Peace and Conflict Resolution

Conflict Analysis is an important aspect of peace-building and the nitty-gritty involved which can simply be defined as a dynamic process to measure or access an ongoing conflict be it local, national or global. One of the importance of Good Conflict analysis is that it helps in sorting through, prioritize and understand those relationships and just as importantly how the context (or the operating environment) influences the nature of the conflict, but also the importance of focusing on context (the course of the conflicts) and not just on a given conflict.

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

Silahlı çatışmaların ekonomi üzerindeki negatif etkisi ve barış, güvenlik ve ekonomik gelişme arasındaki pozitif ve doğrudan ilişki çatışma çözümü alanının artan oranda ilgi duyduğu konulardan biri haline geldi. Alanda artan farkındalıkla beraber iş dünyasının ve özel sektörün demokrasi inşasındaki rolünü konu eden çalışmaların sayısı da bu gelişmeye bağlı olarak sevindirici biçimde artış göstermekte. Okumakta olduğunuz bu rapor da konuya, Kuzey İrlanda örneği özelinde ve ülkedeki iş dünyasının barışın ekonomik getirilerini dile getirmede, çatışmanın barış ile çözülmesi için lobi faaliyeti yürütmede ve barışın ekonomik boyutunu ele alan siyasi tartışmaları güçlendirmede oynadığı role ve çalışmalara odaklanmaktadır. Raporda, Kuzey İrlanda iş dünyasının kullandığı ve barışın sağlanmasına katkı sunan metot, yaklaşım ve etkileşim yöntemleri ayrıntılarıyla ele alınmaktadır. Ülkede barış anlaşmasının sağlanmasının ardından, anlaşma sonrası süreçte yabancı yatırımın barışın getirdiği ekonomik kazanımların yaygınlaştırılmasında ve bu sayede barışı teşvik etmede oynadığı pozitif rol de ayrıca ele alınmaktadır. Kuzey İrlanda deneyimi, barışın sağlanmasına yönelik kolektif kurumsal eylemler repertuarı bakımından, dünyanın farklı yerlerinde çatışmalardan etkilenen diğer ülkeler için ufuk açıcı bir uygulama veya uyarlama örneği olmayı sürdürmektedir.

Initiatives to change or sidestep presidential term limits are often presented as a response to popular demand, yet tend to be deeply polarizing and may even lead to violence. Opinion on the legality of changing term limits tends to be sharply divided not only in the country concerned but also among the international community. In an effort to fine-tune policy debate, this paper looks at the normative framework relating to term limits and their removal. It recommends that, in the absence of clear international norms, the issue be approached as a matter of maintaining confidence in a country’s electoral process and political system. This means focusing on the process by which term limits might be amended or interpreted.

The systematic study and applied practice of conflict resolution is now a few decades old and is evolving into its own field and perhaps towards its own discipline (Avruch, 2013). I believe an essential way forward towards a more robust field and discipline is to build a parsimonious contingency approach. That is, an approach for applying our best theoretical and analytical tools to diagnosing the nature and status of a given conflict and then systematically and adaptively matching up the best methods for constructively engaging the conflict as it evolves. Fisher and Keashly (1991) pioneered contingency theory in international conflict resolution, while Sander and Goldberg suggested “fitting the forum to the fuss” in domestic ADR a few years later (1994). Since then the notion has caught on and is now somewhat in “vogue” (Fisher, 2012). However, surprisingly little development has occurred in this arena given the promise it holds. The contingency model described in this article buil...

The historical novel From the Nile to the Jordan is an enthralling story about the "Second Exodus" of Jews from Egypt to Israel. This so far little-noticed aspect of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, could spread new light on the events of 1948, make the suffering of both sides public and bring the middle east one step closer to peace. Before 1948 there was a prospering community with 100,000 Jews in Egypt, today there are only few Jewish widows left. This book combines the well-researched historical facts based on Aharoni's research on the topic, as a professor of Sociology, with her personal perspective as a witness who had to leave Egypt as a young woman. This approach makes the book an eye-opener for an important chapter of Jewish history, that is widely unknown. Aharoni goes beyond the past, aiming at using the story of the "Second Exodus" as a tool for reconciliation, convinced that if Israel and Egypt can make peace, peace between Israel and Palestine is possible too.

This article is probing the Sri Lankan Ethnic conflicts and Tamil Diaspora, and the struggle of minority Tamils in Sri Lanka. The ethnic war did end in 2009, with Sri Lankan government, dominated by the Sinhalese majority, defeating Tamil Tigers, the Warriors, who represented for ethnic Tamils. Auxiliary, this article is exploring the likelihoods of how the deep rifts created in the last 25 years, and what exactly are the root causes for the rifts are creating the feeling of inequality and oppression; and for a candid democratic system, which encourages autonomy for Tamil dominated regions, which was vouchsafed by the Sri Lankan government.

Water rights as a fundamental human rights arises from the human right to life. Such a formulation shows the special meaning of water as a resource for every person. Human right to life derives from the right to a healthy environment, health, food, education, work and working conditions, and other socioeconomic rights that are important for every person and for which the state has an obligation to care. The right to water as a basic human right directly affects the exercise of these rights. This study analyzes water conflicts that have had a direct impact on the human right to life and the right to water as a fundamental human right, and to other enumerated rights. Conflicts are characteristic for every basin in our country. Poor management of water resources is another aspect that analyzes this paper. The analysis explains why the right to water should be implemented as a basic human right. It will also be illustrated why water conflicts have occurred and what indicates their distribution on the territory of the state.

Preface
The problem of ethnic conflict is high throughout the Great Lakes region but policy and conflict scholars seem by and large to behave as if they no longer believe they can do much about it. The fact that the general public feels this to be so, raises a disturbing question: is it really true that policy makers and conflict experts can no longer propose policies capable of reducing ethnic conflicts? Let us admit from the start that as conflict scholars we are much less self-confident than we were several years ago. Developments since then have shown the deficiencies of policies, techniques and tools of peace building we used to advocate. We have realized that under certain circumstances, the problem of ethnic conflicts has turned out to be much more stubborn than we thought. We know that the problem of ethnic conflict is mainly a social and psychological phenomenon, since it results from the functioning of the social system. Moreover, we know that mass conflict deeply affects the whole fabric of society and is, for that reason a major social problem. Even if we do not say so we also know that this problem directly concerns us and that one of our most important functions is to clarify the necessary conditions for its resolution. We have amassed significant insights into belief and illusion, love and hate, conformity and independence. Much about human behaviour  that prompt people to engage into violent conflicts remains a mystery, yet peace building can now offer partial answers to many intriguing questions: Will people who engage in violent ethnic conflicts act differently if we can first persuade them to adopt new attitudes? If so, how can we best persuade them? What leads people sometimes to hurt and sometimes to help one another? What kindles social conflict, and how can we transform closed fists into helping hands? Answering such questions expands our self-understanding and sensitizes us to the social force. This book chapter has tried to provide answers to some of these questions.

Un corso di formazione-aggiornamento per docenti sull'educazione alla pace è un'occasione preziosa per riflettere su contenuti e metodi di un approccio educativo ispirato ai valori della nonviolenza, ma consente anche di entrare nel merito di una didattica alternativa a quella che ci viene proposta in modo perentorio da un'istituzione scolastica sempre più improntata alla logica aziendalista dell'efficienza e del merito. Il nostro intervento, previsto in apertura del Corso promosso dal Comune di Monteleone di Puglia, in collaborazione col Centro Gandhi onlus di Pisa, il XXVII C.D. di Bari-Palese ed il progetto UNESCO dell'I.C. di Accadia Anzano Monteleone e Sant'Agata, ha cercato di portare un contributo di idee e di esperienze su un terreno fondamentale per qualsiasi attività formativa. La comunicazione, infatti, è al tempo stesso il medium del processo educativo ed il suo contenuto più basilare. Parlare di pace richiede di per sé quindi non solo una chiara individuazione dei temi e problemi connessi ad un approccio nonviolento ai conflitti, ma implica una modalità comunicativa adeguata, cioè coerente con questa finalità e pertanto dialogica e costruttiva. Dopo una premessa sul significato di una autentica educazione alla e per la pace (chiarendone obiettivi e competenze basilari) il nostro contributo si è articolato in due momenti. Il primo-agevolato da una presentazione in PowerPoint-ha provato a sintetizzare una proposta educativa che utilizzasse tre possibili approcci metodologici alla comunicazione senza violenza, illustrandone le specificità ma individuando anche gli elementi in comune e, quindi, la possibilità di avvalersi congiuntamente di essi nel proprio percorso didattico. Un percorso che, ovviamente, riguarda in primo luogo gli insegnanti di materie letterarie, senza però escludere i docenti di altre discipline, nella misura in cui qualsiasi proposta didattica è fondata sulla relazione con i discenti e si avvale comunque di una comunicazione linguistica, verbale e non verbale. La seconda fase è stata quella del confronto con i corsisti, rispondendo ai loro quesiti e dubbi ed approfondendo alcuni aspetti della proposta, a partire dalla creazione nel gruppo-classe di un clima interattivo sul piano logico e dialogico ed empatico su quello relazionale. 2. Educare alla pace: 5 obiettivi, 7 competenze e 6 percorsi Con l'espressione educazione alla/per la pace (peace education) indichiamo un processo formativo incentrato sull'analisi dei conflitti e la ricerca, sperimentazione e divulgazione delle modalità teoriche ed operative per risolverli in modo costruttivo e nonviolento. 1 • L'educazione per la pace è orientata agli esiti del processo formativo, ossia alla realizzazione di comportamenti individuali e di gruppo che consentano un progressivo superamento della violenza nei rapporti, dal micro al macro livello. • L'educazione alla pace si occupa in primo luogo della formazione ad una cultura pacifica alternativa, intesa come un insieme coerente di conoscenze e tecniche specifiche e come repertorio di tematiche e spunti per un lavoro educativo che si proponga il superamento della distruttività dei conflitti. 7

A MINUSTAH (Missão das Nações Unidas para estabilização no Haiti) contou com a liderança militar do Exército Brasileiro, de 2004 a 2017, e teve como objetivo restabelecer a segurança e a normalidade institucional no Haiti após sucessivos episódios de turbulência política. Apesar da atuação de instituições, como as Forças Armadas, o Ministério das Relações Exteriores e do Governo Federal chamarem mais a atenção da mídia e dos analistas, a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH vai mais além do que a presença de entidades estatais. O envolvimento brasileiro na missão contou também com atores não estatais, da sociedade civil, que estavam, e ainda estão, presentes na tentativa declarada de pacificar e reconstruir o país caribenho. Um exemplo é caso da ONG brasileira Viva Rio, que desenvolve projetos de pacificação e mediação de conflitos urbanos nas comunidades de Porto Príncipe desde 2006. Apontada como um ator importante e um exemplo de iniciativa singular do modelo brasileiro de construção da paz, a Viva Rio ganhou destaque nas análises que se propuseram a explicar a participação brasileira na tentativa de reconstruir o Haiti. Com efeito, o objetivo deste trabalho é examinar a atuação da ONG Viva Rio no Haiti no contexto de uma missão de paz liderada pelo Exército Brasileiro. Argumentamos que, através da análise do caso da Viva Rio, podemos compreender algumas dinâmicas concretas sobre a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH de maneira mais precisa. A hipótese defendida é de que, por meio dos programas sociais e da prestação de serviços, a Viva Rio colabora para conquistar “mentes e corações”, pacificando a população das comunidades de Porto Príncipe. Os programas sociais e de mediação de conflitos ajudam a construir e aprimorar uma rede de governança que tem como principal objetivo administrar a sociedade civil e controlar as comunidades pobres de Porto Príncipe.

Points out how religion is power; power will be used by others--even the non-religious; when things go awry, then, religion is then blamed, often by the same ones who have exploited its power. This calls for critical and wary analysis of the rhetorical use of religion as a pawn, followed by its being blamed as a scapegoat.  Published in The Destructive Power of Religion; Violence in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, edited by J. Harold Ellens (4 volumes, Westport/London: Praeger Publishers, 2004), Vol. 2, 265-83.

Do social cohesion activities change the attitudes of the participants? This paper uses intergroup contact theory to explore attitude change resulting from contact with out-group(s) in social cohesion activities. Results from a pre-test/post-test design with fifty-five participants in two bicommunal camps in Cyprus show how attitudes change at the immediate end of these activities; an analysis of fourteen participants’ comments after one, thirteen, and twenty-five months provides a medium- to long-term assessment of attitude change. Not all participants were completely positive towards the other community before they took part, as assumed by some. There is clearly space for impact in terms of attitude change. Social cohesion activities represent indispensable tools for reducing prejudice and improving relationships between former enemies in post-conflict countries.

This paper is about how ius ad bellum "right to war" has developed throughout history. The research questions is has international law governing the use of force been sufficiently effective in limiting wars and international conflicts? In the literature, there are not many historical accounts of ius ad bellum enabling a comprehensive understanding of this principle in the international law. The author offers a historical overview starting with the ancient times, the Middle Ages, the Enlightenment through to the modern era of the 20th and 21st Centuries. As Tehranian (2003: 143), observed, ''It is certainly true that the 20th century has been the bloodiest in all known human history. From the first and second world wars to Hitler’s holocaust, Pol Pot’s massacres, and all the postwar bloody conflicts in Korea, Vietnam, the Persian Gulf, and more—leaving no breathing space, they caused the death and destruction of millions of people. Over 170 million people were killed by governments in official acts of genocide such as the Holocaust.'' However, ''Since 1900, about 250 new international and civil wars have been waged in which over 100 million soldiers and another 100 million civilians have died.'' According to Ikeda and Tehranian (2003: 143), ''Counting only military casualties, the 18th century had a casualty rate of 50 per million population per year as compared to 60 per million during the 19th century and over 460 per million for the 20th century.'' Consequently, the evolution of the jus ad bellum and its significance in different historical eras presented may prompt one to assume that it have had a minor impact on states’ propensity to wage wars. The decision about going to war was based on the ‘necessity of nature’, justified on the grounds of just war theory, claimed to be a legitimate privilege of sovereign states, or it was determined by power politics and balance of power rather than by international law. It might be concluded that a state with the power to project force feel free to use it whenever they think its use will advance their national interest. This is particularly in the context of recent unlawful military interventions by permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The critical question has been asked by Morris (2005: 287), ''can international society utilize international law to constrain the behaviour of states, especially great powers and particularly with regard to the use of force?'' Had Great Powers acted motivated more by normative concerns - by aborting competition in spheres of influence, great power chauvinism, false pride, annexations, military invasions, and cruel, senseless war causing cruelty in the form of humanitarian tragedies and refugee crises, there would have been more peace. As long as some leaders of Great Powers are stuck in Cold War mentality - practising political repression - progress in international politics is stalled. Resurgent revanchism, imperialism, competition over territory and resources, historical rivalries and grievances, plus great power rivalry i.e. trying to prevent a rival dominating the geopolitical space, the zone of strategic interest, or from becoming more integrated with the opposing alliance are only some examples of the reasons for why countries go to modern wars of choice. Security dilemma remains the essence, the threat from an opposing alliance only serves as a sufficient pretext to invasion and creation an external enemy that obviously aims to unite its nationals around the flag, escalating and blinding nationalism - this way, nations become angry. The Bible teaches in Revelation 11: 18, ''And the nations were angry; and Thy wrath is come, and the time of the dead, that they should be judged, and that Thou shouldest give reward unto Thy servants the prophets, and to the saints and them that fear Thy name, small and great, and shouldest destroy them that destroy the earth.” Power competition happens because power abhors vacuum, all states struggle for is power, it is inherent in the human nature. Pathetic, as for reality of the 21st Century great power politics, but on top of states, there are often weak human beings. In the past, there have been lot wars caused by power hungry leaders who wanted more territories, resources and money for themselves. Such leaders actually destroy the Earth as they are not educated in survival research and not trained in building trust between nations and states through diplomatic means. They believe there is nothing wrong with sacrificing millions of innocent civilian lives whether their own citizens (soldiers who are forced to fight) or citizens on occupied territories to the war machine. Where is international law in the cases of humanitarian crises, refugee crises, human rights violations, war crimes, heavy and hideous bombardment, destructive, demonic and apocalyptic shelling and other international crimes committed by mad tyrants? Where is international law when cataclysmic war between great powers might have significant global impacts for human and energy security, food market leading to social unrest and financial collapse? This might happen since there is not yet a well-functioning international mechanism for sovereign debt restructuring and it should be at the top of the global agenda (Krueger, 2022). Can international law effectively stop the ridicule of evil, a modern war machine that could aggravate wider economic and social upheaval? It would seem that international law is manipulated by the great powers to suit their national interest while the whole world suffers. Does the law which is upheld mostly by the most powerful great powers exempt them from abiding by the same law? However, the above does not mean that law is not effective most of the time, or that it is not necessary in contemporary international relations. Historical analysis presented below (if it is any consolation) suggests that it is very likely that there would have been even more wars and they would have had more disruptive character if not for the jus ad bellum. Can humanity be hopeful that the 21st Century will be a century of peaceful life? To do that humanity must continue to make progress in reducing armaments, limit the production of the most destructive weapons, continue with denuclearization and invest in the strong body of international law which decisively constrains armed conflict, thereby sending a clear message to dictators, mad tyrants, ruthless autocrats and nostalgic imperialists. This way, a new century can be peaceful. This world has endless problems, these are in fact, global challenges that are spiralling out of control. Many perplexing problems such as: conflict, climate change, biodiversity loss, pollution, violence, security and well being, lack of education, unemployment, government corruption, malnourishment, hunger, food security, population growth, extreme poverty and war remain unsolved, hindering the realization of global peace. A sense of complacency in the West continues, with the Soviet Union gone in 1991, there was no clear adversary that made it possible to rally behind a common cause. Václav Havel, a statesman and the first president of independent Czechoslovakia observed in 1994, “All of us continue to pay lip service to democracy, human rights, the order of nature and responsibility for the world.'' However, the West erred in thinking it could turn its attention elsewhere, assuming that the struggle for peace and freedom—the future Havel and many others had fought to secure—ended with the Cold War. Today, armed conflict in Europe and a global crisis of democracy give renewed resonance to Havel’s warning: winning the peace is “an even more difficult task” than winning the war.'' To win peace there has to be a strong framework of international law worldwide. Therefore, it is in the interest of all members of the international society to ensure that international law is adhered to, tightly regulated and covers most recent and current developments (i.e. is sufficiently innovative and reduces a perception of hypocrisy - at the moment, too many states make a false impression that they obey the jus ad bellum, as they justify a breach on the grounds of this law when actually, and intentionally, they break it in an outright manner). As Johan Galtung noticed, a major fault in Western civilization is not rule of law but focusing only on acts of commission and not on acts of omission. Consistency of norms creates norms of international law. All states must abide by these norms or these norms will evaporate. An effective law must be able to be enforced and be enforceable. When law is breached, there is a reasonably high likelihood that the offender will be caught and punished for violation so that traitors and tyrants fight in vain. Only a strong body of international law with strong enforcement mechanisms could limit cases of possible breaches, thereby giving a chance for the 21st Century to be peaceful.

This chapter looks at street art and its relationship to peace efforts. Specifically, it examines how street art is used as a medium to express the concerns, needs and wants of societal groups whose everyday lives are affected by decisions made at (and by) higher political levels, but whose voices remain marginalised and/or silenced. The fact that this type of artistic intervention takes place in the street means that its message is by definition accessible by a large audience. Depending on the circumstances of each case and the severity of the situation faced by everyday actors, street art interventions may not only manifest instances of injustice or mistreatment, but may also lead to the transformation of the situation through collective action (mobilisation, protest, manifestation). The chapter looks at a few examples where street art has had this type of effect.

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were written, but preliminary research on the physical manuscript and the sources cited indicate two possible windows. The first is around 1602-1605, that is roughly at a time when Grotius was also working on his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (De Iure Praedae Commentarius). The second dating places the genesis of the manuscrbipt around 1613-1615.
In the context of Grotius’ writings, the Theses LVI assume an important position for several reasons: They raise questions about state formation, the duty of citizens to the state and the right of political resistance in far greater detail than in any other work of the celebrated Dutch humanist. The Theses LVI also feature important reading notes that yield priceless insights into the sources that Grotius directly consulted and their influence on his ideas. The manuscript grants modern scholars a unique glimpse into the working mind of its author. Evidence points not only to the ferocious haste with which Grotius wrote his works, but also the occasional sloppiness of his reading and research habits."""

This thesis focuses on the visual message made by the new Neo-muralist movement in México City, taking as a protagonist the collective of art Germen crew. The study asks: What is the message behind Mexican Neo-muralism, taking into consideration the visual elements involved, such as Indigenous and Pre-Hispanic images in a social context marked by exclusion toward indigenous communities and persons with indigenous background.
The material for this ethnographic study is based upon semi-structured interviews and observations made through fieldwork in México. The collected material is later analyzed by framing theories.
The results made by this study show that Neo-muralism movement is trying to preserve and rebuild denied Indigenous identities through an artistic narrative and non-violent practice. The contribution made by this movement as a non-violent group in resistance has made Neo- muralism the voice of those who have been silenced over time under conditions of exclusion.

subaltern  is  the  postcolonial  approach  to  study  international  relation  from  the  week  states’ perspective.    It  is  the  offspring  of  realism  which  focuses  on  internal  vulnerability  is  a  major  source  of insecurity. The article is applied as a framework to explain security threats in Ethiopia and reviewed papers that are write on Ethiopian national security. This short article reviewed and classified the Ethiopian security threats  as  internal  and  external.  By  consulting  the  bulk  of  literatureand  my  daily  academic  talk  with colleagues;  Poverty,  famine,  recurrent  and  drought,  National  integrity  (consolidating  Ethnic  conflict federalism), The danger of succession and state failure, Democratization and election issuesare identified as  Internal  security  threats.  On  the  other  hand  Terrorism,  Proliferation  of  arms,  Fragile  Relation  with Neighboring governments, Nile politics and neighboring countries’ spreading civil wars are claimed to be External security threats.  Tosustain the sparkle of democracy and development achieved throughout the last decades, it is imperative to work aggressively and focus on the country’s internal vulnerability.Keywords: Ethiopia, Realist, Security, Subaltern, Threats

When I was growing up, DC Comics and comic heroes like “Batman”, and “Superman”, and “Wonder Woman”, were ubiquitous at local convenient store stands. I remember eagerly reading about the so-called comic book, “Justice League” and how these fictional heroes gathered forces and jointly fought off evil foes. The heroic exploits extended to Saturday morning cartoons in the 1970s to 1980s with the “Super Friends”. In grade school, I too had learned about Greek myths and Greek mythological heroes. So, there were overlaps in my readings about fictional heroes...Most are unsung heroes like teachers working in lower socio-economic public schools; or psychiatrists working in mental health clinics; or nurses in hospitals and different health settings; or medical doctors in emergency rooms; or social workers; or psychologists; or many governmental workers; or firemen; or policemen; or public defenders; or clergy who defend migrants; or clergy working with the poor; or those who work with the homeless; and all those who spend their careers in mediation and working in conflict resolution and peace studies. Some of these unsung heroes may find it strange, I call them peace workers, but I think it can be argued they are indeed such people for making our own existence more peaceable. And while we have made so many notable technological advancements, we hardly think how we have socially advanced toward better living.

This paper is attempted to answer question how Hendry Dunant Centre (HDC) and crisis management Innisiative (CMI) is facilitating the conflict in Aceh. The result of this paper shown that HDC efforts was failures as facilitator but CMI was successfully in facilitating conflict in Aceh. The achievement of the negotiations between Indonesia and GAM from the first round until the fifth round, and signing MoU draft on the fifth round of negotiations, is an achievement that is very important and essential for conflict resolution in Aceh.

UNOSOM II has certainly laid the foundation for the doctrine of “responsibility to protect” (R2P), that would have been born out of the international community’s failure to respond to tragedies such as the Rwandan genocide in 1994 and the massacre in Srebrenica in 1995, according to which the international community has a duty to act to protect people from gross violations of human rights when individual governments cannot or do not want to do it.

The Ifugaos seem to be the only people in the world who have developed peacemaking ideology in a typically aggressive genre of oral literature. The rich literature on epic traditions worldwide portrays a highly male-centered genre of song glorifying heroic values and warlike acts. Ifugao male epics represents aggressive ideology, which it shares with all the corresponding genres from India to Iceland. But what is specific of the Ifugao epic lore is that it contains two trends. The /hudhud/, female epic tradition of the Ifugaos, is a unique specimen of peacemaking, even pacifist ideology in epic form. This ideology has developed in the peak of headhunting period, i.e. it is genuine, not imposed by the influence of other cultures as, for instance, the motives of regret that appeared in Kalinga Ullalim under the influence of Christianization and American "order".

Combining reflections on my personal experiences regarding tourism with an analytical review of key concepts, this essay addresses the question whether and how tourism contributes to building a global ‘culture of peace’. Setting the scene, I first situate myself vis-à-vis tourism and the peace-through-tourism idea. The next section of the paper provides an in-depth analysis of the terms culture, peace, and tourism. After having defined these concepts, I illustrate how my own research project contributes in innovative ways to the current debate. I conclude with a plea for more collaboration and open dialogue between policy makers, industry representatives, and scholars in order to facilitate ‘peace through tourism’ as well as ‘peace within tourism’.

We invite paper proposals for our upcoming Workshop “Perspectives on Governance by Non-State Armed Actors”, which will be held online on May 24, 2021. It is the first event of the Workshop Series "Debating Transnational Governance", organized by Scuola Normale Superiore and Scuola Superiore Sant'Anna.

The study of governance by non-state armed actors, including rebel groups, is an emerging field of research that has experienced greater scrutiny over recent years. Phenomena such as civil wars, in which insurgent groups or other armed groups might take control over swaths of territory and administer public life, have shown the limits of state-centered paradigms, thus stimulating the emergence of new approaches.

Literature on rebel governance, and on governance by armed groups broadly speaking, has been enriched by comparative analyses encompassing a number of case studies both in the same geographical area and in different regions. In particular, scholarship has highlighted the diversity underlying the concept of governance by non-state armed actors, as a variety of governance styles, patterns, and characteristics have been observed, shaped by pre-conflict as well as wartime factors. For instance, a number of works have scrutinized the relationship between rebel groups and the local civilians, focusing not only on the strategies employed by such groups to engage the populations, but also on how civilians’ response might affect rebels’ behavior and choices in governance; and on the experiences, perceptions, and agency of local actors.

This workshop aims to foster and expand current debates in the field of rebel governance and governance by armed groups. The event is open to both theoretical and empirical contributions, and it especially welcomes interdisciplinary contributions combining insights from different fields of research, as well as those connecting different levels of analysis. We welcome proposals addressing a range of aspects including, but not limited to: inter-group dynamics and governance by armed groups; relations between armed groups and civilians; women's roles and participation in rebel governance; the contested role of political ideologies; “hybrid actors” and external sponsors; consequences of rebel governance in the post-war context.

Proposals can be submitted online here until April 26, 2021: https://forms.gle/FNEks63UYcFK9isF8

Contacts: silvia[dot]carenzi[at]sns[dot]it | lydia[dot]letsch[at]sns[dot]it

""En Filipo II y el Arte de la Guerra tendremos la oportunidad de conocer en profundidad a uno de los más grandes reyes de la antigua Macedonia. Gracias a su habilidad como estratega, diplomático, político y soldado, heredó un reino pobre, débil y acosado por innumerables enemigos y lo transformó en el más poderoso de toda Grecia.

A lo largo de sus páginas podremos conocer la historia del reino Macedonio, desde sus orígenes míticos hasta la formación de un imperio, de la mano del que, a la postre, se convertiría en el padre del mítico Alejandro Magno y en el forjador de un nuevo ejército que cambiaria el devenir de la guerra en la Antigüedad. Filipo II fue el creador de la falange macedonia, formación que se demostraría como inigualable en el campo de batalla y que reportaría incontables victorias sobre poderosos enemigos, como los ilirios, los tesalios, los tracios, los beocios o los atenienses. Pero no sólo eso, logró integrar en el campo de batalla a la infantería y a la caballería para emplearlos en nuevas formaciones tácticas: armó a sus soldados con las míticas sarissas y apreció como pocos las posibilidades militares que la maquinaria de guerra podía proporcionarle, siendo el mecenas de numerosos avances en este campo. Soñó con conquistar el Imperio persa, cuando ya había logrado lo que nadie antes fue capaz: el control de Grecia.

Sólo la muerte le arrebató esa hazaña, pero sentó las bases de lo que más tarde conseguiría su propio hijo. Su figura levantó tanto odios como pasiones; se le conocía como mujeriego y bebedor, pero también por su habilidad para la oratoria, por sus astucia, determinación y valor. Siempre luchó en primera línea junto a sus soldados y nunca permitió que éstos le llamaran rey, sino solo "General".

The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) is implementing a UNHCR funded project entitled “Multi-sectoral assistance to Sudanese refugees in Upper Nile “in Maban. One of the project’s pillars is the Sexual Gender Based Violence (SGBV) prevention and response intervention, including a concept called SASA! - Start, Awareness, Support Action approach that is envisioned to create positive, supportive, and sustained changes in community knowledge, attitudes, skills, and behaviours related to gender-based violence and power. As a way to fully understand the situation on the ground before implementation of the SASA! Approach, DRC conducted a baseline survey for the SASA! Approach in April 2019. The main objective of the survey was to set the benchmarks of the project before SASA! activities were rolled out to the targeted communities.
Qualitative and quantitative data collection approaches were used; with quantitative data being collected using a structured questionnaire adopted from the SASA! toolkit and qualitative data being collected using a Focus Group Discussion guide (FGD) that was also adopted from the SASA! toolkit.  Quantitative data was collected by 6 trained enumerators (3 males and 3 females) who were selected from the host community in Maban whilst FGD data was collected by DRC male and female staff members working in Maban. A total of 200 refugees (100 males and 100 females) provided quantitative data for the survey whilst 96 refugees participated in the 8 FGDs that were conducted in the 4 camps in Maban. Quantitative data was collected using tablets that had KoBoCollect, a mobile data collection software installed in them. Data cleaning and analysis were conducted using Statistical Product and Service Solutions (SPSS) software and graphs were generated using MS Office 2016.
The following were the key findings from the survey:
 In terms of SGBV knowledge, respondents seem to be knowledgeable about SGBV issues. Respondents showed some understanding on the likely causes of domestic violence, e.g. knowing that domestic violence also affects children staying home.
 Regarding SGBV attitudes, 46% of the respondents highlighted that it didn’t matter for a woman to refuse having sex with her husband whilst 55% of the respondents mentioned that it did matter
 54% (51% males and 57% females) of the respondents mentioned that it was better to tolerate or accept violence as a way of keeping the family unified.
 86% of the respondents didn’t believe that women should share information that they have been beaten by their partners.
 60% of the respondents did not see any problem with man being regularly seen washing dishes at home by their friends whilst 40% of the respondents mentioned that it did matter to them to see married men being regularly seen by his friends washing dishes at home.
 68% of the respondents mentioned that people should intervene when the husband is beating his wife whilst 32% mentioned that no one should intervene in such a case. More male respondents saw it fit to intervene than females.
 Regarding SGBV skills and behaviour, 51% of the respondents did not provide assistance when they saw women experiencing violence in their homes
 31% of the respondents reported the violence cases that they witnessed in nearby homes whilst 57% did not report any of those cases.
 Only 32% of the respondents had spoken against violence against women in their communities in the last 12 months. religion influenced significantly (χ2 = 6.555, DF=1, p<0.05, N=200) on speaking against violence against women meaning more Christians (54%) than Muslims (28%) spoke against violence against women.
 35% of the women did things that were typically thought to be men’s roles whilst on the other hand, 47% of the men mentioned that they did things that were typically thought to be women’s roles.
 67% (74% males & 59% females) mentioned that they had a greater say (more influence/power in making decisions) than their partners in important decisions matters that affect them or their family.
 In terms of the resolving a disagreement between the male and female partners, 67% (67% males and 67% females) mentioned that they did not win or have the thing happen the way they wanted most of the time in the last 12 months meaning both parties equally gave in to the decisions of their partners.
 72% of the respondents mentioned that they felt respected by their partners for the past 12 months whilst 26% mentioned that they felt they were not respected by their partners. The results were statistically significant (χ2 = 33.951, DF=2, p<0.05, N=200) meaning more males felt respected by their partners than females.
 In terms of SASA! awareness, 24% of the respondents had seen some SASA! material before and only 23% of the respondents had seen someone in their community talking about SASA!
 51% (61% males and 41% females) had participated in activities related to safe and healthy relationships.
 One key lesson learned from the survey was that in most cases where action against violence/GBV was required, men appeared to be the ones trying to prevent violence against women whilst women themselves tended to distance themselves from such acts.
 In terms of recommendations, it is recommended some SASA! related indicators be developed by both the SGBV team and MEAL team. This will enable DRC to quantitatively measure how the SASA! intervention managed to impact the targeted communities.
 Looking at the low literacy levels of the respondents, it is recommended that DRC simplifies its SASA! literature so that those struggling to read can understand the literature. Another way would be to device other approaches to reach to people e.g. awareness campaigns do not require reading but instead listening thus accommodating the less educated.
In conclusion, the survey was a success in that it managed to address most of the issues under investigation. A detailed analysis on the survey findings can be found in the following sections of the report

In un’Europa che dalla fine della guerra fredda è riuscita a riunificare diverse faglie che la contrapposizione tra i due blocchi avevano creato, ve n’è una che persiste: la linea verde cipriota, che separa fisicamente le due principali comunità, i greco- ed i turco-ciprioti, evitando la prosecuzione armata di un conflitto che ad oggi ancora non trova soluzione. Ma le origini del conflitto sono ben più profonde, e la sua risoluzione non potrà in ogni caso caratterizzarsi per la sua semplicità, bensì per la capacità di trovare una valida sintesi tra le due posizioni, considerabilmente diverse, la quale possa essere recepita e compresa anche dal pubblico, vera base su cui costruire qualunque accordo, anche come dimostrano i fallimenti delle soluzioni “calate dall’alto” che si sono susseguite nel tempo.

Stille Diplomatie


Grundsätze, Arbeitsfelder und Handlungsweisen von Stillen Diplomaten. Ein Bericht aus der Alltagspraxis. Andreu Ginestet, Dezember 2021


Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Einführung:

die „W“ Fragen.
Was?
Warum?
Wo (Kontext)?
Wie?
Wann?

Anmerkung vom Botschafter der physisch lebendigen Erde
Wer? Kann stiller Diplomat werden?
                              – Jeder –

* Publication sponsored by the Federal Foreign Office of Germany (www.auswaertiges-amt.de)

The long-standing disagreements between NATO and Russia have been left unresolved for decades. In 2014 they finally escalated into an outright confrontation on the European continent, in which most European countries are now involved. Armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, information warfare, along with a military buildup – these developments signalize clearly that European security is in danger today.

If the OSCE is to resolve this crisis, there needs to be more than a high-level dialogue among the OSCE participating States on the future of European security. It could be years before such a dialogue would bring results and a way out of the dangerous confrontation would be found. Until then, this dialogue should be complemented by the OSCE’s work on the ground, through its field operations, targeted at preventing new conflicts similar to that in Ukraine.

This work is particularly needed in the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus where the lines of geopolitical confrontation are drawn today. Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – over the fate of these six states a particularly intense struggle has unfolded. While they have been developing closer relations with NATO and the EU, the example of Georgia in 2008 has shown that Russia will oppose the Western influence in its neighbourhood. The more recent example of Ukraine has further demonstrated that the increasing instability in Europe puts even the states without ‘frozen conflicts’ on their territories at risk of an armed conflict that could lead to civil war and partition.

The OSCE and its field operations have been slow to respond strategically to these new challenges. In contrast to the field operations in the Western Balkans, the OSCE operations in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus are much smaller and have lower budgets. Unlike the OSCE field operations in Central Asia, they do not have explicit conflict prevention mandates focusing instead on the resolution of already existing ‘frozen conflicts’. Moreover, in three of the six countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus – Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia – there is no OSCE field operations at all.

This chapter will present the evidence of why the risk of new armed conflicts in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus is real. It will then argue that the OSCE should respond to the challenge by, firstly, enlarging its field operations in Moldova and Armenia, secondly,  re-establishing  the  field operations in  Georgia, Azerbaijan and Belarus, and, thirdly, tasking all field operations in Eastern Europe  and the South Caucasus with conflict prevention.