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Legal Categories, Demographic Change and Japan’s Korean Residents in the Long Twentieth Century
By Yoshiko NOZAKI, Hiromitsu INOKUCHI and Kim Tae-young
Although many Japanese—right-wing nationalists and politicians in particular—hold that Japan is a nation comprised of a single racial/ethnic people, a number of significant ethnic minority groups reside within its territory (Lie 2001). Throughout the twentieth century, the largest such group has been Zainichi Koreans.[1] Classified as Japanese nationals (imperial subjects) under colonial rule, they have legally been placed in the category of foreign residents (zairyu gaikokujin) to constitute a population of Korean residents in postwar Japan. Currently, Zainichi Koreans account for approximately three quarters of all Korean residents.[2] This study examines demographic changes and identity formations among the Korean residents in general, and the Zainichi Koreans in particular, in light of changing Japanese legal approaches to nationality/citizenship. Several studies have shown that the identity of Zainichi Koreans has become increasingly complex and diverse since the 1980s (e.g., The categories of “Korean residents in
Colonialism and the Asia-Pacific War, 1910-1945
In 1905, During these years, migration took place primarily for economic reasons. The colonial policy of land confiscation and forced delivery of rice to Japan both impoverished the Korean countryside and resulted in food shortages in the early 1920s. Jobs and opportunities—in reality, low paying jobs—were available in the colonial center, as the Japanese economy boomed after World War I (1914-1918), attracting many Koreans to Japan (see, for example, Weiner 1989). In addition, some Koreans went there for education or to establish businesses. Between the late 1930s and 1945, Korean migration to the Japanese colonial center rapidly increased. In 1940, the population of Koreans living in Although Koreans were colonized, assimilated, and oppressed, as imperial subjects (shinmin) they held Japanese nationality/citizenship (kokuseki). Koreans in
The Allied Occupation, Korean War, and the North-South Division, 1945-1952
At the beginning of the Allied occupation of A massive wave of repatriation of Koreans living in Although the Japanese government promoted this early phase of repatriation, Koreans in The Allied occupation officially launched a repatriation project in March 1946; by this time, however, the number of Koreans remaining in The rising tension on the Korean peninsula between the two political regimes of the South and the North and the Korean War deeply influenced the social and political formations of Koreans remaining in During these years of Allied occupation, though not depriving Koreans remaining in Japan of Japanese nationality/citizenship, both the Allied occupation and the Japanese government began to treat them as foreigners. In particular, in its supplemental clause, the Alien Registration Law, enacted in 1947, pronounced that Koreans were to be regarded as foreigners for the time being in the application of the law.[6] The number of Koreans registered was 529,907 (Morita 1996). In registering them, the government put the term Chosen ( In 1952, In 1952, the number of Korean residents was slightly more than 535,000. The Japanese government refused to recognize them as nationals/citizens of either South or
The Repatriation Project to
The Korean War and the subsequent division of North and South created serious conflicts and antagonism among Korean residents, whose population reached 600,000 in 1957 (see Table 2). The majority of Korean residents supported The North Korean-affiliated organization Soren (Zainippon Chosenjin Sorengokai, General Association of Korean Residents in In 1959, at a time when Japan had no diplomatic relations with either South or North Korea), mediated by the International Red Cross, the Japanese government promoted a program encouraging the repatriation of Korean residents to North Korea. During the next four years, more than 80,000 Korean residents repatriated to The population of Korean residents in Japan, which declined to 568,000 in 1961 as a result of repatriation to North Korea, began to increase again, reaching approximately 584,000 in 1965 (Morita 1996, p. 103; see Table 2). With strong signs of the failure of the North Korean repatriation project, the status of Zainichi—“residing-in-Japan” as foreigners—began to appear to be a permanent condition, or, at least, one that would extend over a long period of time. In this sense, the repatriation project’s failure contributed to the emergence of Zainichi identity and its special meaning as an ethnic minority formation in
In 1965, Within the group of Korean residents, the TPR status also created controversy. One source of contention was the term eiju (permanent residency), given strong sentiment against residing in However problematic, in subsequent years, many Korean residents switched their allegiance from North to South in order to obtain the TPR, a stable legal status that reduced the possibility of forced deportation. There were further advantages. Since the majority came from the southern part of the Korean peninsula, the switch allowed them to visit families and relatives who still lived there. By 1974, 55% of Korean residents in The opening of diplomatic relations not only allowed Koreans residing in In addition to these two categories of Korean residents, who were legally classified as foreigner/non-Japanese, there were Korean residents who became naturalized Japanese citizens. In 1952, 232 became naturalized Japanese citizens,[9] and the number gradually grew (see Table 3). By 1959, more than 16,400 Korean residents had naturalized. The cumulative number rose to 47,000 by the end of 1969, and 93,386 by the end of 1979 (see Table 3). Japanese official statistics do not specifically follow up on naturalized Japanese citizens of Korean origins, who are simply classified as Japanese. While many who naturalized wished to hide their ethnic origins, the lack of demographic data for this group (and others who naturalize) helps perpetuate the myth of Japanese homogeneity.
Institutional Changes in the 1980s and the 1991 Japan-South
During the 1980s, changes took place in Likewise, in 1982, following ratification of the Refugee Convention, for the first time, Korean residents became eligible for the National Pension Plan and the Child-Support Allowance. More importantly, a new Immigration Control Law took effect, and Zainichi Koreans who had not registered as South Koreans and thus did not have TPR status (many of them affiliated with Soren/North Korea) were able to apply and be automatically accepted for General Permanent Residency (GPR) (ippan-eiju). Zainichi Koreans with GPR status were treated almost the same as those who had TPR status, the most significant difference being the terms relevant to deportation. While TPR-holders could be deported after a seven-year prison term, GPR-holders could be deported after only a one-year term of imprisonment. By 1986, more than 265,000 Zainichi Koreans held GPR status (Tanaka 1995; Y. Kim 1996). Another important change took place in 1985, with the Japanese government ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which required the amendment of Along with changes in the Nationality Law, the Family Registration Law was also revised in 1985. Prior to the mid-1980s, the family registration system had placed high hurdles before those who wanted to naturalize. In particular, a naturalized person was required to use a Japanese style family name. However, changes in the law made it possible for naturalized Japanese citizens to use their original family names in their family registration. In practice, however, a problem remained (and still remains): immigration officials and legal administrative scriveners often assumed and suggested, explicitly or not, that resident Koreans use a Japanese-style name on their naturalization applications. If Korean residents followed their suggestion, which they often did because of uncertainly about the immigration process, they lost their original names upon their successful naturalization prior to family registration (Chung n.d. a).[10] The issue of name is a source of longstanding conflict between Zainichi Koreans and the Japanese government.[11] In fact, before 1985, a group of naturalized Japanese citizens of Korean origin—identifying themselves as “Koreans with Japanese nationality/citizenship,” not “Korean-Japanese”—had demanded the right to use their Korean-style family names as their official/family registration names. Previous lawsuits to recover their Korean family names had all failed. Soon after the amendment of the Family Registration Law, however, in 1987, one challenger won a lawsuit to recover his Korean-style name. Eventually, all who filed suit recovered their Korean-style names (Chung n.d.). In the late 1980s, the Japanese government removed another psychological hurdle to naturalization by abolishing the regulatory requirement to fingerprint all ten fingers of newly naturalized Japanese.[12] Overall, through the 1990s, the government simplified the administrative process and softened its high-handed attitude toward Korean residents who sought to naturalize, although the process remains cumbersome and uncomfortable for some (see also Asakawa 2003).[13] In 1991, at a time when relations between North and The 1991 Memorandum included more proactive positions on several outstanding issues. Zainichi Koreans became eligible to hold jobs as public school teachers (although only for “lecturer” [koshi] positions, whose job security was/is not the same as that of regular teachers); Korean ethnic education (minzoku kyoiku) was also legitimated as a possible extracurricular activity in schools; and future consideration was to be given to extending the right to vote in local elections to Zainichi Koreans. There remained, however, important limitations on the civil rights of Zainichi Koreans (K. Kim 1995). For example, they were still barred from holding governmental administrative positions at national and local levels, including public schools. Indeed, many issues of overt and covert discrimination against Zainichi Koreans remain untouched. The Memorandum of 1991 was, however, a milestone, as it was the first Japanese government document addressing Zainichi Koreans as legitimate constituents of Japanese society (Yang 1996). In 1991, the population of Koreans residing in
Recent Demographic Changes
The population of Korean residents has been in decline in recent years, the number falling to just under 614,000 in 2003 (Tae-young Kim 2005). This demographic change has coincided with a steep decline in the percentage of Korean residents among the entire foreign resident population in Governmental statistics do not disclose the precise number of Zainichi Koreans. However, because most Zainichi Koreans have obtained SPR status, the number of SPRs is a useful approximation of their number. In 1992, the number of individuals with SPR status was 585,000, constituting 85% of the Korean residents; in 2002, it was 485,000 and 78%, and in 2003 more than 471,000 and 77% (Tae-young Kim 2005). Another way to look at this trend is by noting that the percentage of newcomer South Koreans in the population of Korean residents has grown steadily since the early 1990s, as South Korea liberalized the overseas travel of its citizens in 1988 (Ryang 2000). In 2003, they accounted for approximately 23% of Korean residents. In other words, the legal classification of Korean residents presently has two axes—SPR status and South Korean nationality (or citizenship). In practice there are three groups: Zainichi Koreans registered as South Koreans (with SPR status; many holding South Korean nationality), other Zainichi Koreans (with SPR status; the majority of them are Soren/North Korea-affiliated)—both being pre-1945 displaced Koreans and their descendants—and newcomer South Koreans (not eligible for SPR status; they are South Korean citizens). To estimate the population of each group runs some risk, since no governmental data precisely specifying it is available. According to Mindan, in 2002, South Korea-registered Korean residents, including both Zainichi Koreans and newcomers, accounted for 411,000 (Mindan n.d.), which was 66% of the 625,000 Korean residents. The remaining 34% provided a rough approximation of Soren/North Korea-affiliated Zainichi Koreans (though some may have preferred not to affiliate with either South or North).[14] In 2002, those with SPR status (i.e., Zainichi Koreans) numbered 485,000, constituting 78% of Korean residents. The remaining 22% were quite likely newcomers from What are the causes of the decline in the Zainichi Korean population specifically, and the population of Korean residents in general? The most significant cause is the increase in the number of those becoming naturalized Japanese citizens. Since the mid-1990s, the number of Korean residents who have become naturalized Japanese citizens has increased markedly, with about 10,000 new naturalized citizens annually (Tae-young Kim 2005). The increase in naturalization is a product both of increased numbers of applicants on the Korean resident side and the reduction of barriers to naturalization on the Japanese government side. Social, economic, and cultural factors also come into play. The first- and second-generation Zainichi Koreans had a strong attachment to In addition, according to the data presented by Mindan, since 1993, the number of deaths exceeded the number of births among Korean residents. In 2003, the number of deaths (4,526) was twice as many as the number of births (2,206). This phenomenon is the natural result both of an aging population and declining birthrates which probably roughly approximate Japanese demographic trends. But it is also a function of the high rates of international marriage since the offspring of these marriages have been classified as Japanese since 1985. Since 1975, more than half of the marriages of Korean residents were to Japanese (international marriages), and since 1988, more than 80% of Korean residents married Japanese (Yang 1996; see also Y. Kim 1996). (One can speculate that a significant part of these high rates of international marriage involve naturalized Japanese of Korean origins; it also seems that in recent years Korean-Japanese international marriage has simply become ubiquitous and accepted by many Japanese families.) While both the population of Korean residents and that of Zainichi Koreans have been in decline, one component of this population has constantly added new members in the past several decades. Between 1952 and 2003, more than 275,000 Korean residents became naturalized Japanese citizens (Tae-young Kim 2005). While some members of this group have begun to reclaim Korean ethnic identity, very little research has been conducted on them, and there is a paucity of governmental data on the issues they face after naturalization. While many wish to hide their Korean origins in order to avoid social stigma and discrimination, others now appear eager to reclaim their Korean roots. It is time to transform the image and identity of the dominant society that continues to buy into the myth of
Conclusion
The post-war Japanese state viewed Koreans residing in The issues of identity and politics surrounding Zainichi Koreans have been historically, legally, politically, and socio-culturally fraught. The present article has sought to provide a legal and demographic framework for assessing the numbers and official categories of the Korean resident population and naturalized Japanese citizens of Korean origins. Previous research has slighted the changing of legal status and demographic change. The framework can and should be further developed to examine the social, economic, and political conditions of Zainichi Koreans, newcomer Koreans, and naturalized Japanese of Korean origins.
Yoshiko Nozaki is an assistant professor in the Department of Educational Leadership & Policy, the University at
Table 1: Koreans in
Table 2: Korean Residents in
Table 3: Naturalization of Korean Residents, 1952-2003 Table 4: Foreign Residents and Korean Residents, 1959-2003
Notes
[1] The term Zainichi literally means “residing in [2] As discussed below, today the legal category of “Korean residents in [3] These numbers are the conservative count of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The Japanese national censuses showed significantly larger numbers: 40,755 in 1920 and 419,009 in 1930 respectively. In any case, from 1920 to 1930, the population grew tenfold. [4] In the early 1940s, as the Asia-Pacific War intensified, in order to mobilize Koreans more effectively, the Japanese government considered granting Koreans in colonized [5] The full name of Mindan was changed to Zainippon Daikanminkoku Kyoryumindan in 1948, and to Zainippon Daikanminkoku Mindan in 1994. [6] The law was an imperial edict put into effect one day before [7] Throughout the 1950s, the Japanese government stalled negotiations for the normalization of relations with [8] The Japanese government ended its support in 1967. [9] Many of the first naturalized Japanese citizens of Korean origins were Japanese government employees (Y. Kim 1990). [10] The process of naturalization usually begins with consultation with officers at the regional Legal Affairs Bureau (Homukyoku), a government office, and the officers may discourage an application by naturalization seekers whom they consider inappropriate to become Japanese. Likewise the legal administrative scriveners, whom applicants hire to prepare their applications, may suggest the use of Japanese-style names. For example, if an applicant wishes to designate his/her family name as Kim, they may suggest a change to a Japanese-style name such as Kanayama. Also, the application forms present fill-in examples of names in Japanese-style and there are some restrictions upon the kanji Chinese characters used in [11] The subtext, apparently, goes back to the forced change of Korean names to Japanese ones under Japanese colonial policy. [12] This fingerprinting was not a legally defined requirement, but it has been enforced as a regulatory practice. The practice originated in the state’s attempt to control the Korean resident population in the 1950s, as it saw them as a threat to Japan’s social order and security. [13] The rate of unsuccessful naturalization (those who applied for naturalization but were rejected) has decreased significantly since the mid-1980s (Asakawa 2003). [14] The authors suspect that the number of Soren/North Korea-affiliated Zainichi Koreans has declined significantly since 2002. After the disclosure of the kidnapping of Japanese citizens by
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