The balance of power in romantic heterosexual couples over time from "his" and "her" perspectives.
Egalitarian ideals for power in romantic relationships are pervasive among young adults (Peplau, 1979). Nevertheless, in some intimate heterosexual relationships one partner, often the male, eventually acquires the upper hand (Peplau & Campbell, 1989). One intriguing aspect of close relationships thus is the balance of power between relationship partners, where power has been defined as the ability to influence another person's attitudes or behavior (Cromwell & Olson, 1975). In this investigation, results from a unique, multiple-wave longitudinal study of heterosexual relationships are presented to demonstrate how gender is related to (1) the balance of power, (2) the role of dependency in creating power imbalances, and (3) relationship outcomes of (im)balances in power.
There are several strengths to the work we present here. One is that our focus is on gender and power among dating couples. Relatively little research has been done on power among nonmarried pairs, with the bulk of research on this topic relying only on married individuals. Nevertheless, power issues can be important very early in a dating relationship, as couples negotiate who pays for a date, what they do on a date, how soon and how much they get sexually involved, and whether they even go out again (e.g., McCormick & Jesser, 1982). The power dynamics of dating relationships are significant, too, because they set the foundation for those established in subsequent marital and nonmarital relationships. A second strength of this investigation is that we examine the perspectives of both partners regarding the balance of power. Comparatively few studies have been done with the two members of a couple, particularly regarding power in premarital couples (for an exception, see Peplau, 1979). Because there can be substantial differences between partners' responses concerning power when both are surveyed or interviewed (Safilios-Rothschild, 1969; Scanzoni, 1965), however, studying both partners is a crucial step in investigating gender and power balances. Finally, a unique strong point of our work is that we examine power over an unusually long period of time, with measures taken at five different time points over a four-year span for a set of couples. Most research on this issue has been limited to cross-sectional data, and even the few studies that used longitudinal data measured power at only the first time point (e.g., Felmlee, 1994; Peplau & Campbell, 1989). Nevertheless, theorists argue that the balance of power is likely to be quite fluid over time (Blumberg & Coleman, 1989), and the extensive longitudinal data that we have here enable us to examine such power dynamics.
Gender and the Perceived Balance of Power
Despite the norm of egalitarianism, power imbalances that occur in heterosexual relationships are likely to be related to gender. Some research suggests that men are more likely than women to be viewed as having more power in relationships that are viewed as nonegalitarian. In the well-known Boston Dating Couples study (see Peplau, 1979; Peplau, 1984; Peplau & Campbell, 1989), Peplau found that less than half (49% of the men and 42% of the women) of the respondents reported that their relationship was equal in the overall balance of power, as assessed by a question that asked who had more say about what the two of them did together. Of those who perceived imbalance, more respondents (45% of the men and 35% of the women) perceived that the man had more say than perceived that the woman had more say (13% of the men and 17% of the women). A similar imbalance in power that favored men was found in a more recent study. In an investigation of 413 heterosexual dating individuals, Felmlee (1994) found that just under one-half (46%) said that power was equal in their relationships, and also found that the man was more likely than the woman to be viewed as the dominant partner when power was viewed as imbalanced. Similar results were found for a measure of decision making (see also Grauerholz, 1987; Murstein & Adler, 1995). The gender imbalance in power may be even greater in marital relationships (Gillespie, 1971; Szinovacz, 1987).
The first issue to be examined in this study is the degree to which romantic relationships are perceived to be balanced (or imbalanced) in power and how gender is related to this perception of power balance. Although theories on power (e.g., Blumberg & Coleman, 1989) have argued that the balance of power is likely to be fluid over time, no research, to our knowledge, has considered how the gender balance of power might change over time or as the dating relationship moves along the courtship continuum toward marriage. In this study, a sample of dating couples was surveyed, and a subsample of these couples (those who stayed together over time) was asked about the power balance in their relationship several times over a four-year period.
Gender and Perceived Dependency as a Source of Power
In addition to gender, other factors have been identified as contributing to the balance of power in the heterosexual relationships. According to social psychological theory (i.e., exchange theory), power in a relationship is affected by each partner's dependency on the relationship (Peplau & Campbell, 1989). This notion is best exemplified in sociologist Waller's (1937) "principle of least interest," which states "that person is able to dictate the conditions of association whose interest in the continuation of the affair is the least" (Waller, 1938, p. 275). The relatively uninvested partner is likely to be less dependent on the association, and therefore will be able to exert more influence and control in the dyad. Support for this notion has been obtained in studies of dating relationships (Felmlee, 1994; Peplau, 1979; Sprecher, 1985), as well as in studies of other couple types including lesbian relationships (Caldwell & Peplau, 1984).
However, because gender may be related to relative emotional involvement, the effect of dependency (i.e., relative emotional involvement) on power needs to be examined in combination with gender. In a sample of daters, Felmlee (1994) found that the female partner was more likely than the male partner to be perceived as the one more emotionally involved. Thus, in this study, we consider the possible triangular association among gender, power, and relative emotional involvement. Does relative emotional involvement mediate the effect of gender on power? That is, if men are perceived to have more power than women in close relationships, is this gender imbalance explained (mediated) by perceptions that they are less emotionally invested in the relationship?
Gender and Relationship Outcomes of Power
The balance of power may have consequences for the relationship, including satisfaction and stability. Research on married couples finds that the highest levels of satisfaction are reported by egalitarian couples and the lowest satisfaction levels are reported by couples in which the wife has more power (e.g., Centers, Raven, & Rodrigues, 1971; Corrales, 1975; Gray-Little & Burks, 1983). However, less research has examined the possible effects of balance of power for satisfaction in dating couples. In one exception, Peplau and Campbell (1989) reported there was no difference in satisfaction between couples …
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