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First published March 1994

Suicide Among Canadian Aboriginal Peoples

Abstract

This paper reviews research on suicide and attempted suicide among Canadian Aboriginal peoples (Amer indians, Métis and Inuit). The demographic and cul tural diversity of the Aboriginal population is described and basic epidemiological data are summar ized. Social, cultural, and political economic factors that may contribute to suicide and culturally appropri ate interventions are reviewed. A model integrating social and psychiatric perspectives on suicide is presented. The high prevalence of suicide in this population indicates widespread social problems that demand community-based interventions and socio- political change in addition to the conventional psychiatric emphasis on individual psychopathology and family dynamics.

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1. There is no entirely satisfactory term to encompass the range of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. Many Amerindians currently call themselves First Nations peoples but this term has not been universally adopted and does not include Métis and Inuit. This review will use "Aboriginal" and "Native" interchangeably. as well as "Indian" or "Amerindian" when referring to status or non- status Indians in Canada or Native American Indians in the U. S. The choice of term will parallel the particular literature cited.
2. While 'métis' is a term used for someone of mixed Amerindian and European descent, the Métis are a self-identified Aboriginal group who emphasize a common cultural heritage although their political status varies across provinces (Frideres, 1993; Peterson & Brown, 1985). 'Inuit' is the preferred term for people formerly called Eskimos.
3. For comparison, in the United States, the 1987 suicide rate was 12.7/100,000 (Tsuang, Simpson & Fleming, 1992). Over this century, the U.S. rate has averaged 12.5/100,000, but ranged from a high of 17.4/100,000 during the depression to a low of 9.8/100,000 in 1957.
4. In estimating prevalence, I have relied heavily on statistical data from the Medical Services Branch of Health and Welfare Canada because few other data are available. Unfortunately, these statistics address only status Indians.
5. Webb and Willard (1975) illustrate the diversity among Amerin dian peoples by discussing different patterns of suicidal behaviour among six Native American groups. For some time, high rates of suicide were assumed to exist among all Amerindian groups on the basis of studies of only two Shoshone reservations suffering from a high level of social disorganization, unemployment, alcohol and solvent abuse, and criminal behaviour among adolescent males. These very limited data have been frequently cited to establish the severity of the problem in the entire Native population.
In contrast, the Pueblo Indians have been noted to have low suicide rates, although they comprise many different groups and, as with other Native groups, owing to their small numbers it takes only one cluster of suicides to drive the rate up significantly. Among the Dakota and Cheyenne, there have been few reports of completed suicide, although suicide attempts are more common. Webb and Willard (1975) argue that completed suicide is actually more common than it appears in this group because it often takes the form of risky or foolhardy behaviour or provocation in which one knows one will be killed. This conforms to a traditional pattern called "Crazy-Dog-Wishing-To-Die. " Many accidental deaths may thus be suicides.
6. Suicide rates tend to be moderately correlated (r=.34 to .52) with homicide rates in communities (Bachman, 1992; Young, 1990).
7. Research must be conducted collaboratively with communities to ensure relevance and responsiveness to local needs and percep tions. Ethical guidelines for the conduct of research with Native communities and peoples have been published by the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (no date) and the Association of Canadian Universities for Northern Studies (1990) among other groups. See also: O'Neil, Kaufert, Kaufert, & Koolage (1993).

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Laurence J. Kirmayer

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