction of Turkish foreign policy (TFP), making it more dynamic and multileveled and giving it a wider geographical scope and a... more
From the moment it came to power in 2002, Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to change the direction of Turkish foreign policy (TFP), making it more dynamic and multileveled and giving it a wider geographical scope and a more focused ideological drive.
Partially rooted in Ahmet Davutoğlu’s vision of regional soft power, the Turkish state began successfully to emphasize its historical and cultural links to countries or minorities throughout Europe, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East. As Turkey’s regional influence grew,
so did its economic strength, built in part on regional investments. Although Turkey’s soft power and the idea of Turkey as a ‘model’ for Muslim democracy have lost much of their glamour in the 2010s, Ankara has not stopped exerting ideological power and influence abroad.
Against this background, the purpose of this collective volume is to examine in depth the new geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean with particular focus on the various aspects of the emergent trilateral partnerships of... more
Against this background, the purpose of this collective volume is to examine in depth the new geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean with particular focus on the various aspects of the emergent trilateral partnerships of Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt. We are particularly interested in the individual and collective drivers and motivations that brought these countries together, as well as the strengths, weaknesses and prospects of the partnerships.
Moreover, the volume aims to shed light on how regional and global powers shape the geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean, and how they view the trilateral partnerships. At the same time, the prospects and pre-conditions of their success will also be examined in light of
their common interests, areas of cooperation and third party inclusion or reaction.
This chapter examines Cyprus’s foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the context of its broader foreign policy and through the prism of its extant trilateral partnerships. Since 2010 a number of such partnerships have been... more
This chapter examines Cyprus’s foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, in the context of its broader foreign policy and through the prism of its extant trilateral partnerships. Since 2010 a number of such partnerships have been formed: Cyprus-Greece-Israel, Cyprus-Egypt-Greece, and Cyprus-Greece-Jordan. At a more nascent stage are Cyprus’s and Greece’s synergies with Lebanon, Malta, Palestine and Italy while states such as France and the United States(US) are also considered potential participants. The main question to be answered is: why has Cypriot foreign policy become more energetic in the 2010s and what are its goals in the Eastern Mediterranean? The subject in question is analysed using a neoclassical realist theoretical approach to explain the role of both the systemic (international system) and the unit level (domestic politics) in Cypriot foreign policy-making vis-à-vis the trilateral partnerships.
Research Interests:
This paper seeks to argue for the development of a global and multileveled management of cybersecurity. To do so we first define cybersecurity by situating it within the broader framework of the changing concept of security. To this end... more
This paper seeks to argue for the development of a global and multileveled management of cybersecurity. To do so we first define cybersecurity by situating it within the broader framework of the changing concept of security. To this end we look at the evolution of the security concept, mainly since the end of the Cold War, and its relationship to cybersecurity in today’s global affairs. Then we identify the referent object of security, the importance of cyberthreats, and the need for a multileveled management of cybersecurity and cyberthreats. For such a management to be possible and effective, this paper argues that the development of a security culture of multileveled cybersecurity is necessary. To demonstrate how that could happen policy-wise, we briefly look at the current state of international cooperation on cybersecurity and put forward the idea of a framework of multileveled and global cooperation based on a strategy aiming at developing a global security culture of cybersecurity. Moreover, it is suggested that the development of this security culture should be gradual, based on horizontal and vertical multileveled cooperation, by starting with “low-politics” or non-politically sensitive cybersecurity matters. Such a multileveled framework of cybersecurity, with successful communication lines on and between all levels, may even provide a good platform for cooperation in other domains as well.
This article discusses the changing relations between the United States and Turkey in light of Turkey's contemporary foreign policy that often challenges American interests. More specifically, it adopts a comparative approach to examine... more
This article discusses the changing relations between the United States and Turkey in light of Turkey's contemporary foreign policy that often challenges American interests. More specifically, it adopts a comparative approach to examine the variables that determine the course of US reaction when unwanted policy shifts take place in the Middle East. To this end, apart from Turkey, the article examines two more cases: US relations with Egypt in the 1950s, and with Iran right before, during and after the 1979 revolution. The comparative analysis reveals that the case of contemporary Turkey has been more similar to the historical case of Egypt, which explains why Washington has been adopting (and is more likely to continue doing so) a “wait‐and‐see” approach vis‐à‐vis Ankara. However, domestic changes in Turkey, though not as abrupt and radical as in Iran, remain significant and may have a deeper impact on US–Turkish relations in the future.
Greece and Turkey have been involved in a protracted conflict over the Aegean Sea for decades. After a period of relative calm, Greek-Turkish relations started to deteriorate again in the mid-2010s, culminating in a months-long crisis... more
Greece and Turkey have been involved in a protracted conflict over the Aegean Sea for decades. After a period of relative calm, Greek-Turkish relations started to deteriorate again in the mid-2010s, culminating in a months-long crisis that began in 2020 and ushered the two countries into unchartered waters. This article focuses on what led to the rekindling of the Greek-Turkish protracted conflict and, particularly, the breakout of the 2020 crisis. Adopting a Neoclassical Realist framework and tracing the international systemic and domestic level drivers that triggered an international crisis prompting each state to engage in a cycle of disruptive interactions, this article argues that shifts in the international and regional system since the late 2000s were crucial in creating a strategic environment conducive to a crisis. At the same time, leader images and domestic considerations had a critical intervening role in filtering systemic stimuli and contributing to the outbreak of the crisis.
This chapter assesses the “maturity” of the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) foreign policy and examines whether the RoC has—or is able to develop—grand strategic capacities. The author argues that the Cyprus Problem has been inevitably and... more
This chapter assesses the “maturity” of the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) foreign policy and examines whether the RoC has—or is able to develop—grand strategic capacities. The author argues that the Cyprus Problem has been inevitably and negatively affecting grand strategic formulation in the RoC even as it complicates and hinders the country’s day-to-day foreign policy and diplomatic practice. From this perspective, the popular understanding that the RoC can have long-term foreign policies or a grand strategy without the resolution of the Cyprus Problem is questioned. At the same time, it is argued that the RoC should not stop engaging in capacity building and a pro-active foreign policy while having the resolution of the Cyprus Problem as a strategic objective.
On June 10, 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (i.e. Greater Syria) – henceforth ISIS – surprised the world by advancing into several territories of central and northern Iraq. Most notably, ISIS has taken over Iraq’s second... more
On June 10, 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (i.e. Greater Syria) – henceforth ISIS – surprised the world by advancing into several territories of central and northern Iraq. Most notably, ISIS has taken over Iraq’s second biggest city, Mosul, and the also important cities of Fallujah and Tikrit (the birthplace of former Iraqi leader, Saddam Hussein). ISIS has also tried to gain control of the oil-rich area of Kirkuk (which is now under the control of Iraqi Kurdish forces). Furthermore, it is said that the vitally important oil refinery in Baiji has been almost completely taken over by ISIS in an offensive against the Iraqi army.
Since the U.S. is still the world’s sole superpower, its participation in international conventions is very important for both itself and the better function and implementation of the various International Legal Frameworks. As such, a... more
Since the U.S. is still the world’s sole superpower, its participation in international conventions is very important for both itself and the better function and implementation of the various International Legal Frameworks. As such, a possible future ratification of the [Law of the Sea] Convention by the U.S. would have broad politico-legal implications for other states and areas in the world, where the Treaty has not been signed or ratified and maritime disputes are in place. One such region is the Eastern Mediterranean. This paper firstly looks at the development of the Law of the Sea, the contested provisions of UNCLOS III in the Eastern Mediterranean disputes, and then focuses specifically on Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, and Israel, with regard not only to traditional maritime territorial disputes but also recent developments in the bilateral relations of these countries and in the region, more generally. The analysis concludes with the obstacles that the American politics pose to th...
As a result of the global and European (Eurozone) systemic economic crisis, as well as due to domestic structural problems, human errors, and the direct linkages of the banking sector to the Greek economic and financial crisis, Cyprus has... more
As a result of the global and European (Eurozone) systemic economic crisis, as well as due to domestic structural problems, human errors, and the direct linkages of the banking sector to the Greek economic and financial crisis, Cyprus has found itself gradually sinking into its own economic depression. This led to months-long negotiations between Cyprus and the Troika (the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund) for the eventual signing of a memorandum of (austerity) measures that would entail a bail-out package. Although the Cypriot parliament has passed a number of bills based on the negotiated memorandum, a final agreement has not yet been reached and the final, completed, form of the memorandum has not yet been signed. To be sure, these rapid economic developments have broad political implications on issues such as the resolution of the Cyprus Problem, the role and views of Turkey, Turkey-European Union (EU) relations, and the views o...
The article investigates the role of Israel in Eastern Mediterranean affairs, and particularly the dynamics of its participation in the new partnership with Cyprus and Greece, through the prism of its past and future relations with... more
The article investigates the role of Israel in Eastern Mediterranean affairs, and particularly the dynamics of its participation in the new partnership with Cyprus and Greece, through the prism of its past and future relations with Turkey. It identifies the background context that led to current regional relations in the Eastern Mediterranean, evaluates the character and objectives of the Israeli-Cypriot-Greek (and Egyptian) partnership, and examines the prospects of this multiparty cooperation and mutual exclusiveness, under the light of future Turkish-Israeli relations.
In October of last year, Russia, Israel and Cyprus conducted a joint naval exercise in waters of the Eastern Mediterranean. Though scheduled well in advance, the timing of the drill could not have been more opportune for Cyprus; the... more
In October of last year, Russia, Israel and Cyprus conducted a joint naval exercise in waters of the Eastern Mediterranean. Though scheduled well in advance, the timing of the drill could not have been more opportune for Cyprus; the Barbaros, a Turkish seismic vessel dispatched by Ankara in order to survey the sea floor for hydrocarbons, had just entered the bitterly contested Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) between the two countries.
The problematique driving this research stems from the different approaches concerning Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since 2002. Moreover, the controversy about TFP, also expands to a... more
The problematique driving this research stems from the different approaches concerning Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since 2002. Moreover, the controversy about TFP, also expands to a theoretical debate within the International Relations, and Foreign Policy Analysis, literature. However, although more balanced approaches have emerged in recent years to explain TFP, a comprehensive and systematically integrated approach that deals with TFP drivers, causal chains and foreign policy behaviour is yet to be seen; and this is a gap that this thesis seeks to fill. In this light, this thesis’ objective is to explain TFP towards the Middle East under the AKP. Thus, the central and overarching question to be answered is: what are the foreign policy-making dynamics under the AKP? The goal is to trace the causal relationship between the (independent and intervening) variables (system and domestic level) vis-a-vis the dependent variable (foreign polic...
The present paper seeks to examine the security aspect of a post-settlement Federal Cyprus. Among other things, the paper assesses the current external security environment of Cyprus in order to identify and prioritize certain security... more
The present paper seeks to examine the security aspect of a post-settlement Federal Cyprus. Among other things, the paper assesses the current external security environment of Cyprus in order to identify and prioritize certain security challenges, and analyses four security areas that may pose threats or challenges to the external relations or domestic stability of post-settlement Cyprus. It is argued that a secure and politically stable Federal Cyprus will first and foremost need a reliable political system with functioning decision-making mechanisms in order to pursue a coherent and effective foreign and security policy without crisis-producing deadlocks; the very political system will be its best “guarantor”. Lastly, targeted actions, a number of which are proposed, should be undertaken as soon as possible for the development of a federal security culture – i.e. convergence of communal interests and preferences – which will allow for joint strategic formulation and the developmen...
In early May, 2015 it became known that Saudi Arabia and Turkey are supporting extremist Islamist groups in Syria against the regime of Bashar al-Assad. That Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, among others, have – mostly indirectly – been... more
In early May, 2015 it became known that Saudi Arabia and Turkey are supporting extremist Islamist groups in Syria against the regime of Bashar al-Assad. That Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, among others, have – mostly indirectly – been supporting Islamist groups is not news as similar reports have been emerging from time to time since 2011, if not earlier. But this policy with regard to the Syrian conflict became increasingly overt amidst growing instability and lack of Western commitment to Assad’s overthrow. According to The Independent and other media, Turkish and Saudi support focuses on the overarching jihadist group Jaish al-Fatah which includes al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria, Jabhat al-Nusra – a rival to both Assad and the self-styled “Islamic State,” also known as ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham).
One of the most important side-effects of the turmoil in the Middle East has been the crisis in Turkey’s relations with its Western partners. However, the events taking place in the Middle East or the Syria war are not the root causes of... more
One of the most important side-effects of the turmoil in the Middle East has been the crisis in Turkey’s relations with its Western partners. However, the events taking place in the Middle East or the Syria war are not the root causes of this friction; merely a triggering factor. The real reasons lie in the multileveled transformation, a sort of “revolution”, that Turkey has been going through over the past years and particularly since the election of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, or AKP) to power in 2002. These domestic changes usher in a new era for Turkey’s political scene that has many similarities – as well as differences – with Iran’s Islamic revolution of 1979. As a result, its national identity and ideological orientation shifts, something that undoubtedly impacts its foreign policy preferences, and as such will pose significant challenges to Western ac-tors that try to work Turkey and secure their interests in the region.
What drives Russia's policy in Syria.
This paper aims to evaluate the most salient drivers of Turkish foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. It is divided into three main sections that, by paying attention to domestic and external foreign policy drivers, address... more
This paper aims to evaluate the most salient drivers of Turkish foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. It is divided into three main sections that, by paying attention to domestic and external foreign policy drivers, address Turkish foreign policy (TFP) during the 1990s, during the 2000s – particularly after the election of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) – and during the post-“Arab Spring” period, with a focus on the greater Middle East. Lastly, the concluding section draws some general conclusions regarding the relationship between the drivers of TFP during these three periods and comments on what might be in store for Turkey in the near future.
Syriza chose to form a coalition government with Panos Kammenos’ populist and farright (though often-referred to as centre-right) Independent Greeks (ANEL), that won 13 seats with 4.8% of the votes. Not only that, but Tsipras appointed... more
Syriza chose to form a coalition government with Panos Kammenos’ populist and farright (though often-referred to as centre-right) Independent Greeks (ANEL), that won 13 seats with 4.8% of the votes. Not only that, but Tsipras appointed Kammenos as the new Minister of Defense. Although leftist Nikos Kotzias, Syriza’s new Foreign Minister, is more cool-headed and pragmatist, if assertive, than Kammenos, the Ministry of Defense plays an important role in security issues and Kammenos might adopt a harder line that could challenge Greece’s overall foreign policy with particular respect to relations with Turkey and Israel. Overall, these developments may signal a new approach in Greek foreign policy on issues ranging from the EU, to Russia and the Eastern Mediterranean.
In the 21st century and particularly during the 2010s, the Eastern Mediterranean acquired unprecedented attention and significance as a distinct geopolitical space with new international and security dynamics. This “new” Eastern... more
In the 21st century and particularly during the 2010s, the Eastern Mediterranean acquired unprecedented attention and significance as a distinct geopolitical space with new international and security dynamics. This “new” Eastern Mediterranean geopolitical order was largely “constructed” by global and regional power shifts as well as local developments, such as the trajectory of Turkish foreign policy and the discovery of offshore hydrocarbon reserves. The result was a change in the region’s patterns of interstate conflict and cooperation. On the one hand, countries such as Cyprus, Egypt, Greece, and Israel became part of an emerging network of cooperation and security architecture. On the other hand, owing to its problematic relations with these states, Turkey remained an outsider wanting to “deconstruct” this new state of affairs and change it to its own benefit. As such, the new Eastern Mediterranean was ushered in during a period of geopolitical polarization that is more conduciv...
This article examines the ways in which (pop or) popular culture may fall within the context of foreign policy. More specifically, it situates our analysis against such backdrop by delving into how Turkey effectively exports pop culture,... more
This article examines the ways in which (pop or) popular culture may fall within the context of foreign policy. More specifically, it situates our analysis against such backdrop by delving into how Turkey effectively exports pop culture, propaganda and positive images of itself via the use of television (TV) shows. To that end, notable Turkish soap operas market its ancient glorious past. Admittedly, these telenovelas form a salient cultural product export for Turkey as they reach diverse and far-away audiences – from Latin America to Russia, Central Asia, North Africa, the Middle East, and the Balkans, to merely name a few. Paradoxically, the frenzy has even reached places like Greece. Not to mention, Serbia or Israel, with the latter’s phenomenal success accompanied also with some backlash. Therefore, the current study seeks to better understand the magnitude alongside the impact of Turkey’s achievement given how it comprises a multi-million-dollar industry, by partially unearthin...
This paper seeks to argue for the development of a global and multileveled management of cybersecurity. To do so we first define cybersecurity by situating it within the broader framework of the changing concept of security. To this end... more
This paper seeks to argue for the development of a global and multileveled management of cybersecurity. To do so we first define cybersecurity by situating it within the broader framework of the changing concept of security. To this end we look at the evolution of the security concept, mainly since the end of the Cold War, and its relationship to cybersecurity in today’s global affairs. Then we identify the referent object of security, the importance of cyberthreats, and the need for a multileveled management of cybersecurity and cyberthreats. For such a management to be possible and effective, this paper argues that the development of a security culture of multileveled cybersecurity is necessary. To demonstrate how that could happen policy-wise, we briefly look at the current state of international cooperation on cybersecurity and put forward the idea of a framework of multileveled and global cooperation based on a strategy aiming at developing a global security culture of cybersecurity. Moreover, it is suggested that the development of this security culture should be gradual, based on horizontal and vertical multileveled cooperation, by starting with “low-politics” or non-politically sensitive cybersecurity matters. Such a multileveled framework of cybersecurity, with successful communication lines on and between all levels, may even provide a good platform for cooperation in other domains as well.
Abstract By adopting a neorealist approach to alliance formation this paper examines the trilateral partnership of Israel, Cyprus and Greece. It argues that since its inception in 2011 it has developed into a (‘comfortable’)... more
Abstract By adopting a neorealist approach to alliance formation this paper examines the trilateral partnership of Israel, Cyprus and Greece. It argues that since its inception in 2011 it has developed into a (‘comfortable’) quasi-alliance – a less formal and more flexible form of alliance than the traditional ones – driven by profit and threat-related individual and collective motivations. The primary motivations behind the formation of the quasi-alliance have been the common perceptions of Turkey as a security threat and energy-related interests. Moreover, it is suggested that the ‘comfortable’ and quasi nature of the alliance could allow the three states to manoeuvre politically so as not to exclude future and parallel relations with Turkey. This means that the transformation of the quasi-alliance into a more formal alliance is a rather unlikely scenario and that it could fade out should Turkish‒Israeli relations improve.
""Ενώ οι θεωρητικές και μεθοδολογικές εξε-ρευνήσεις για την ανάλυση... more
""Ενώ οι θεωρητικές και μεθοδολογικές εξε-ρευνήσεις για την ανάλυση εξωτερικής πολιτικής ποικίλουν και η έννοια της στρατηγικής κουλτούρας μελετάται εδώ και δεκαετίες, η ελληνική βιβλιογραφία παρουσιάζει ένα μεγάλο κενό όχι μόνον όσον αφορά τη συγκεκριμένη έννοια, αλλά και την τουρκική στρατηγική κουλτούρα πιο ειδικά. Το παρόν άρθρο επιζητεί την σύντομη παρουσίαση της τουρκικής στρατηγικής κουλτούρας - ή κουλτούρας ασφάλειας - μέσα από την ανάλυση των αντιδράσεων της Τουρκίας απέναντι στις εξεγέρσεις του αραβικού κόσμου. Για την επίτευξη αυτού του σκοπού ορίζεται αρχικά η έννοια «στρατηγική κουλτούρα» και στη συνέχεια εξετάζονται στοιχεία και παράγοντες που επηρέασαν και επηρεάζουν την τουρκική εξωτερική πολιτική, περιφερειακή πολιτική και στρατηγική συμπεριφορά. Το θεωρητικό και ιστορικό πλαίσιο της τουρκικής στρατηγικής κουλτούρας θα εφαρμοστεί στην περίπτωση της πολιτικής της Τουρκίας απέναντι στις αραβικές εξεγέρσεις σε μια προσπάθεια επεξήγησης των κινήσεων της Άγκυρας και των παραγόντων που επηρεάζουν τις στρατηγικές της επιλογές.""
This article analyzes the stages of the Syrian crisis’ escalation and the various Turkish reactions. Each stage of Turkey’s management of the crisis reveals certain features of its foreign policy. By examining its reactions throughout the... more
This article analyzes the stages of the Syrian crisis’ escalation and the various Turkish reactions. Each stage of Turkey’s management of the crisis reveals certain features of its foreign policy. By examining its reactions throughout the crisis we can observe the gap between the capabilities and aspirations of Turkish foreign policy. The result is a “talking timeline of events” which shows that the Syrian crisis has been a “reality check” for Turkey.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
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Turkish foreign policy has always been a puzzling issue for both Western and non-Western scholars. Yet, the ascendance of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) to power in 2002 made things even more... more
Turkish foreign policy has always been a puzzling issue for both Western and non-Western scholars. Yet, the ascendance of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) to power in 2002 made things even more complicated as it signified the gradual break of a national ideological tradition and the emergence of a post-Kemalist, neo-Islamist, ideological framework. Despite the various existing explanations, analyses and interpretations of the AKP’s foreign policy, this paper seeks to contribute to this debate by employing a different (multi-scenario) approach. It assumes that the conduct of Turkish foreign policy is based on the existence of probable scenarios, often substitutionary to each other. If that is indeed the case, then Turkish foreign policy is conducted in an opportunistic way which lacks a specific Western or Eastern orientation, and aims at the maximization of benefits in different isolated issues thus diminishing the possibility of having a comprehe...
Research Interests:
Since the election of Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002, Turkey followed a different foreign policy orientation. The man behind this foreign policy shift was Ahmet Davutoglu, today's Foreign Minister. Davutoglu had... more
Since the election of Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002, Turkey followed a different foreign policy orientation. The man behind this foreign policy shift was Ahmet Davutoglu, today's Foreign Minister. Davutoglu had a whole new idea about how ...
Clausewitzian [1] concepts, although interlinked, vary, while many of them are very controversial. Perhaps the most controversial one is the “Remarkable/Paradoxical Trinity”. As Clausewitz himself puts it, the “paradoxical trinity” is... more
Clausewitzian [1] concepts, although interlinked, vary, while many of them are very controversial. Perhaps the most controversial one is the “Remarkable/Paradoxical Trinity”. As Clausewitz himself puts it, the “paradoxical trinity” is “composed of primordial violence, ...
After annexing Crimea and facilitating the secession of Donetsk and Luhansk in 2014, on 24 February 2022, Russia launched a large-scale military invasion of Ukraine to supposedly "denazify" the country, prevent its prospective accession... more
After annexing Crimea and facilitating the secession of Donetsk and Luhansk in 2014, on 24 February 2022, Russia launched a large-scale military invasion of Ukraine to supposedly "denazify" the country, prevent its prospective accession to NATO and the European Union (EU), and demand its demilitarization. The invasion has unfolded much more slowly than expected owing to the fierce resistance of Ukraine and the serious operational and planning weaknesses and mistakes of the much stronger Russian army. The international community reacted immediately and decisively against Russia, imposing a series of costly sanctions. Turkey was among the countries that refused to follow suit, instead attempting to act as a mediator between the warring camps. This approach reveals the continuation of certain Turkish foreign policy tendencies, and aims to secure a new international role for Turkey.
In the 21st century and particularly during the 2010s, the Eastern Mediterranean acquired unprecedented attention and significance as a distinct geopolitical space with new international and security dynamics. This “new” Eastern... more
In the 21st century and particularly during the 2010s, the Eastern Mediterranean acquired unprecedented attention and significance as a distinct geopolitical space with new international and security dynamics. This “new” Eastern Mediterranean geopolitical order was largely “constructed” by global and regional power shifts as well as local developments, such as the trajectory of Turkish foreign policy and the discovery of offshore hydrocarbon reserves. The result was a change in the region’s patterns of interstate conflict and cooperation. On the one hand, countries such as Cyprus, Egypt, Greece, and Israel became part of an emerging network of cooperation and security architecture. On the other hand, owing to its problematic relations with these states, Turkey remained an outsider wanting to “deconstruct” this new state of affairs and change it to its own benefit. As such, the new Eastern Mediterranean was ushered in a period of geopolitical polarization that is more conducive to crisis rather than peace and stability and often transcends its boundaries.
A series of crises over the past two years and particularly in 2020 have destabilized the eastern Mediterranean and created a number of security and diplomatic problems. With energy resources becoming so central to discussions on eastern... more
A series of crises over the past two years and particularly in 2020 have destabilized the eastern Mediterranean and created a number of security and diplomatic problems. With energy resources becoming so central to discussions on eastern Mediterranean affairs, it is widely perceived that newly discovered hydrocarbons are the main drivers of these incidents. But how much of the problem can really be attributed to hydrocarbons, given other underlying issues and the history of regional tensions?
​Since the outbreak of the conflict almost 10 years ago, Syria has become a country of limited sovereignty. It is now de facto divided into a number of different zones controlled by external powers as well as by various internal (armed)... more
​Since the outbreak of the conflict almost 10 years ago, Syria has become a country of limited sovereignty. It is now de facto divided into a number of different zones controlled by external powers as well as by various internal (armed) non-state actors. This report will examine the trajectory and dynamics of the Syria peace process with particular emphasis on the Syrian Sunni opposition and its important role in the conflict balance, the peace process and the post-war Syria. It begins with a brief overview of the most important milestones in the peace process, and then looks at the proxy politics of external powers and their impact on the (geo) political dynamics of the conflict. Next, it maps out in detail the Sunni opposition and its various factions, and looks at how these affect the peace process. Lastly, the authors draw conclusions on the future of the peace process and highlight, among others, the challenges related to the high degree of external involvement and the likelihood that the situation in Syria will turn into a protracted and intractable conflict.

And 48 more

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has firmly established himself as the dominant figure in Turkish politics, as evidenced once again by his triumph in the 2023 presidential and general elections. Securing a third term as president and a parliamentary... more
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has firmly established himself as the dominant figure in Turkish politics, as evidenced once again by his triumph in the 2023 presidential and general elections. Securing a third term as president and a parliamentary majority through his People's Alliance coalition, Erdoğan has solidified his place as the longest-serving leader in the history of the Turkish Republic, surpassing even the revered Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. His ideology, often referred to as "Erdoğanism," continues to gain traction across various sectors of Turkish society, influencing institutional, social, and political spheres. This phenomenon becomes all the more pronounced as Turkey celebrated the centennial of its founding, with signs of Erdoğan's vision for the "New Turkey" and the "Century of Turkey" already materializing. Nevertheless, the Turkish populace finds itself more divided than ever.
Erdoğan’s ‘Century of Turkey’ is irreconcilable with expectations of a pro-Western shift.
In an episode that has tediously repeated itself several times since July, Turkey’s seismic-survey ships and navy vessels clash with Greek authorities while probing for hydrocarbons in waters off the small Greek island of Kastellorizo.... more
In an episode that has tediously repeated itself several times since July, Turkey’s seismic-survey ships and navy vessels clash with Greek authorities while probing for hydrocarbons in waters off the small Greek island of Kastellorizo. Turkey and Greece—perennial foes—don’t see eye to eye on the Mediterranean’s maritime boundaries. Yet, each time they bicker, pundits are quick to reduce the Greek-Turkish standoff to a bilateral kerfuffle over natural resources. In reality, the dispute over Kastellorizo—and Turkey’s incursions in the Eastern Mediterranean more generally—are merely proximate symptoms of a deep-rooted conflict over sovereignty. That fight has been brewing for decades, and it was recently exacerbated by the abandonment of long-held Turkish foreign-policy principles based on caution and an aversion to adventurism.
Provided that American forces will eventually withdraw, Trump’s strategy, no matter how ambitious or theoretically promising it is, runs a serious risk, not unlike the one that the US faced in Iraq. In the absence of a solid negotiation... more
Provided that American forces will eventually withdraw, Trump’s strategy, no matter how ambitious or theoretically promising it is, runs a serious risk, not unlike the one that the US faced in Iraq. In the absence of a solid negotiation strategy and vision regarding the outcome of the Syrian conflict, it is possible that the American withdrawal will cost the US much of its regional influence by making way to Russia and even more so to Iran.
Καταιγιστικές οι εξελίξεις στην Τουρκία μετά την ανακοίνωση της παραίτησης του νυν πρωθυπουργού Αχμέτ Νταβούτογλου – που μάλλον ερμηνεύεται ως αποπομπή του από τον πανίσχυρο πρόεδρο, Ρετζέπ Ταγίπ Ερντογάν. Εδώ θα αποπειραθώ να αναφέρω τις... more
Καταιγιστικές οι εξελίξεις στην Τουρκία μετά την ανακοίνωση της παραίτησης του νυν πρωθυπουργού Αχμέτ Νταβούτογλου – που μάλλον ερμηνεύεται ως αποπομπή του από τον πανίσχυρο πρόεδρο, Ρετζέπ Ταγίπ Ερντογάν. Εδώ θα αποπειραθώ να αναφέρω τις διάφορες διαστάσεις της πολιτικής κρίσης αλλά και να δώσω μια όσο το δυνατόν πιο ρεαλιστική εικόνα των αλλαγών που θα επέλθουν ή όχι με την αποπομπή Νταβούτογλου.
Research Interests:
One could be led to believe that it all started in 2013 with the election of Hassan Rouhani to the presidency of Iran. Rouhani, along with his moderate and reformist agenda, bore much optimism among Western countries that Iran might shift... more
One could be led to believe that it all started in 2013 with the election of Hassan Rouhani to the presidency of Iran. Rouhani, along with his moderate and reformist agenda, bore much optimism among Western countries that Iran might shift direction towards a more pragmatic and less anti-Western foreign policy. But this was not what put Iran to the epicenter of the Middle East and international politics.
One of the biggest questions that needs to be answered is, how do we counter ISIS? Almost three months after ISIS advanced into Iraq, US President Barak Obama stated, “We don’t have a strategy.” This was quite a surprising statement... more
One of the biggest questions that needs to be answered is, how do we counter ISIS? Almost three months after ISIS advanced into Iraq, US President Barak Obama stated, “We don’t have a strategy.” This was quite a surprising statement coming from the White House given the high level of threat that ISIS poses; but it was, nonetheless, true. However, it was later decided for Obama to announce his plan against ISIS in an addresses to the nation on September 10th. Among other things, Obama is expected to introduce ways of enhancing international cooperation against ISIS and try to display a more coherent and decisive stance than the one presented thus far.
One of the central themes that have been dominating the media lately regarding the Syrian crisis has been the participation of (Islamist) extremist elements in both of the camps of the civil war. What is the situation now in Syria, and... more
One of the central themes that have been dominating the media lately regarding the Syrian crisis has been the participation of (Islamist) extremist elements in both of the camps of the civil war. What is the situation now in Syria, and what might the current developments hold for its future?
The seismic uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya coupled with the riots and demonstrations in Jordan and Iran have shaken the region and the world. Whilst the results of these revolutions thus far have varied, no one can doubt that the... more
The seismic uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya coupled with the riots and demonstrations in Jordan and Iran have shaken the region and the world. Whilst the results of these revolutions thus far have varied, no one can doubt that the Middle East left behind will never be the same again. What do these revolutionary movements herald for this volatile part of the globe and what would democratic reform mean for these countries and the West?
The coalition military intervention in Libya that began on March 19th was an example of a well coordinated and organised operation, with a legitimate legal mandate in the form of UN Resolution 1973. Nonetheless, there are several debates... more
The coalition military intervention in Libya that began on March 19th was an example of a well coordinated and organised operation, with a legitimate legal mandate in the form of UN Resolution 1973. Nonetheless, there are several debates regarding the intervention in question as well as the strategy that is being followed by the coalition.
The extent to which ethnicity is the cause or the driving force of ethnic conflicts is debatable while the concept of ethnicity itself, is a contested one. Regarding the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict, even though it was officially over on... more
The extent to which ethnicity is the cause or the driving force of ethnic conflicts is debatable while the concept of ethnicity itself, is a contested one. Regarding the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict, even though it was officially over on the 17th of May, 2009, it remains a good example to examine the role of ethnicity in such conflicts.
The evolution of traditional geopolitics to critical geopolitics
Since the beginning of the Arab uprisings there has emerged a debate on whether this domino of social movements is a revolt or a revolution. With the Tunisian and Egyptian people overthrowing their countries’ dictators, the civil war in... more
Since the beginning of the Arab uprisings there has emerged a debate on whether this domino of social movements is a revolt or a revolution. With the Tunisian and Egyptian people overthrowing their countries’ dictators, the civil war in Libya turning into a victory for the rebels against the government of Gaddafi, the Syrian crisis intensifying, and the small states of the Gulf being in a state of uncertainty and social instability, the situation is indeed very fluid but the developments of the last few months allow us to evaluate the situation and reach certain conclusions regarding the nature of the recent Middle East crisis.
As the crisis in Syria keeps escalating and the violent crackdown of the Bashar al-Assad regime results in more civilian deaths, the growing instability and civil opposition is significantly challenging the die-hard regime and raises... more
As the crisis in Syria keeps escalating and the violent crackdown of the Bashar al-Assad regime results in more civilian deaths, the growing instability and civil opposition is significantly challenging the die-hard regime and raises questions regarding how much longer it can keep up with the deteriorating domestic situation and the increasing international pressure. More importantly, the troubling question that emerges is what might happen when the regime is finally overthrown?
The relation between Cypriot football and politics.
Since the drillings at block 12 in Cyprus’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) for the finding of natural gas were announced a few months ago, a diplomatic crisis, which later became a real threat to the regional stability and security, begun... more
Since the drillings at block 12 in Cyprus’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) for the finding of natural gas were announced a few months ago, a diplomatic crisis, which later became a real threat to the regional stability and security, begun to unfold. Israel and Greece are directly involved in Cyprus’ efforts to drill out its natural gas; the former because of the geographic proximity of its own underwater energy reserves to the Cypriot block, and the latter because of the common Turkish disputes it faces regarding its marine borders, the strong diplomatic and economic bonds it maintains with Cyprus, the economic benefits of exploiting its own underwater energy resources and the need to delimitate its own EEZ.

The circumstances under which these developments have occurred could have probably not been worse given the general instability in the regions due to the Arab Spring, the decline in the Turkish-Israeli relations, the re-ignition of the Kurdish problem, the escalating Syrian crisis and of course the economic crisis. Apart from Cyprus, Greece and Israel, there are other actors involved in this situation and parallel realities that could play a significant role in exacerbating the crisis, leading to unfortunate security consequences.
Gaddafi is dead and the Libyan people are outside in the streets, celebrating their victory against the 42 year dictatorial regime. Yet while the dictator is gone, difficult choices lie ahead for the Libyan people.
After the end of the Cold War, along with the emergence of the Contemporary Security and Human Security agenda, the discourse on the effects of globalization on the nature of warfare and irregular warfare (e.g. terrorism) has acquired... more
After the end of the Cold War, along with the emergence of the Contemporary Security and Human Security agenda, the discourse on the effects of globalization on the nature of warfare and irregular warfare (e.g. terrorism) has acquired much prominence. Within this context some scholars adopted the word “new” as a way of characterizing what they perceived as the result of the impact of globalization – and the post-Cold War international order – on wars and terrorism for example; thus, theses such as “New Wars” or “New Terrorism”.
Clausewitzian concepts, although interlinked, vary, while many of them are very controversial. Perhaps the most controversial one is the “Remarkable/Paradoxical Trinity”.
This is a follow-up article (mark II) to “The Sociology of the Arab Spring: A Revolt or a Revolution?”, which took a sociological approach in explaining the Arab uprisings, that spread throughout the Middle East since the end of the last... more
This is a follow-up article (mark II) to “The Sociology of the Arab Spring: A Revolt or a Revolution?”, which took a sociological approach in explaining the Arab uprisings, that spread throughout the Middle East since the end of the last year, and reached a conclusion on whether the Arab Spring consists of revolts or revolutions.
Η ύπαρξη φυσικού αερίου στο «οικόπεδο 12» της κυπριακής Αποκλειστικής Οικονομικής Ζώνης, είναι πλέον επισήμως επιβεβαιωμένη. Δεν θα κουράσω επαναλαμβάνοντας τα νούμερα της ανακοίνωσης του προέδρου Χριστόφια, ούτε τις μελλοντολογίες που... more
Η ύπαρξη φυσικού αερίου στο «οικόπεδο 12» της κυπριακής Αποκλειστικής Οικονομικής Ζώνης, είναι πλέον επισήμως επιβεβαιωμένη. Δεν θα κουράσω επαναλαμβάνοντας τα νούμερα της ανακοίνωσης του προέδρου Χριστόφια, ούτε τις μελλοντολογίες που ακολούθησαν, αλλά ούτε και τα περί «ιστορικής μέρας». Θα περιοριστώ σε μια σύντομη αξιολόγηση  της σημασίας που έχει η ύπαρξη φυσικού αερίου στην ΑΟΖ του κυπριακού Νότου για τη Λύση του Κυπριακού Προβλήματος, παραθέτοντας και αναλύοντας κάποια, φαινομενικά «άσχετα», δεδομένα που – εγώ θεωρώ ότι – έχουμε μπροστά μας.
On the 28th of December, the Cypriot President Demetris Christofias announced that the Aphrodite Block 12 field off the coast of Cyprus contains between 5 and 8 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, which “opens up great potential for... more
On the 28th of December, the Cypriot President Demetris Christofias announced that the Aphrodite Block 12 field off the coast of Cyprus contains between 5 and 8 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, which “opens up great potential for Cyprus and its people,” he said. Now the question is whether the gas find might also create a new dynamic which could lead to greater regional cooperation and a faster solution to the Cyprus problem.
Since the election of Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002, Turkey followed a different foreign policy orientation. The man behind this foreign policy shift was Ahmet Davutoglu, today’s Foreign Minister. Davutoglu had a... more
Since the election of Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002, Turkey followed a different foreign policy orientation. The man behind this foreign policy shift was Ahmet Davutoglu, today’s Foreign Minister. Davutoglu had a whole new idea about how the goals of Turkish foreign policy should be pursued and in his book “Strategic Depth” (Stratejik Derinlik) (2001) he brilliantly drafts a strategic doctrine for Turkey’s new foreign policy. Despite its relative success, this doctrine is seriously challenged by many regional developments, which are making it hard to believe that its implementation could ever be possible.
It is unquestionable that the crisis in Syria is getting worse by the minute. Thousands of people have been killed, hundreds of thousands have fled their homes, and Turkey hosts almost 20,000 refugees. While the account is tragic and... more
It is unquestionable that the crisis in Syria is getting worse by the minute. Thousands of people have been killed, hundreds of thousands have fled their homes, and Turkey hosts almost 20,000 refugees. While the account is tragic and discouraging already, the Assad regime does not stop shelling his own country’s cities and killing his own people. In this climate, the international community – if there is such a coherent thing – is trying to manage the crisis. It is true that for most of the international actors involved, what is going on in Syria is unfortunate and they would frankly rather not to be dealing with it.
It has become obvious that in the Eastern Mediterranean a new politico-economic, and in an important degree, strategic, axis is developing, consisting of Israel, Cyprus, and Greece. This cooperation has not come as a surprise for those... more
It has become obvious that in the Eastern Mediterranean a new politico-economic, and in an important degree, strategic, axis is developing, consisting of Israel, Cyprus, and Greece. This cooperation has not come as a surprise for those who follow the geopolitical developments of the last years in the region. It is the product of various factors and developments that have taken place on different levels. Yet, the most significant factors that have led to the creation of this cooperation (and for many, alliance) are the gradual changes in Turkish foreign policy, mainly since 2002, which have led to the deterioration of the Turkish-Israeli relations, as well as the discovery of hydrocarbons in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of Cyprus, in conjunction with the efforts of the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) to delimitate its EEZ with other states of the Eastern Mediterranean.
The horror taking place in Syria is not to be questioned. The way it is utilized by western media, is. The moral need to do something about Syria is not to be questioned. The way morale is utilized for political reasons, is. The fact that... more
The horror taking place in Syria is not to be questioned. The way it is utilized by western media, is. The moral need to do something about Syria is not to be questioned. The way morale is utilized for political reasons, is. The fact that Assad must go is not to be questioned. It is the “how” that needs to be discussed and the western-style intervention – which has become a habit – that needs to be questioned. The thoughtlessness of the intervention advocates, with regard to the case of Syria specifically, is unbearable.
It has been reported that a Turkish fighter jet was shot down on Friday, June 23, 2012, by Syrian forces. The Syrian military forces had later confirmed the reports. Leaving aside the technical details about how the crash occurred, and... more
It has been reported that a Turkish fighter jet was shot down on Friday, June 23, 2012, by Syrian forces. The Syrian military forces had later confirmed the reports. Leaving aside the technical details about how the crash occurred, and who is to blame, this incident could significantly escalate the existing crisis between the two countries on the one hand, and offer the perfect alibi, as well as credibility, to Turkey and its western allies – namely, NATO – to actively and militarily intervene in Syria, on the other.
In terms of the Syrian crisis it is already clear that certain issues will keep playing a decisive role in the upcoming developments, or that they could constitute outcomes of the conflict. These issues could be divided into internal and... more
In terms of the Syrian crisis it is already clear that certain issues will keep playing a decisive role in the upcoming developments, or that they could constitute outcomes of the conflict. These issues could be divided into internal and external.
“Battle for Syria: View from the Frontline” is a mini documentary filmed by the Russian POCCИЯ 24 TV channel. What is particularly interesting about this documentary is that it was filmed in the battle fields of Syria, following the... more
“Battle for Syria: View from the Frontline” is a mini documentary filmed by the Russian POCCИЯ 24 TV channel. What is particularly interesting about this documentary is that it was filmed in the battle fields of Syria, following the forces of the Syrian (regime) army around. Thus, the whole project offers an entirely different perspective on the Syrian conflict from the one the western media present – both in terms of the actual conflict and the not so projected view of the regime. Throughout the documentary one can realize that certain features stand out as they are being emphasized: 1) the military tactics of the Free Syrian Army (i.e. rebels); the struggle of the Syrian Army (i.e. regime) as a counter-terrorism campaign; and the composition of the Free Syrian Army (FSA).
Since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey, the country entered an extended period of economic development, democratic reforms and international upgrading. At the same time, however, Turkey seemed to be... more
Since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey, the country entered an extended period of economic development, democratic reforms and international upgrading. At the same time, however, Turkey seemed to be drifting away from the West, seeking a more independent role with policies that where often at odds with those of its traditional Western allies. From 2007 onwards, and particularly since 2010, this trend was more obvious while there were signs that a backlash was imminent at the domestic level. Later on, in the midst of the regional crisis that came about with the breakout of the “Arab Spring” and the rise of the “Islamic State”, from 2011 until today, Ankara moved back and forth between its commitment to the West and its regional considerations. Turkish foreign political, security and economic decisions during this period express a certain ideological outlook and foreign policy behaviour as seen in cases such as Syria, Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus. As Turkey faces a gap between aspirations and capabilities and balances between a Western and Eastern orientation, its actions keep it between the upgrading and downfall of its foreign policy, preventing it from reaching its full potential and contributing to regional stability.
It is undeniable that in the literature there are different and often incompatible approaches regarding the foreign policy that has been pursued by Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) since its election to power in 2002. Against... more
It is undeniable that in the literature there are different and often incompatible approaches regarding the foreign policy that has been pursued by Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) since its election to power in 2002. Against the background of the heated debate about the so called “new” doctrine of Turkish foreign policy (TFP), this paper has two main and interconnected aims: i) to suggest that an alternative approach is needed in analysing TFP under the AKP, by reviewing other approaches in the literature; and ii) to propose that Neoclassical Realism (NR) is the appropriate theoretically-informed framework which could fill that gap. In other words, we maintain that TFP needs to be examined through an alternative lens that would incorporate elements from different approaches and thus try to mitigate the vacuum between the various interpretations of Turkey behaviour. To do so, we first review systemic and innepolitik approaches to the analysis of TFP, as well as effort of integrating the two, thus moving to the development of a NR analytical framework. Taking into account the levels of analysis and variables of NR, we suggest that there should be three independent variables and two intervening variables. The independent (systemic) variables are (i) international relative power changes, (ii) international economic interdependence, and (iii) international security threat perceptions. The intervening (domestic) variables focus on (i) the (AKP) policy-making elite ideology, and (ii) domestic interest groups. The two sets of variables should be explored separately and in conjunction to each other in order to find the causal chains that lead to the dependent variable (foreign policy behaviour): i) status quo or ii) revisionist behaviour.
A critical evaluation of the debate about the post-'Arab Spring' 'new wave' of Turkish foreign policy, focusing on the case of the Turkish-Israeli relations, from a Neoclassical Realist perspective.
It is argued that after the Arab Spring Turkish foreign policy has not entered a "new" or "third wave" but rather a period of unexpected regional instability which challenged its strategic planning. Thus the post-Arab Spring Turkish... more
It is argued that after the Arab Spring Turkish foreign policy has not entered a "new" or "third wave" but rather a period of unexpected regional instability which challenged its strategic planning. Thus the post-Arab Spring Turkish Foreign policy constitutes a return to older tactics rather than a shift. To prove that a Neoclassical Realist theoretical framework is employed and the Syrian crisis is chosen as a case study.
Αυτή η εργασία επιζητεί να αναλύσει τις αντιδράσεις της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής προς την περιφέρεια της Μέσης Ανατολής κατά τις εξεγέρσεις του αραβικού κόσμου. Μεθοδολογικά, η ανάλυση της τουρκικής περιφερειακής πολιτικής πρέπει να... more
Αυτή η εργασία επιζητεί να αναλύσει τις αντιδράσεις της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής προς την περιφέρεια της Μέσης Ανατολής κατά τις εξεγέρσεις του αραβικού κόσμου. Μεθοδολογικά, η ανάλυση της τουρκικής περιφερειακής πολιτικής πρέπει να γίνει στο πλαίσιο της ευρύτερης εξωτερικής πολιτικής της Τουρκίας, για την καλύτερη κατανόησή της. Έτσι, γίνεται αρχικά μια σύντομη αναφορά στο πως διαμορφώνεται η τουρκική εξωτερική τα τελευταία χρόνια, στη συνέχεια αναλύεται η συμπεριφορά της Τουρκίας κατά τις αραβικές εξεγέρσεις η οποία αντιπαραβάλλεται και με την ευρύτερη πολιτική της. Τέλος, εξετάζονται οι αδυναμίες και τα πλεονεκτήματά της στα πλαίσια του τοπικού, περιφερειακού και διεθνούς συστήματος.
Undergraduate module taught in the Department of Social & Political Sciences at the University of Cyprus.
Research Interests:
Post-graduate module co-taught in the Master of Laws LLM at UCLan Cyprus.
Research Interests:
Post-graduate module taught in the Master's in Security & Diplomacy Studies at UCLan Cyprus.
Research Interests:
Post-graduate module taught in the Master's in Security & Diplomacy Studies at UCLan Cyprus.
Research Interests:
Post-graduate module taught in the Master's in Security & Diplomacy Studies at UCLan Cyprus.
Research Interests:
Post-graduate module taught in the Master's in Security & Diplomacy Studies at UCLan Cyprus.
Research Interests:
Department of Social & Political Sciences, University of Cyprus, Cyprus. 2015/2016
Research Interests:
Department of Politics & International Studies, University of Warwick, UK. 2012/13 & 2013/14.
Research Interests:
Nikos Moudouros reviews the book 8+2 Myths about Turkish Foreign Policy written by Zenonas Tziarras [In Greek].
This is a concise and well-written review of my PhD thesis, reviewed by dear colleague Dr Zenonas Tziarras who is based at the School of Law, MA Security & Diplomacy Studies, University of Central Lancashire, Cyprus. The review has been... more
This is a concise and well-written review of my PhD thesis, reviewed by dear colleague Dr Zenonas Tziarras who is based at the School of Law, MA Security & Diplomacy Studies, University of Central Lancashire, Cyprus. The review has been published on "Dissertation Reviews" - a website that has featured more than 1000 overviews of recently defended doctoral dissertations since 2010.

For the review of my thesis, see the link: http://dissertationreviews.org/archives/14078

For more information on Dissertation Review website, please see: http://dissertationreviews.org/
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
A Review of Assessing the Turkish Model: The Modernization Trajectory of Turkey through the lens of the Multiple Modernities Paradigm, by Oğuzhan Göksel.
The Eastern Mediterranean in Transition: Multipolarity, Politics and Power is a very timely and insightful book that looks at the changing geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean while maintaining a global perspective, which is... more
The Eastern Mediterranean in Transition: Multipolarity, Politics and Power is a very timely and insightful book that looks at the changing geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean while  maintaining  a  global  perspective,  which  is  perhaps  the  most  appropriate  way  of  examining  a  geopolitical  region  or  sub-system,  especially  at  this  point  in  time.  According to the editors, Spyridon N. Litsas and Aristotle Tziampiris, the purpose of the  book  is  to  contribute  to  the  understanding  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean,  given  its increased importance, as well as to provide a picture of the effects of Multipolarity (consequences,  challenges,  perils  and  opportunities)  on  this  regional  level.  Lastly,  it  aspires  to  become  part  of  the  larger  debate  about  ‘the  potential  ramifications  and  sustainability of a multipolar era in the Eastern Mediterranean’