| 摘要: |
臺灣正式國家名稱為「中華民國」，是目前全球唯一在中華文化土壤中，已順利完成兩次政黨輪替的自由民主國家。臺灣會從過去一個「威權體制」國家，轉變發展並走向一個真正「民主法治」國家，進而受到許多亞太周邊國家，甚至是世界大國如美國的多次讚許，稱臺灣是「亞洲和世界的民主燈塔」以及「亞洲偉大的成功故事之一」，其實是與我政府過去進行多次「憲政改革」與「國會改造」所累積的民主政治成就有密切關係。
臺灣的國會制度不同於一般民主國家，長期以來，都有著「複數國會」爭議問題。也因為國會制度的定位一直不明確，使得過去皆稱為我國中央民意機關的「立法院」與「國民大會」之間，就常有權力爭執的情形發生。雖然臺灣解除戒嚴後，國民黨政府曾推動多次憲政改革工程，但「複數國會」的爭議問題並未完全解決。直到2005年，改由當時執政的民進黨政府與最大在野黨國民黨的聯手合作，進行「第七次修憲」並將國民大會的憲法職權完全停止運作後，才終於將我國的「國會制度」有了較明確的定位。
國民大會是依據中華民國憲法第二十五條所設置並代表人民行使「間接民權」的政權機關，亦是孫中山思想及三民主義中的一項重要設計和制度。但為何「國民大會」此一重要的憲法機關，會先被改革為「任務型國民大會」的組織型態，隨後又在2005年「第七次修憲」時被完全廢除；而此廢除結果，對臺灣的未來「憲政體制」與「國會制度」發展有何重要影響及深層意義；除此之外，未來政府若欲再進行「第八次修憲」以增進我國國會的議事效率，其修改憲法的方向應該為何。以上種種問題，實有值得探討與深入研究必要。
本博士論文採用「文件分析」、「參與觀察」、「比較」與「跨學科」等研究方法，綜合分析我國政府過去所推動的歷次憲政改革。特別發現2005年我國政府所進行的「第七次修憲」並將國民大會此一組織廢除的結果，如從「權力分立」與「國會改造」兩個角度研究觀察，其實對臺灣未來的「憲政體制」與「國會制度」是有非常重要之影響意涵。第一，此次憲政改革廢除國民大會的結果，不僅打破了我國「中央政府體制」過去有「五權憲法體制」精神的說法，也打破了「孫中山遺教」為修改憲法界限的主張；第二，我國中央民意機關一向不同於歐美先進國家，長期有「複數國會」的爭議問題，而第七次修憲將國民大會廢除並將其原有職權移轉由「立法院」行使，即有鄭重宣示我國「單一國會」制度的時代來臨。至於未來政府若希望再推動憲政改革工程（即第八次修憲），以改善我國國會的立法功能；本博士論文亦提出「修憲確定我國中央政府體制的定位」、「檢討改進我國立法委員的選舉制度」、「提高我國議長警察權的法律位階」及「建立我國國會議員的除名制度」等四項政策建議，供政府相關部門及社會各界於未來修憲時之重要參考。
Taiwan, officially known as the Republic of China, is the only liberal democracy with Chinese culture to have successfully completed two exchanges in the ruling party. Taiwan’s transition from an authoritarian system to a true democratic nation ruled by law has received praise from neighboring countries in the Asia Pacific and even from world powers such as the US. Taiwan has been described as “a beacon of democracy to Asia and the world” and “one of the great success stories of Asia”, and this is due to the democratic and political achievements of the Taiwanese government accumulated from multiple constitutional and parliamentary reforms.
The parliamentary system of Taiwan previously differed from that of general democracies, presenting the controversial issue of multiple parliaments. The lack of clarity in defining the parliamentary system resulted in numerous power struggles between the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly, both of which were titled central civil representative bodies. Although the Kuomingtang government initiated a number of constitutional reforms after martial law was lifted, the issue of multiple parliaments had yet to be resolved. It was not until 2005, when the ruling Democratic Progressive Party joined efforts with largest opposition party Kuomingtang in making a seventh constitutional amendment that abolished the National Assembly, that the parliamentary system of Taiwan could be more distinctly defined.
The National Assembly was a government body established according to Article 25 of the Constitution of the Republic of China to represent the people and indirectly exercise their civil rights. It was a crucial design and institution based on the ideals of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and the Three Principles of the People. However, why such a crucial constitutional body was reformed into a tasked-based organization and then abolished in 2005, what the abolishment implies on a deeper level, how this abolishment will influence the future constitutional and parliamentary systems of Taiwan, and what direction the government should take if they were to make an eight constitutional amendment to enhance the procedural efficiency of the parliament are all issues worthy of discussion and in-depth study.
This doctoral dissertation contains a comprehensive analysis of the constitutional reforms initiated by the government of Taiwan using document analysis, participant observation, comparison, and transdisciplinarity integration. We discovered that from the perspectives of the separation of powers and parliamentary reform, the seventh constitutional reform and its abolishment of the National Assembly in 2005 in fact have significant meaning with regard to the future constitutional and parliamentary systems of Taiwan. First, the act of abolishment goes against not only the spirit of a central government system and the five-power constitution but also the advocacy of limiting constitutional amendments in the legacy of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Second, the central civil representative body of Taiwan had always differed from those of advanced American and European nations with the controversial issue of multiple parliaments. With the seventh constitutional amendment abolishing the National Assembly and transferring its powers to the Legislative Yuan, the Taiwanese government has declared the beginning of a new single-parliament era in Taiwan. With regard to future constitutional reforms (meaning the eight constitutional amendment), this dissertation puts forward four policy recommendations: the clarification of Taiwan’s central government system, review and improvement of the legislative election system, enhancement of the legal status of the Speaker’s police powers, and the establishment of an expulsion system for members of parliament. |
