AltaMira Press Marginal Horticulturalists or Maize Agriculturalists? Archaeobotanical, Paleopathological, and Isotopic Evidence Relating to Langford Tradition Maize Consumption Author(s): Thomas E. Emerson, Kristin M. Hedman and Mary L. Simon Source: Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 30, No. 1 (SPRING, 2005), pp. 67-118 Published by: AltaMira Press on behalf of the Midwest Archaeological Conference, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20708222 . Accessed: 25/03/2013 18:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Midwest Archaeological Conference, Inc. and AltaMira Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MarginalHorticulturists orMaize Agriculturalists? Paleopatho logical, Archaeobotanical, Evidence and Isotopie Relatingto Maize Consumption Tradition Langford Thomas E. EmersonrKristinM. Hedmanr andMary L. Simon IllinoisTransportationArchaeological Research Program, Universityof Illinoisat Urbana-Champaign, 209 Nuclear Physics Lab (MC-571), 23 East Stadium Drive, Champaign, Illinois61821. teee@express.cites.uiuc.edu abstract Langford Tradition horticulturewas long viewed as representing a marginalized form of Middle Mississippian agriculture resulting from an adaptation to the less fertile landscapes and marginal climatic conditions of northern Illinois. This adaptation was characterized as involving semi-sedentary maize horticulture combined with an intensive use of wild game and plants. Until recently direct evidence for reconstructing Langford diet and subsistence practices had been limited. In this firstsystematic study of the specific evidence of Langford maize consumption from archaeology we suggest dependent archaeobotany paleopathology are best that these people and studies isotopie as maize characterized agriculturalists. 7/maize was universally available in theMidwest by at least A.D. 900 . . .why did theOneota not practice agriculture with the same flourish as theirnearbyMiddle Mississippian neighbors??John P. Hart (1990) The correlation of agriculture,1 especially maize production, with increased sociopolitical complexity has a long history in studies of the evolution and development 1980; Willey Southeastern native cultures (e.g., Griffin 1943, 1952; Hall 1966). The observations of early European travelers amongst US and Mesoamerican chiefly and state-level groups of New World reinforced this perspective. We now know that the large-scale adoption of in eastern North America took place maize agriculture and consumption to slightly predate the Terminal Late about A.D. 900 and appeared Vol. 30,No. 1 (Spring2005), pp.67-118. MidcontinentalJournal ofArchaeology, ? Copyright 2005 MidwestArchaeologicalConference,Inc. All rightsreserved. This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 67 68 Emerson, Hedman, and Simon cultural Woodland-Mississippian American midcontinent transition in much of the North (McElrath et al. 2000; Simon 2000). between of correlation The degree complexity, sociopolitical is certain far from and (e.g., population density, agricultural production Brown 1982; Hart 1990). It might have been the adoption of maize agriculture that created the opportunity for the emergence ofMississippian of maize complexity, or, conversely, the intensification and dominance of that been the have emergence. The product production might relationship of these variables is even less apparent in the case of northern It is and Oneota). societies (i.e., Upper Mississippian Mississippianized in variations midcontinental that sociopolitical complexity may possible the be related to the intensity of agricultural production. Consequently, is a significant factor in and consumption in the late prehistory of this developments level of agricultural production interpreting sociopolitical region. Identifying the agriculture practices of eleventh to fourteenth century societies is not a simple process. Current midcontinental Mississippianized Midwestern taxonomy recognizes a significant cultural divide in the cultures late prehistory: On one hand are the Mississippian on to the other, are the Cahokia; epitomized by their intimate connection cultures represented by localized Mississippianized Upper Mississippian region's native groups (see Figure 1). This Upper Mississippian the Fort Ancient two spatially distinct subdivisions, culture comprised peoples of Ohio, people of Illinois, Kentucky, and Indiana (Griffin 1943) and the Oneota and points west (Emerson and Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri Wisconsin, The Oneota "Tradition" has been Brown 1992:80-84; Henning 1998a). on geographical subunits based into further divided many generally In northern Illinois two local location (e.g. Henning 1998a, 1998b). are known manifestations "Traditions". as the Fisher-Huber and the Langford It is Langford Tradition horticultural/agricultural and those of Cahokian contrasted with as practices, northern specifically Mississippian people, that are the focus of our research. The relationship, interaction and subsistence practices of Langford people as compared to their Oneota neighbors to the north has been extensively covered by Jeske (various, most Cahokian recently 2003) and Oneota divergent. Cahokian and will not be addressed here. were widely sociopolitical organization society represents the apex of cultural, social, and in the midcontinent (e.g., Emerson 1997a, 1997b, political complexity 2002; Fowler 1997; Milner Its 1990, 1998; Pauketat 1994, 1998, 2004). core contained nearly 200 platform and central political-administrative This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 69 Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 1. Locations Figure of Selected Sites and Regions in Text. Langford Discussed Sites; 1) Cooke, CK52, 2) Washington Irving, K52, 3) Reeves, WI555, 4) Valhall, W0354, 5) Keeshin Farm, W023, 6) Zimmerman, LS 13, 7) Robinson's Reserve, CK2, 8) Material Service Quarry, LS50, 9) Gentleman Farm, LS27, 10) Oak Forest, CK53. Northern Mississip pian Sites; 11)LundyJD140. Central Illinois River Valley (CIRV) Sites; 12)TreeRow, F53, 13) Orendorf, F107, 14) Morton, F2698, 15) Dickson Mounds, FIO. Lower Illinois River Valley (LIRV)Sites,16)Hill Creek, PK525, C382, GE20, 17) Worthy Merrigan, 18) Audrey North, 19) Schild, GE15. American Bottom (AB) region. mortuary mounds, community plazas and monuments, and elite housing. It covered an area of more than 14.5 km2 in the American Bottom floodplain near St. Louis. Fourteen contemporaneous mound centers were located within 25 km of the administrative core. Interspersed around and between these centers were thousands of scattered households of family farmers as well as the nodal households ofminor elites, rural temples, and small mortuary sites. The local area controlled by Cahokia probably exceeded 9,300 km2, and was the most densely occupied zone in the upper Mississippi River valley from the tenth to early fourteenth centuries. From or Bottom sprang, either through migration a series of twelfth century northern chiefly societies in the emulation, central Illinois River valley, the Apple River valley in northwestern Illinois, and, perhaps, even the Red Wing locality inMinnesota (Emerson 1991; the American also papers in Emerson and Lewis 1991 and Stoltman 1991). Ultimately these northern chiefdoms were more influential in the political, social, and economic history of the Upper Mississippi River valleys This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions native Emerson, Hedman, and Simon than Cahokia itself (Emerson 1991, 1999a, 2002: Jeske 1999; peoples Pauketat 2004). The people of the Langford Tradition lived primarily in the upper Illinois River valley and itsnortheastern tributaries between the twelfth and 1999a, 1999b; early fourteenth centuries A.D. (Bird 1997; Emerson Emerson and Brown 1992; Jeske 1990, 2000). They were bordered on the south by Mississippian chiefdoms of the Spoon River and LaMoine River cultures (Conrad 1991). Emerson (1999a) has argued that the contentious relationship between these Central Illinois chiefdoms and the indigenous Late Woodland populations was one factor that encouraged the unique development of the settlement, mortuary, political, and material patterns that archaeologists recognize as the Langford Tradition. Jeske (1989, 1990, 1992, 2000, 2003; Hunter 2002) has noted the role that Langford to a specific niche in the Prairie Peninsula may have played in cohesive cultural forming Langford configuration. agricultural to depend on digging sticks and lacked any form of technology appeared hoes (neither stone nor largemammal scapula hoes have been found, e.g., in lived diverse Jeske 1989). People villages and camps scattered along the adaptation a floodplains, terraces, and bluffs of the northern rivers. It is possible that some of the large villages may have been seasonally occupied with the population splitting up into family groups and dispersing across the region in the winter and Emerson (Jeske 1990), although both Jeske (2000:232) were believe that other large villages occupied year around. (1999b, 1999c) Some of the major villages have associated accretional burial mounds. suggests a tribal level social and some instances more integrated political political organization although in consolidation 1998; Emerson (perhaps chieftaincies sensu Redmond Overall, 1999a) the archaeological evidence is indicated. Models of Late PrehistoricMidwestern Agriculture The perceived dichotomy between Cahokian and Langford agriculture stems structure of the two directly from assumptions about the sociopolitical In large part, this traditional view was groups. generated by an perspective that linked crop production potential and social 1959; Brown 1982; Hart 1990), i.e., Upper complexity (a la White culture appeared less complex than Middle Mississippian, Mississippian ergo, they must have had a less stable and efficient "horticultural" (as archaeological to "agricultural") system. Simply put, following this line of reasoning, different agricultural productivity and efficiency translate directly opposed This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 71 into different levels of social and political complexity. It isworthwhile these assumptions were based. to examine the evidence on which Cahokia and the Northern Mississippian Subsistence are fortunate in knowing much about Cahokian farming (e.g., Johannessen 1984a, 1984b, 1993a, 1993b; Lopinot 1992, 1994; Rindos and Johannessen 1991). These studies have shown that Cahokians were We their corn production with farmers supplementing principally maize squash and starchy and oily seeds. They often used stone hoes in their fields and may have possessed large communally worked fields as well as house the studies Isotopie support (Woods 1987). evidence of substantial maize consumption by American inhabitants (e.g., Buikstra and Milner 1991; Buikstra et al. 1994; gardens archaeobotanical Bottom et al. 2002). It seems established that dense populations of Cahokians were engaged in intensive crop production, and likely supplied Hedman some of the surplus crops to a centralized elite to supplement their diet and to support large communal celebrations (Ambrose et al. 2003; Pauketat 1998; Pauketat and Emerson 1991, 1997; Pauketat and Lopinot 1997). The isotopie, and archaeological evidence paleopathological, Cahokian for the importance of agriculture are further supported by the archaeobotanical, focus of the local iconography on symbols suggestive of renewal and fertility (e.g., Emerson 1989; 1997a, 1997c). Unfortunately our information on the agricultural pursuits of the considerable contemporaneous Mississippian people who occupied the central Illinois River and the Apple River valleys is very limited. Subsistence research at the Orendorf village site in Fulton County (e.g., Emerson 1981, pers. comm. 2004; Paloumpis 1981, Speth 1981) recovered extensive evidence for the use squash, as well as for deer and elk, birds, and large fish. The Lundy site on the Apple River possessed a diverse faunal assemblage and extensive evidence ofmaize agriculture (Colburn 1989; Schroeder 1989). Subjectively, our impression is that northern Mississippian populations fully exploited a ofmaize, rich and varied environment in addition to the active production ofmaize. Oneota and Langford Subsistence practices are not so well known as that of their neighbors. Part of the problem rests in research focused on establishing commonalities among Oneota groups, often at the expense of Oneota horticultural Cahokian the recognition of local variation (Hart 1990). This focus on broad patterns This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, Hedman, and Simon stems from the historical situation in which Oneota subsistence was defined by reference to climatic factors and Mississippian subsistence B. at in the Griffin Cahokia. southeast, James practices especially forcefully summarized this perspective in a series of articles in the early 1960s (1960a, 1960b, 1961). He characterized Oneota as a form of "northern" culture that subsequently devolved due to deteriorating Mississippian climatic conditions. Partially as a result of his views and similar ones (e.g., Baerreis and Bryson 1965; Gibbon 1972; Stoltman and Baerreis 1983) Oneota subsistence has been seen as an adaptation of Mississippian areas. in marginal conditions agricultural practices to environmental was that this subsistence Michalik adaptation proposed (1982) a and Middle Mississippian accomplished by expanding diversifying economy through the utilization of a broader spectrum of plants and agriculture, and developing a decreasing dependence on maize settlement system dependent on seasonal residential movements. has pointed out that the areas However, Brown (1982:110-112) animals, included easily tilled soils peoples by Upper Mississippian of substantial harvests, and, capable producing consequently, were hardly in this same area were He that historic farmers noted aboriginal marginal. dominated able to produce Blair largemaize surpluses when so required (e.g., the Sauk in on Brown's hypothesis, Hart (1990) further 1911:11:151). Building analyzed the importance of environmental factors in the intensification of maize investigations production using a cross-cultural approach. His demonstrated that population density levels and the nature of agricultural management were generally more important than climate in determining the intensity of agricultural production. Given such findings, Emerson and Brown observed "it is unlikely that the cultural differences between Middle were the results of natural constraint on food and Upper Mississippians must to the social organization of production as a One look productivity. source of difference" (1992:81). societies in the La To date only Gallagher's studies of the Oneota some Oneota that have agricultural practices locality suggested on and intensive also see Gibbon 1994; Arzigian being (Gallagher verged Crosse in that 1972 for the importance of "Oneota" maize). Oneota populations a of system of ridged locality practiced the construction and maintenance fields (Gallagher 1989; Gallagher et al. 1985). Gallagher and his colleagues involved in a program of a wide that promoted range of more was to the resource acquisitions. This tactic in opposition typical that with model "intensification of specialization" anthropological populations suggested that Oneota "intensification with diversification" were This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? Jljf promoted one or two resources at the expense of others. Most researchers would class Cahokian subsistence practices in this latter category. From Gallagher's perspective both Oneota and Cahokians probably would have engaged in "intensive" resource pursuits but would markedly different avenues to attain that goal. been have taken To some degree, studies of Oneota subsistence also have been shaped their perceived similarity to historic period tribal subsistence practices. by The rich historic and ethnographic records for Prairie Peninsula groups have provided detailed documentation of maize horticulture, localized communal and and hunting of large mammals, hunting gathering, especially the bison (e.g., see Brown 1965). There is no doubt that the connection between some Oneota archaeological expressions and historic Siouan groups, especially speakers, has done much to push Oneota subsistence models towards these historic analogues (Henning is This reinforced Brown's James perspective argument 1998a:360-364). by the various that the late prehistoric societies moving into the Prairie Peninsula rapidly assumed a common adaptation of "... mixed agriculture, local hunting and . . ." gathering, and communal hunting (Brown 1965:203). What do we know (or think we know) about Langford peoples' research contributed additional farming practices? While continuing it did not substantially details on Langford subsistence, alter the at Griffin least interpretation promoted by fortyyears ago. This perspective was reinforced by Faulkner's determination that Langford was an adaptation to "localized environments within the prairie-deciduous forest biotic areas of the upper Mississippi valley through simple farming , and the exploitation of the diverse and abundant natural plant and animal foods" (Faulkner 1972:13). Archaeologists generally believed that the these northern of have been most ecology regions would marginal an societies that utilized efficiently exploited by equal mixture of horticulture, hunting, fishing, and gathering. Such a diversified subsistence reliance on agricultural produce, was featuring a diminished to create settlement, social, and political patterns thatwere more presumed flexible and less hierarchical than those of theMississippian societies to the base, south. These Oneota that perspectives have promoted continuing assumptions a was in rather than agriculture, general, "supplemental" primary subsistence resource (e.g., Brown 1982; Jeske 1989, 1990, 1992). Jeske (1989, 1990, 2000, 2003; Hunter 2002) has been one of the few researchers to perceive that theremight have been a noteworthy difference between Langford farming practices and those portrayed as being "typical" of Oneota peoples. Using a selected sample of Fisher-Huber and Langford This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 74 Emerson, Hedman, and Simon site locations from the Chicago area and the Rock River he observed that Langford sites were generally associated with dryer soils, the Fisher-Huber sites with wetter soils. He interprets this as reflecting the use of different agricultural technologies with the Langford peoples using a digging stick while the Fisher-Huber these scapula hoes. What employed as to implied differing technologies differing farming and subsistence was not As known. Jeske noted, practices (1989:115) what was needed to address this issue was new data ". . . to determine the importance of maize inUpper Mississippian diets/' peoples At the same time researchers like Brown (1982) that there were no environmental concluding and Hart (1990) were reasons why maize agriculture should not have done well among northern "Oneota" groups. as The older environmentally deterministic model that saw maize zones was to in Oneota the be proven occupied by unproductive people incorrect. As Hart notes in the epigraph, the absence of evidence for agriculture in the Oneota areas seemed inexplicable. At the researchers time, simply lacked the physical evidence to assess Langford agricultural potential or tomeasure the degree of maize dependence. intensive maize The Samples The Langford Tradition Sample siteswere some of the earliest archaeological sites to be systematically explored in Illinois. Pioneer work by George Langford and village site salvaged (Christensen 2003) at sites like Fisher mounds Langford Tradition hundreds of burials and some habitation materials in advance of quarrying in the first few decades of the twentieth century. In the following operations decades dozens sites were discovered and of Langford village and mound in Emerson Brown tested Such and many (summarized 1992:84-86). were excavations often salvage efforts done with minimal recordation or were performed at a time when subsistence was not a primary research concern. Even today few habitation site excavations have been fully reported (for exceptions see Craig and Galloy 1996; Emerson 1999c; Jeske 2000, 2002). Only two mortuary sites were excavated in a manner providing adequate contextual data to make them suitable for this project?Material Emerson and Hedman Service Quarry (11LS50) (Bareis 1964-1965; 1999) et Farm (11LS27) al. Willis and Gentleman 1967, 1941). (Brown Fortuitously these two sites are only a few kilometers apart, 11LS50 on a bluff top location and 11LS27 on the floodplain across the valley. This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 75 two mortuary excavations were both salvaged under difficult Farm mound The Gentlemen and village (11LS27) was located on the southern floodplain of the Illinois River 3.2 km to the east These circumstances. County. The 1.2+ ha site was scheduled to be channel of the Illinois River in the fall of 1940. modifications destroyed by WPA archaeologists were allowed four weeks to salvage what they could of Ottawa in LaSalle from the site. Crews were able to recover the remains of 48 individuals of estimated to be in the single mound. Ceramics with the burials and from the village demonstrated that the sitewas associated the 200-300 bodies with the Langford Tradition (Brown et al. 1967; Willis 1941). The Material Service Quarry site (11LS50), with a single mound and village, was located on a northern bluff of the Illinois River about 4.8 miles to the east of Ottawa in LaSalle County. Charles Bareis, University of 1964 in response to the Illinois, began salvage excavations in December, active quarrying of the site. Previous and ongoing looting had heavily the mound. information on the site is limited, damaged Although estimates made at the time of its destruction suggest it contained a single cm in height and 21 m in diameter. about 60-90 mortuary mound Ultimately the remains of 35 individuals were recovered from intact and disturbed contexts. We estimate that at least 100+ burials must have been present in the original mound. An accompanying bluff top village was believed to be .4 to 2 ha in size. All of the artifacts recovered from the burials and village debris can be confidently associated with the Langford Emerson and Hedman 1999). (Bareis 1964-1965; For the purposes of this research itwas important to independently Tradition verify the contemporaneity samples to provide, to the control beyond the phase level. of the mortuary greatest degree possible, chronological Emerson (1999a:23-27), in a recent compilation of 46 calibrated Langford Tradition dates, showed that fully 70 percent of the assays7 midpoints fell in the thirteenth century A.D. and that nearly 80 percent of the dates fell in 1100 and 1300. Jeske (2000: 266-268, the period between A.D. 2003: a to different perspective, prefers place Langford 167-169), taking slightly between A.D. 1000-1400. As part of this research we obtained four assays on remains from the Gentleman Material Farm mound Service Quarry mound 11LS50 had been (11LS27) and four from the (Table 1). Two earlier assays from (11LS50) the auspices of Robert Hall (pers. comm. of the six 11LS50 samples range from cal A.D. 1227 run under 1999). The midpoints to 1280 with a mean of cal A.D. 1162 to 1295. The midpoints 1016 to 1256. The cal A.D. 1257. The one-sigma range is from cal A.D. of the four 11LS27 samples run from cal A.D. 1016 date is from a flexed premound This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions burial Emerson, and Hedman, g o Simon g o cd cd c g Tj J5? 'u "u 73 y ^? j?? Ji? ?iwwco|T|?T^(0(fl(Otfl m cN o IN h* o h IN \o h fN rt LO m LT) fT)Ci Ci Ci Ci f<? < < fT) 33 C/DC/DGOC/DOOOOoOoOOOC/D o o i ^oomfNrroo^ocnLri S^moioooooo^cc? OMrNMfSfNfNrSMM ( ^ ( Ci O ^} ^ m lo O ^ i- h h O O O 00 C in CN^ CNO fom^Ninmoooo MIO^CMhHqoN^ ooooonoooooOnnn ?????? e e c c e e s-g a o 3 cd G fe fe fe*G cd cd cd cd C 'G 'G *G q<> -M Cxi Ca; (? -M +-? ?(-? -t-J-M cd cd cd cd cd cd in in ininoooooo CN CN rsicNminminmin t rd rt g o o o o o o fe fe C ?> o oo m CN CN M(NfOriiT)inOOOO rt? c3 g g 3 in lo in CNh 'cd ? G i?-M CJ ed cu So m ?D O .2 O in cN 33 i This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? fff* lacking diagnostic items and may represent a terminal Late Woodland interment. Ifwe disregard the outlying date the remaining three dates' midpoints range from cal A.D. 1217 to 1256 with a mean of cal A.D. 1231. The one-sigma range of these three samples is between cal A.D. 1166 and cal A.D. 1282. Based on the range of dates one could presume that 11LS27 might have been occupied a generation or two earlier than 11LS50. The artifactual evidence and samples support the archaeological indicate that the sites represent thirteenth century populations and events from a tightly circumscribed locality during the highpoint of the Langford radiocarbon culture. The archaeological evidence for Langford horticulture and subsistence from a wide geographical range of sites. Until recently with the concern and focus on environmental and subsistence issues, Langford comes Tradition evidence. researchers had not systematically collected floral and faunal Even now adequately reported and analyzed information on plant use is only available the Rock River (Simon from six sites: Keeshin Farm and Valhall 1999a, 1999b), and Zimmerman sites on (Egan 1987, 1993), Cooke (Parker1985),Washington Irving(Egan 1985; Jeske2000), and Reeves (Parker 1996) in the upper Illinois River valley. These sites form the basis for the archaeobotanical discussion in this investigation. The Centraland Lower IllinoisRiverValleySample excavations ofMississippian Archaeological archaeological sites has a long in the River central Illinois history valley (Conrad 1991 ) beginning with the amateur excavations at Dickson Mounds (Harn 1980) the initiation of the famous University of Chicago's Fulton County field schools (see Cole and Deuel 1937). Dickson Mounds has long provided the "type" sample for researchers interested in the well documented that coincided with physical anthropology ofMississippian populations (e.g. Lallo 1972, 1973, on The literature the skeletal subsequent various). osteology, genetics, health, Buikstra and diet of the Dickson and Milner 1989). More Mound population recently skeletal is extensive research has (see also included Mississippian from the large Orendorf village and populations that has served to broaden our perspective on Central Illinois late prehistoric peoples' health and well being (Conrad 1991). mounds and Late Woodland cemeteries in the lower Illinois Mississippian valley have primarily been excavated by avocational archeologists, foremost has been thework of Gregory Perino at large cemetery sites like Schild (e.g., Perino 1971). The human remains from such excavations have been This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, Hedman, and Simon studied, primarily by Jane Buikstra's students (e.g., Conner 1984; Droessler 1981; K?nigsberg 1987), and provide an interesting comparative sample, located, as they are, midway between the Central Illinois River valley and American Bottom. the archaeological excavation and Unfortunately, of habitation and sites far behind cemetery analysis Mississippian lags adjacent areas so contextual and cultural content is poorly documented (Farnsworth et al. 1991). The American Bottom Mississippian Sample Our understanding of the physical anthropology and ethnobotany of the in the American Bottom has increased considerably prehistoric Cahokians in the past several decades. Beginning with the comprehensive synthesis by in 1982, scholarly investigations of Mississippian mortuary George Milner programs, health, and diet have steadily expanded our knowledge of Cahokia's inhabitants. Mortuary ritual for both the people of the large centers mound and the outlying districts have been explored (e.g., Emerson and Hargrave 2000; Emerson et al. 2003; Fowler et al. 1999; Milner 1984). health and diet are ongoing (e.g., Buikstra and Milner et al. 1994; Hedman et al. 2002). 1991, Buikstra The comparative sample for this study comes specifically from a series of late Mississippian mortuary features from the Florence Street, and East Studies of Cahokian St. Louis Stone Quarry cemetery sites and Corbin and Kane Mounds (see et al. 2002). A summaries in Emerson and Hargrave 2000, and Hedman series of 18 calibrated radiocarbon dates from mortuary contexts range of cal A.D. 1253 to 1295 (with a single earlier outlier of cal The one-sigma range of the 17 acceptable dates are between cal 1162). A.D. 1192 and 1392 while the mean 1280 (Emerson and is cal A.D. are 2000: Thus Table these samples Hargrave generally contempor 1). from midpoints A.D. aneous with the thirteenth century Langford mortuary samples used study. The initial evidence activities was analyzed in this Bottom Mississippian agricultural Johannessen as part of the FAI-270 for American by Sissel Archaeological Mitigation Project (Johannessen 1984a, 1984b; Rindos and Johannessen 1991) and has subsequently been confirmed and refined by archaeobotanical analysis from dozens of sites. Neal Lopinot (1991,1992, 1994, 1997), Sissel Johannessen (1993a, 1993b), and Mary Simon (2002) have prepared additional summaries of new evidence. The chronological Bottom depth of the archaeobotanical samples from the American sites ismuch greater than that available from the Langford Mississippian This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 79 sites and covers the period from A.D. 1050-1350. The sample used in this research concentrates on sites from the Stirling and Moorehead phases, dating from the twelfth to the thirteenth centuries. Archaeobotanical Evidence remains recovered from open-air sites constitute one of the primary data sources used for assessing dietary variability among and between populations. Assuming this direct correspondence, a comparison Archaeobotanical from Langford Tradition, American Bottom and of plant assemblages sites (Figure 1, Table 2) comprises one set of northern Mississippian variables that is useful for assessing the relative contributions of plant resources, including cultivated crop plants, to human diet. Using simple statistics, calculated from information that has been collected, processed, and analyzed according to consistent and standardized procedures, we can of individual plant taxa to the to the extension, and, group producing the assemblage. This assemblage by is of course only possible when the data sets are large enough to for intersite variability. While we have had an extensive compensate the relative contributions determine Mississippian database from the American Bottom for some time (e.g., 1991, 1992; Parker 1992, 1994, Johannessen 1984a, 1988, 1993a; Lopinot 1995), our data base for the Langford Tradition has only recently become sufficiently large to permit objective, quantitative comparison (e.g., Egan Bruhy 2000; Jeske 2000; Parker 1996; Simon 1998, 1999b). In our analysis we assess maize use, not in terms of absolute quantities, to the archaeobotanical but in terms of its relative contribution To this end, we consider the contributions of three classes of potential plant foods: nuts, represented by nutshells, which are actually the nonedible by-products of consumption; corn, which can be present either assemblage. as a direct residue (kernels) or byproduct (cobs); and indigenous starchy cultigens which are recovered as the actual food part. The latter consists of maygrass (Phalaris caroliniana), chenopod (Chenopodium berlandieri), little barley (Hordeum pusillum), and erect knotweed (Polygonum erectum). This for group of plants has a long history of study and much documentation use in theMidwest. For discussions and summaries of individual taxa, see, for example, N. Asch and D. Asch 1978; D. Asch and N. Asch 1985; Cowan 1978; Green 1994; Heiser 1979, 1985; Smith 1992; Yarnell 1978, as well as themany references contained therein. occurs along a continuum (sensu Rindos plant manipulation see also Ford Fritz 1984; 1985; 1990; Smith 1992), dichotomizing plant Because This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, H edman, and Simon in co c m V?>^ ^ o in o ^ o o t3 in c o c o 00 cn 00 c 00 c o 00 CTS ^ G m cn m ^ - i r-H?I o co ? ? G ?Ci G c G G D D ! o in m o 00 o ^ l-l c cn 00 in ^ es o i-?? ? c 00 o in ^0 vd G V?> V?> ? o es ^ cnm*d j? G m 00 c in o in G G G G co ro ^ G G * O O *? ? G G D D G D o m m ^ in co G G I! -IlD D 8 11 -11 -S^ ^s G G , h r! fN 00 h M 8 '?? 3 This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? ?v ?2 G ss lo co co ^ h- lo a .SP ? 3 3 rS* I 3 m m o 00 G> oo o vo o o 00 Ci rH V?) ! O .o o O IT) ? o IN V? IN Nin^fSNC)(N^ rH h cn h ? ^' 05 ? S ? 00 oo co rH m t-h in V? ? o c .2 '+-? cd t3 C cu C O o o "2 c73 * Is si N(NN(NOnmfS S 'cd S o co g o C IN IN lo oq i-? cn co n h co VO lo rH Tt ? ? ? ? O a? CN 00 q ? a'S 00 S Q "Ss 4?^ m h h m h ^ (N 2 ? S ^cs ?H rH C i0 ^ O io 2 nu op acd 3 o SP -S?E co g*^ g t? ?3 o ^ 3 a 5 o ex o c C^i 00 r"1 $ io ? cd oo O XJ <^ U > -i { .r> Ia Io Cu ?O 6 ? ? G ? cd 1o . g cn il T3 ceu T3 ; 00 2 od * T3 -a OJO ? o 0> Ci z 3 Iga a o 11 <3 *?3 %+3 S00 r-H Cd r?I This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ' P ? D W o o rS -c cu 82 Emerson, Hedman, and Simon to reflect the opposing strategies of wild plant collection and intentional plant husbandry, is overly simplistic. Even for a single species, remains can vary both through time and across space from human management purposeful, focused cultivation to a more casual policy of noninterference. It is clear that throughout prehistory (and beyond), wild plant resources have played an important role in human diet. It is also clear that these the relative too, may have been manipulated. plants, Assessing contributions of cultivated versus collected plants to the diet of prehistoric residents of Illinois must be undertaken with this caveat inmind. Methods retrieval and analytical practices as qualitative, comparative studies of plant permit quantitative, residues (see chapters in Hastorf and Popper 1988). Our comparisons are based on the counts of individual plant classes obtained from feature fill The implementation of standardized as well samples processed using some variation of water flotation (Pearsall 1989; Wagner 1976). Only materials derived from secondary fill contexts were masses of any individual species or genus exceeding 1,000 items and used, were excluded from calculations. Raw data used for calculations included only nutshell fragments, corn kernel pieces, and corn cupule fragments that are larger that 2 mm in size. Seeds may be from any size class. In this study, our focus is on members of the starchy grain class.Wild-type chenopodium is included in these counts because we are concerned with food products working in northern Illinois have interpreted these and archaeobotanists residues as such (e.g., Asch and Sidell 1990; Egan 1985; Egan-Bruhy 2000; Redmer 1989). The oily-seeded cultigens, traditionally recovered in very low numbers, do not contribute significantly to the entire cultivated seed from our analyses. studies incorporate assemblage count and are excluded data from 25 sites: 7 Comparative 7 Mississippian from northeastern Tradition Illinois, occupations Langford sites from sites in western or northwestern Illinois, and 11Mississippian the American Bottom in Illinois (Figure 1, Table 2). Although obviously not numerically equivalent, these regional data sets are sufficiently large that they can be combined to provide at least a preliminary overview of regional plant use patterns. In each case, a variety of site types and sample sizes are represented, which aberrant data sets. also helps to minimize skewing effects of For comparative purposes, data from each set of sites is combined, and means for each region are calculated. The primary comparative statistics This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 83 employed are mean density (count per liter), mean ubiquity (percent occurrence in individual features at a site), and relative proportions of the study assemblage. Where applicable, the Students t-Test is employed to For these tests, data are un-pooled. Although less rigorous than the pooled statistic (which assumes equal sample sizes and variances), the un-pooled option is used because the sample sizes are assess differences of means. obviously quite different and equal variance in this case cannot be assumed (Blalock 1979; Drennan 1996; Ghent pers. comm. 1996). make in data reporting occasionally statistical Inconsistencies comparisons impossible, but when they can be calculated, indices for three both similarities subsistence classes?corn, seeds, and nutshell?reflect in with other, Taken and differences among conjunction regions. independently derived, lines of evidence, plant remains become an even more effective and relevant data set for assessing subsistence regimes. Plant Use Patterns a pan-regional and Mississippian level, both Upper Mississippian on corn were cultivation. Studies of characterized groups by dependence sites are particularly from Mississippian archaeobotanical assemblages On prolific for the American Bottom of southwestern Illinois and forwestern Illinois in or near the Illinois and Mississippi River valleys (Figure 1; Table 2). These studies have produced extensive data sets that reflect a strong reliance on cultivation of both indigenous and introduced crops as well as plant resources. In fact, the overriding abundance corn at sites in theAmerican Bottom has traditionally been and ubiquity of continued use of wild interpreted as representing such a strong reliance on this plant that it seems to form the benchmark against which use levels elsewhere in the central Midwest, particularly Illinois, are evaluated (N. Asch and D. Asch 1985; 1992, 1994; Parker 1992, 1995; Johannessen 1984a, 1993b; Lopinot Parker and Simon 1994). Although our data set for the Langford Tradition is less robust, it likewise reflects a subsistence economy that focused on corn cultivation. However, Langford peoples did not cultivate the indigenous starchy grain crops to anywhere near the same extent as did their Mississippian neighbors. Rather, collected resources, such as nuts, fleshy fruits,wild rice (presumably) tubers were more important (Egan-Bruhy 2000; Jeske 1990, 2000; Parker 1996; Simon 2000). On a site-by-site basis, the contributions of corn to plant assemblages from Mississippian sites in Illinois are, as would be expected, variable and This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, and Hedman, Table 3. Comparison Bottom Mississippian Simen of Langford, Illinois River Valley and American Plant Use. American Bottom Northern Langford Mississippian Mississippian Mean Com 4.5a 2.7 1.6 Density Mean Com 72.9 78.6 69.9 Ubiquity Mean Nutshell 1.4 Density 12.2a 3 Mean Nutshell 64.7 Ubiquity 72.7 73.3b Relative Proportions of Three Plant Classes Nutshell Starchy 3.1 Grains 100 100 100 Com 40.8 23.5a 39.6 56.1 64.4a 31.2 12.1a 29.2 aBased on counts from only 2 sites, Tree Row and Hill Creek, and so are problematic sake. Not used for any statistical comparisons. only for comparison's and presented bBased from only 3 sites, Lundy, Tree Row and Hill Creek, so are problematic sake. Not used for any statistical comparisons. for comparison's only on counts presented and are combined by region, average densities (Table 2). However, when data and feature ubiquities are surprisingly similar (Table 3). A (count per liter) mean densities and mean feature ubiquities of series of t-tests comparing at the .05, or corn show no significant differences between populations even the .20, levels (Table 4). The biggest difference is between the mean a function of Langford and American Bottom densities, and may in part be in occupational intensity at the individual sites. Even here, no difference cannot be rejected. of the however, hypothesis In contrast, the contributions of starchy grains are strikingly different differences sites in the regions. Even excluding seed masses, Mississippian Bottom regularly produce starchy grains from the majority of features excavated, in counts from a single individual up to the hundreds, between American This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? Table 4. Skeletal and Dental Indicators of Health 85 for Illinois Mississippian Populations. Mean df t value 69.86 14 0.2957 12 95% 80% 0.7718 P<.05 P<.2 0.7758 0.4529 P<.05 P<.2 14 0.5167 0.6134 P<.05 P<.2 13 1.2714 0.2259 P<.05 P<.2 15 1.0585 0.3066 P<.05 P<.2 10 0.6613 0.5234 P<.05 P<.2 9 0.8844 0.3995 P<.05 P<.2 12 2.3303 0.038 P>.05 (two-tailed) Corn Ubiquity Langford American Bottom 72.93 Mississippian 69.86 Langford Northern 78.57 Mississippian American Bottom 72.93 Mississippian Northern 78.57 Mississippian Corn Density 1.60 Langford American Bottom 2.76 Mississippian Nutshell Density 1.36 Langford American Bottom 2.98 Mississippian Nutshell Ubiquity 67.71 Langford American Bottom 72.70 Mississippian Nutshell Percent Assemblage 19.52 Langford American Bottom 10.87 Mississippian Starchy Seed Density 37.70 Langford American Bottom Mississippian 780.30 This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, Hedman, and Simon and clearly dominating in the total seed spectrum (Table 2). This is not the case for the Langford Tradition sites, inwhich the contribution of starchy (Table 2). In fact, aside from the grains to the seed assemblage isminimal Reserve site, from which 258 wild chenopods and were reported, starchy grains have so far been found at only polygonums three Langford Tradition sites: Keeshin Farms (n = 1), Reeves (n = 1), and = Washington Irving (n 4). The difference is well illustrated through mean for the American Bottom and Langford sites. densities comparing anomalous Robinson's Langford sites average only 38 starchy grains per liter (including Robinson's Reserve) the American Bottom sites average 780, a difference While that is significant at the .05 level ( fable 4). Most of the starchy grains that are present at Langford sites are either wild chenopod or polygonum seeds. Maygrass is absent, and littlebarley is rare. Single grains of the laterwere present at the Reeves and Keeshin Farms sites in northern Illinois. Little barley was also found at the contemporary Oneota 2001). Huber tradition Crescent Bay Hunt Club site inWisconsin (Egan-Bruhy on natural distribution models at the and its abundance Based phase Oak Forest site in northern Illinois, David Asch and Nancy Asch-Sidell have suggested that littlebarley may have been introduced into the although during the late prehistoric period, of that introduction are unknown (Asch and Sidell 1990). mechanisms The final subsistence class considered is nuts, represented by nutshell residues. As was the case for corn, nutshell indices can be highly variable northern Illinois among sites, both within and between different regions. Mean nutshell densities and ubiquities were calculated based on numbers from 13 sites in theAmerican Bottom. For the Langford values, mean densities are based on information from six sites, and ubiquity on information from seven sites (Table 3). (Sample volumes were not available for the Robinson's Reserve site.) Student t-Tests for differences inmeans between these two samples are again not significant at either the .05 or .20 levels. Again, the fact that densities appear quite different (1.4 and 3 fragments per liter) may be a function of occupation intensity.Despite large differences in raw numbers, the averaged statistics suggest that, overall, nut use was similar in both regions. When we calculate the relative proportions of corn, nutshell and starchy grains by region, we see that the contribution of corn to the Langford and Bottom sites are almost identical at 40 percent (Table 3). In the American Bottom, the difference is almost equally made up of nutshell and starchy grains, while at the Langford sites 56 percent is nutshell and only 3 percent starchy grains. This seems to contradict the nutshell statistics American This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? presented above, which suggest that nut use was fairly consistent across the board, but in fact does not. These proportions are relative only to one another and do not in any way represent thewhole plant diet. In reality,our data suggest that the "nutshell" categorymay be better labeled as "wild plant foods". Assuming relatively equal use levels of thick shelled hickory for and Langford groups (as is suggested above), we can speculate Mississippian the Langford "nutshell" category actually consists of about 30 percent thick shelled hickory and 26 percent other wild foods. Acorn, which is rare in the record, but was no doubt abundant in northern Illinois archaeological could conceivably contribute significantly to this 26 percent.. The main point of course is that corn was important in post-A.D. 1100 northern Illinois, but starchy grains were minor. Implications of Plant Patterns The Mississippian groups studied here were all characterized by a on maize cultivation. In addition to its ubiquitous recovery dependence from secondary fill, high levels of use are reflected in the recovery of huge numbers of corn remains from special function features (as noted above, excluded from calculations). Corn is especially abundant in smudge pits, where cobs were apparently used as fuel, but masses have also been identified from other specialized features such as the ceremonial pits at the Sponemann site (Parker 1992). In northern Illinois, corn ismost common in assemblages from longer-term or more intense occupations, such as at the Cooke and Keeshin Farms sites, both of which also contained smudge pit features containing thousands of cob fragments. The relative abundance to kernels, as well as the apparent positive correlation of cob residue counts with occupation intensity, suggest that certain of these sites were the loci of corn cultivation (Asch and Sidell 1990; Simon 1999b). The cultivation of the indigenous starchy grains was much more of cobs regionally variable. As outlined above, evidence for intensive cultivation is, for all intents and purposes, absent from Langford Tradition site assemblages from northern Illinois. Although we do have some evidence for earlier Late Woodland experiments with indigenous starchy grains, these efforts seem to have been dropped in favor of alternate strategies, particularly, but perhaps not exclusively, intensification of corn production (Simon 2000). Later in prehistory we find that littlebarley and members of the genera Polygonum sp. and Chenopodium sp. were relatively abundant in the Huber phase (ca. A.D. 1400) Oak Forest site assemblage. However, these seeds still do not appear to have been derived from domesticated This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 88 Emerson, Hedman, and Simon plants (Asch and Sidell 1990). The fact that they were not domesticated does not however mean that theywere not used, and it is entirely possible that they represent utilized plants thatwere tolerated or even encouraged in garden plots. It iswell recognized that starchy grains were an important part of the American Bottom Mississippian subsistence economy (Johannessen 1984a, 1988, 1993a; Parker 1992; Parkerand Simon 1994; Lopinot 1992). Although Nancy Asch-Sidell and David Asch (1985) have suggested that the native grains were less important in the lower Illinois River valley than in the American Bottom, the summary data presented here suggests that this difference is less marked in the southern valley reaches. It is however very apparent for the Spoon River Mississippian Tree Row site in the central Illinois River valley and the Apple River Mississippian Lundy site in site starchy seed complex was Illinois. The Lundy northwestern of morphologically characterized by a relatively low number (n =21) chenopod, with wild forms outnumbering domesticated forms by 2:1 (Schroeder 1989). Initial analysis suggests that the Tree Row farmstead site also contained a relatively low number of chenopod seeds, with a mixed similar morphology ratio (data in possession of Simon). Additional sites such as Orendorf in samples, particularly from largerMississippian the central Illinois River valley, would be useful starchy seed use among these groups. for assessing levels of Although evidence for the cultivation of starchy grains?maygrass, erect knotweed, and chenopodium?is largely absent from the Langford in northern Illinois, the record for fleshy fruits Tradition site assemblages it appears that is relatively robust. In the Langford Tradition assemblages, a to that occupied by the wild plants occupied dietary niche similar Bottom. in American for These wild plants the groups starchy cultigens the ubiquitous thick-shelled hickory. Acorn, which is not well it, represented in the record, may have been equally important because included like the starchy grains, provides carbohydrates rather than fats (Egan 1987, 1993; Simon 2000). The use of wild plants would have provided needed diversity in the diet of groups whose exclusively of corn. agricultural base consisted almost record as depicted in our research indicates that were maize agriculturalists. There is no evidence at this Langford people early date for cultivation of beans by Langford groups, and the record for the use of starchy grains in northern Illinois is scant. These groups have The archaeobotanical long been characterized as participants in a mixed subsistence economy in which wild plant foods figured prominently (Egan 1985; Parker 1985). This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 89 the use of wild plants does not appear to take the place of corn cultivation but rather, as suggested by Egan, served as a buffer against possible crop loss for groups having a narrow, corn-focused agricultural However, base of corn, 1987). The fact that the cultivation was a the of available resources, supplemented by gathering locally for these further that size and groups possible strategy suggests population 1985, (Egan settlement duration were stable and that wild resources were widely available. note We would that, among idea that corn comprised a major northern Illinois archaeobotanists, the component of the Upper Mississippian for some time. In fact, early investigators site (N. Asch and D. Asch 1975; Blake and Cutler 1975) suggested that thiswas the case, although these earlier residues are not as strictly provenienced as later remains. Parker (1985:1) has stated diet has been under discussion at the Zimmerman site plant remains reflect "an economy based on maize horticulture and the intensive exploitation of localized resources". Egan's investigations at both the Zimmerman and Washington Irving sites (1985, that the Cooke site, 1993) have lead her to conclude likewise. At the Zimmerman she found that "maize is preeminent among the subsistence remains" Simon identified the same pattern (1999a, 2000) in (Egan 1993:13). 1987, studies of Langford Tradition sites in the Rock River valley of north central Illinois. Thus the potential importance of corn to Upper Mississippian groups in northern Illinois has long been suspected by archaeobotanists working in the area. Paleopathological Evidence No evidence is as direct and as valuable in assessing prehistoric diet and the as the consumption physical remains of the people themselves. in the skeletal remains of a population conditions Paleopathological one source of evidence for dietary reconstructions. Certain provide of maize and patterns of disease maize-agriculturalists including an demographic can be expected for non-industrial, increased mortality rate, a higher incidence of infectious disease and iron deficiency anemia, arrested growth, and an increase in dental pathologies. These conditions are evidenced by an increase in the frequency of nonspecific boney lesions (e.g., periostitis, osteomyelitis), and in porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia, an increase in dental caries and linear enamel hypoplasias, evidence for arrested growth and reduced stature, and an increased mortality rate when compared to in the same regions (Blakey 1981; Blakey and pre-maize populations This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, Hedman, and Simon et al. 1980; Lallo 1972; Lallo et Armelagos 1985; Blakely 1977; Goodman al. 1979; Lallo and Rose 1979; Larsen 1995, 2002). It is not so much the diet as the lifestyle changes that accompany the practice of maize agriculture that most negatively disrupts the health of tend to be larger, more these populations. Agricultural populations mobile than less and concentrated, foraging groups. Health consequences of this increased sedentism include poor sanitation, increased risk of infection, and themaintenance to agriculture is often assumed one or few staple crops that are Human remains have been and spread of infectious disease. The shift to narrow the dietary base to a reliance on often of low nutritional value (e.g.,maize). a in number of exposed Langford mound and cemetery sites in the last century. Unfortunately, while mortuary behavior data (burial treatment, position, artifacts, etc.) is sometimes data is scarce. Poor stratigraphie and human biological contextual control at a number of sites, the selective collection (or not) of skeletal remains, and the failure either to conduct or present a available, remains makes osteological analyses of the human Recent and ongoing analyses difficult. comparisons between populations of individuals from the Material Service Quarry site and the Gentleman comprehensive Farm site by HARP personnel provides baseline and subsistence patterns of Langford peoples. Demographic information on the health Profile/Mortality Fifty-two individuals were identified in our recent reanalysis of the human Farm site2 (Hedman and Hargrave remains from the Gentleman were in the ongoing identified and thirty-six individuals 2001-2002) Service Quarry sample (Hedman analysis of the Material A infants and children were identified in of high percentage 1998-1999). both samples suggesting that recovery and preservation of preadult remains was unbiased (Figure 2). Both sexes and virtually all age categories are laboratory represented. Few elderly (50+ years) individuals were identified in either of the demographic profiles of Langford assemblage. A comparison Bottom, and Illinois River valley Mississippian Tradition, American their comparability and similarity (Figure 2). The that expected for non age pattern for all three regions approximates industrial human populations (Weiss 1973). The general pattern is one of populations demonstrates high infant and early childhood mortality, decreasing mortality rates during later childhood and adolescence, and a secondary mortality peak in young tomiddle adulthood. This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? ?D? Tradition Langford ?-O-? Bottom American ?-O-? Figure 2. Comparison Mississippian of the Demographic Distribution and Upper Mississippian Populations. Illinois RiverValley of Broad Age Categories for Illinois Skeletal Pathology in skeletal preservation and completeness, and themethods of and tabulating reporting the pathologies, as well as problems inherent in sites make it difficult to classifying individuals within multi-component Differences in skeletal health indicators between populations. quantify variation we can note that the types of pathological lesions found in Subjectively these Langford samples are similar to those reported for contemporaneous in the American Bottom and Illinois River valley. populations Estimated rates of adults with inflammatory bone lesions in the are to rates the Langford sample (Table 5) comparable high reported for the Illinois River valley Mississippian at Dickson Mounds populations (67 percent of adults) and for the Schild and Orendorf site populations 1989; Goldstein 1980; Hanson 2000a, 2000b). (Buikstra and Milner as were not lesions identified for American Inflammatory commonly Bottom Mississippian of this populations (25 percent adults)?although may reflect, in part, the poor bone preservation that often characterizes Bottom skeletal remains (Emerson et al. 1983; Hedman and Milner Lesions Titelbaum consistent 1999; 1982, 1983; Hargrave 1996). with tuberculosis and treponemal infection are found in all three populations (Buikstra and Milner 1989; Emerson et al. 1983; Goldstein 1980; Hanson 2000a, 2000b; Milner 1982, 1983). American This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, Hedman, and Simon ^ Table 5. Summary Isotope Data for Illinois Mississippian % adults with Populations. % adults with porotic hyperostosis inflammatory or cribra orbitalia bone lesions % LEH of anterior % carious teeth permanent teeth Langford Tradition Gentleman Farm1 Material ServiceQuarry2 63% 38% 21% 28% 26% 26% 24% 3% 67% 17% 32% 32% 87% 79% 29% 13% 19% 85% 42% 64% 71% American Bottom Kane3 Corbin Mound4 ESLSQ5 Florence Street6 Illinois River Valley Dickson Mounds7'3 10% 67% (post cranial) and Hargrave 2001-2002; 3Milner 1982; ^itlebaum 2Hedman 1996; 1998-1999; see also Hedman and Hargrave 1999; 6Emerson et al. 1983, see also Hedman et al. 1984, see also Buikstra and Milner 1989. and Hargrave 1999; 7Goodman Redman 5Milner 1983, Farm porotic hyperostosis was observed for seven Gentleman 10 individuals Service adults?these Material and three Quarry represented 24 percent of observable Langford adults in our sample (Table Mild is greater than the 10 percent of adults in the Dickson Mound et Mississippian sample identified with porotic hyperostosis (Goodman the of al. 1984). In the American Bottom Mississippian percent samples, 5). This affected adults range from 3 percent at Kane Mounds (Milner 1982) to a Mounds Corbin 67 for very high percent 1996). Porotic (Titelbaum were in these adults largely healed hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia indicating that the anemic state that precipitated itwas not active at the or active, porotic hyperostosis and cribra time of death. Unhealed, an active anemic orbitalia were observed in preadult remains suggesting state at the time of death for infants and children. Dental Pathology and Morphology remains can provide significant information on the health and subsistence practices of otherwise poorly preserved or incomplete skeletal Dental This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 93 populations. Dental data also has proven to be the easiest to standardize across various studies and provides one of the few comparable data sets for these sites. The overall dental health of the Langford Tradition populations was poor. In addition to dental caries and linear enamel hypoplasias (LEHs), periodontal disease, apical abscesses, and dental calculus were all prevalent. lesions were present on 32 percent of Gentleman Farm and Material Service Quarry teeth (Table 5). This rate is comparable to that of site (29 percent) (see the American Bottom Mississippian Corbin Mounds Carious Hedman and Hargrave 1999). rates are high, even for agricultural populations. Larsen (1997) mean caries rate (percent of teeth affected) for agricultural the reports is greater than 15 percent (Larsen 1997), with a range of 2.3 populations These percent (preagriculture) to 26.9 percent (agriculture) for populations. For both Langford Tradition and American Bottom populations the percent of affected individuals (represented by permanent dentition) was data are not readily available from greater than 75 percent. Comparable a Illinois River valley sites, however marked increase in caries is reported for the Mississippian Dickson Mounds earlier Dickson Mounds populations Rose 1979). sample when compared to that of (Buikstra and Milner 1989; Lallo and At 83 percent the LEH frequency of the anterior teeth (maxillary and incisors and canines) for the Langford samples is high, but to the LEH frequency of 80 percent reported for populations comparable mandibular that practice intensive agriculture (Lukacs 1989:281). Available American Bottom Mississippian have a lower average LEH frequency populations As dental with caries the percent of effected individuals (66 percent). for both regions was greater than 75 percent. (adult dentition) data is not available from Illinois River valley sites, although Comparable it is reported that the number and severity of LEHs increased for the Dickson Mounds Dickson Mounds Mississippian sample when compared to that of earlier et al (Buikstra and Milner 1989; Goodman populations and Rose 1979). The frequency of LEHs, the number of affected individuals, and the occurrence of multiple lines of arrested growth per tooth indicate that individuals in these populations were 1980; Lallo subject to multiple or repeated episodes stress during infancy and childhood. of nutritional and/or disease This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, Hedman, and Simon Isotopie Evidence Methodology the skeletal and dental pathologies observed are consistent with a diet, and the botanical evidence confirms the presence maize-dependent of maize, these lines of evidence do not indicate the proportion of maize While in the diet. Stable isotopie analysis of human skeletal material offers the potential formoving beyond the broad levels of dietary interpretation provided by and faunal evidence since it traditional archaeological, archaeobotanical, allows for the direct measurement of specific classes of foods consumed by can be applied to the a population. These methods are food sources in the diet North American Midcontinent because there individuals within that differ significantly in their carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios and these differences are incorporated into the body tissues and are detectable in the bone collagen and apatite of consumers. In theMidwest, prior to the introduction ofmaize (about A.D. 900), the almost entirely of C3 plants, including temperate diet was composed grasses, roots, nuts, and fruits, and of the animals that consumed the C3 plants resources (van der Merwe range from -22 1993; Deines and Vogel to -38%o, 1978). The 813C values with 1980; Tieszen an average value of these food of about -26.5%o in the diet of late 1991). C4 plants (Ambrose pre-Columbian (post-A.D. 900) Midwestern populations include maize and possibly some chenopods and amaranths (Pratt 1994; Schwarcz et al. 1985; Smith and Epstein 1971). C4 plants have 513C values that range from -8 to 1991; -14%o, with an average value of -12.5%o (Deines 1980; Tieszen is the only C4 plant thought to have Tieszen and Fagre 1993a). Maize examined in this contributed significantly to the diet of the populations study.Although animals that consumed maize or other C4 plants could also have contributed to the C4 enrichment of the diet, researchers have identified only a few potential animal sources (dog, turkey,some freshwater fish, and waterfowl have been suggested) (Cook 1984: 252; Hall 1993, pers. comm. 2002; Katzenberg 1989; Pratt 1994; Williams et al. 1997). Nitrogen isotope ratios of collagen provide trophic level information (e.g. the importance of animal protein in the diet). This is possible because there is an approximate 3%o enrichment in 15N between different 15 than levels in the food chain. Carnivores have a higher herbivores, 15 than a variation considerable which have plants. Although higher has been reported within trophic levels (Sponheimer et al. 2003), because plants have very little protein (10 to 20 percent), and meat has a great deal This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 95 Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? (85 to 90 percent), a small amount of meat, particularly from aquatic resources like fish or waterfowl (Katzenberg 1989), can dominate the 15 consumer. value of the nitrogen isotope ratio and greatly increase the Therefore, although one cannot accurately estimate the percentage ofmeat 15 15 versus plant protein from an individuals value value, a higher is generally assumed to indicate more meat consumption. has focused primarily on the analysis It has been demonstrated that collagen. Previous research in theMidwest of carbon of bone isotopes reflects carbon from dietary protein and thus collagen disproportionately may underestimate the non-protein components of the diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre 1993b). Bone apatite carbonate, themineral of bone, incorporates carbon equally from all dietary energy component sources and thus reflects the isotopie composition of thewhole diet, even when protein and non-protein components have very different 513C values and when diets have varying levels of protein. The difference between the and apatite collagen 513C values allows us to determine the ?13C value of the dietary protein3. Thus, with both apatite and collagen carbon isotope ratios and collagen nitrogen data, protein and non-protein prehistoric diets can be reconstructed. components of The percentages of C4 foods in the diet are calculated as follows Hedman et al. 2002; Schwarcz 1991): (Ambrose et al.l997:357; * = %C4 ofwholediet ((-25 -(513C apatite 9.4%o))/15 100 * = component ((-25 (?J3Ccollagen 5.1%o))/15 100 %C4 ofprotein overall analytical uncertainty, inter-individual variation in Considering diet-tissue spacings on controlled diets, and uncertainty and variability in the error in estimates of dietary past food web isotope composition, percent C4 should be considered +/-10 percent. In the interpretations of results below, calculations of the percent C4 from bone collagen ?13C are referred to as "percent C4 protein" (although they also reflect a non-protein 513C values to degree), and calculations of the percent C4 values from bone apatite 513C values are referred to as "percent C4 inwhole diet". of cortical dense, well-preserved, bone, weighing less than 10 Samples g, were obtained from 1 preadult (12-15 yr) and 34 adult (> = 25 and Material Service individuals (Gentleman Farm Quarry Individuals of both sexes were included. Skeletal elements 15 yr) = 10). exhibiting extreme weathering, or thermal alteration, lesions, were were not and for preservatives sampled. Samples processed prepared analysis according to techniques described in detail elsewhere (Ambrose 4 1987, 1990; Ambrose et al. 1997; Baiasse et al. 2002) pathological This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 96 Emerson, Hedman, and Simon Exploratory data analysis included bivariate plots, stem-and-leaf figures, box-and-whisker plots and the calculation of themean, median, hinges, and standard deviations using Systat 5.2 and Excel 5.0. Given the variable and often small sample sizes, both parametric t-testand nonparametric Kruskal tests were used to evaluate the presence of statistically significant Wallis differences both within and between sites (Daniel 1990). Probability values presented in the text are based on results of un-pooled Student's t-Tests. has critiqued the use of inadequate sample sizes Hart (1999:163-169) by researchers to represent broad trends inmaize consumption. The key issue has been the failure of such studies to adequately identify,quantify, and account consumption. Mississippian for Our maize important variation Hedman et al. 2002). intra-population earlier isotope consumption among in variations levels of maize Bottom late study of American addressed such issues and identified contemporaneous Intra-population variation subpopulations (i.e., in the available Langford samples was also identified. Overall, however, we conclude thatwhile there is variation present within the Langford and Mississippian populations studied, this variation does not effect the overall validity of our argument. Stable Isotope Results The Langford Tradition sample is characterized by mean 513C values for bone collagen (-12.0 +/- l.l%o) and apatite (-5.2 +/- 1.0%o) that suggest a strong to the diet (i.e., significant maize consumption). C4 component mean The of 6.8 +/- 0.8%o for the Langford Tradition sample ?13Cap_con indicates that the dietary protein was more depleted in ?13C than the whole diet, and likely included primarily C3 and limited C4 resources. The 15 value of 9.5 +/- 0.4%o suggests Langford Tradition sample mean moderate meat consumption. Together these values indicate a largely plant based whole diet, with 53 percent of the dietary protein and 70 percent of the diet derived from C4 resources (Figure 4). Variation in ?13C values among individuals within the Langford Tradition sample is very small, on the order of l%o, or about 7 percent difference in C4 consumption. There is no statistically significant difference in ?13C values between males and females within the sample as a whole, nor is there a statistically significant difference in 513C values between males and females within either the Gentleman Farm or Material Service Quarry samples. to one-another, the Gentleman Farm and Material When compared Service Quarry samples do show statistically significant differences in = = 0.0001), and apatite-collagen collagen 613C (p 0.04), apatite ?13C ( This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 97 100? Diet* IU %(^ Whole Component %C+ofProtein wholediet *%C4ofthe iscalculated using ,3cvaluesofbone whicharenot apatite mostIRV sites. ava?blefor Tradition Langford American Bottom Region Figure 4. %C4 Upper Langford Populations. inWhole Diet and Protein Component of Diet for Illinois Mississippian and = spacing (p 0.04), as well as in calculations of the percent C4 inwhole diet = = (p 0,0001) and percent C4 protein consumption (p 0.04). These values indicate that Gentleman Farm individuals consumed more C4 resources overall than did individuals in theMaterial Service Quarry sample. These differences are also present when males and females within each sample are compared separately. These differences fallwithin the 10 percent range of expected variability and although actual differences in diet reflected by likely not large, they still suggest a pattern of less C4 the Material Service Quarry population. The degree of consumption by variation between these two sites is similar to that found between some these values was sites in theAmerican Bottom (Hedman et al. 2002; Table 7). Mississippian The American Bottom sample is characterized by mean ?13C values for bone collagen (-11-4 +/- 1.0%o) and apatite (-4.9 +/- l.l%o) that suggest significant maize consumption. The mean 513Cap_con of 6.4 +/- 1.3%o for the American Bottom sample indicates that the dietary protein was more depleted in 513C than thewhole diet, and likely included primarily C3 and 15 value of limited C4 resources. The American Bottom sample mean 9.3 +/- 0.6%o suggests moderate meat consumption. Together these values indicate a largely plant based diet, with 57 percent of the dietary protein and 71 percent of the whole diet derived from C4 resources. are compared When data from these Langford Tradition populations to data from contemporaneous American Bottom populations This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions statistically Emerson, Hedman, and Simon 15 = ( 0.03) and significant differences are found in the collagen = are very small (less than l%o) 0.02). These differences collagen 513C (p and fall well within the 10 percent range of expected variability. While Bottom and Langford Tradition females differ significantly only 15 = in collagen 0.01), males show significant differences in collagen ( = = 130 ( 0.004), apatite-collagen spacing (p 0.006), and the percent C4 15 in these two values for males of protein (p = 0.01). The collagen American samples do not differ significantly, suggesting that the dietary differences lie in the type of protein consumed rather than the amount of protein. This reflect the greater consumption of C4 protein identified within a et al. in Hedman (see discussion subsample of American Bottom males et al. 1997). 2002, Williams may Illinois River valley Mississippian people are characterized by mean ?13C values from bone collagen of -11.4%o (Tibie 6). This value is and Orendorf based on published mean 130 values for the Dickson The individuals (Buikstra et al. 1994), and for Schild Knolls A and mean ?13C values from bone (Schober 1998), and is comparable to the American Bottom samples and both the Tradition for Langford collagen Mounds (Table 6, Figure 3). The percent C4 contribution towhole diet is calculated using the ?13C from bone apatite, which are unavailable formost earlier published data, so direct comparisons of the percent C4 of whole diet for cannot be made. The percent C4 from Illinois River valley populations dietary protein for the Illinois River valley (56 percent) is comparable to Bottom and American for the Langford Tradition that calculated populations (Figure 4). However, it should be cautioned that populations with identical 130 values from bone collagen can have very different percent C4 of theirwhole diet. The available data suggest significant and levels of C4 consumption among American Bottom, Illinois comparable River valley and Langford Tradition populations. Skeletal Analysis Results Results of the skeletal analyses indicate the presence of significant disease and nutritional stress, consistent with populations relying heavily on maize agriculture. These results are consistent with our expectations. Populations in all three regional populations are characterized by high infantmortality, a high incidence of infection (including generalized infection, tuberculosis, a high treponemal infection) and anemia, a high caries rate, and that all the LEHs. data indicate The stable of populations isotope frequency analyzed in this study consumed comparable and significant amounts of and This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? CN O O CN <T\ 00 00 C> ?j e in ( Cu ( ^ in vo en 00 i-J cniN^iN vo en m o in cn in cn r-t in 00^ Ci ^ vo CN 00m o CN HNin^ CN in^ cN in (7??O00 ^ ? o 06 m u-w en en vo 5 3 PQ r-tCTl en vo <L>?I? 33 PQ CO m ^ CN in in 00 o en in vo VOhO^ ed ed cd -S-5 CO co 00 r>. in 00 vo en m inm 00 in:G) tN. voo 00 in ind ? ? cK O O O vo in ct; 00 00 in m Ccu ff vo^ ^ m #5 CO^ ed h h ?- u ^ ^ vo vo in in 00 ? u CJ.3 U S ?JD ?O? U rsi cn in ec? vo vo? in in in 00 in er ^ ^ ? en vo CN? o rn^ r? r? o ^ CO cN in? in en vo en in 00 poen^t ( o ^ 00 c> O c> en CN penino 00 IT) oq 00 vo ^ h 00 vo en cN CN CN 3 vo CN "a cd m CN fi 0in so is i e O) rn cN ?/5 CO <5$ _J ^> 5fi3 T3 inT? O CNUm rH^ fi G ^ ?2^ ?3q This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 5 q o fi 2 fi fi -M 100 Emerson, Hedman, and Simon maize. We that Langford Tradition people consumed quantities to proportions eaten by American Bottom comparable conclude of maize Mississippians, although they supplemented their corn with wild resources rather than cultigens of the Eastern Agricultural Complex. In general, the observations of individuals from Gentleman Farm and Service Quarry Material cemeteries and are consistent with are comparable agricultural populations derived from southerly Mississippian populations expectations for to available information (Table 5). Conclusions The archaeobotanical, and evidence, isotopie that Langford data, demonstrates supplemented by the archaeological peoples were primarily corn agriculturalists who supplemented their diet with a rich diversity of wild floral and faunal resources. In fact,we suggest that the evidence supports a view of Langford subsistence practices as paleopathological, to the extent that theywere equally as focusing on maize monocropping as were on maize their southerly Mississippian dependent neighbors. The notion of Langford Tradition maize-dependency opens new doors to origins. conceptualizing their other cultural practices and their " the evidence indicates Rather than being "marginal horticulturalists, that Langford people indulged in similar levels of maize consumption as in the first case itwas sup-plemented by "agriculturalist" Mississippians; wild resources, in the second case by cultivated indigenous plants and wild in an earlier analysis seeking the reasons why products. Hart (1990) groups may have practiced a less intensive horticulture concluded that an explanation that linked population density to intensification was the most likely reason. Like Brown (1982) before him he concluded that Oneota Oneota more levels did not require them to develop a low population such system of maize applicable agriculture. How are to Langford groups is increasingly being questioned (e.g., peoples' intensive observations and our work here). We suggest that Langford Tradition intensification may be directly tied to increasingly stable agricultural and increased population density levels (also population aggregations Emerson 1999a). We make no claims that the evidence for the maize Jeske 1989, 2003 nature of Langford diet can be generalized to their Oneota In fact,we would think that such a generalization would likely neighbors. see Langford We and be inaccurate agricultural inappropriate. intensification stemming, at least partly, from a specific set of historically dependent contextualized responses to a specific set of historic events. This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 101 Most regional archaeologists believe that Langford Tradition cultural practices emerged from those of the indigenous LateWoodland peoples of et al. 1967; Emerson 1999a, 1999b, northeastern Illinois (e.g., Brown 1999c; Fowler 1952; Gillette 1949a, 1949b; Jeske 1992). Recent research on the LateWoodland Des Plaines Complex has supported this association (Emerson 1999a; Emerson 1999c; Emerson and Titelbaum 2000). These Late Woodland horticulturalist Starved Rock Collared the distinctive groups, manufacturing northern Illinois from themid ceramics, occupied ninth through the early twelfth century practiced maize gardening along the use of starchy and oily seeds, and squash, and made use of the with local fish, birds and mammals (Simon 1999b, 2000; Penman 1999). Much is known of their settlement patterns has been recovered from small sites suggesting a mobile population. However, there are hints from of what earlier excavated sites in the Illinois River valley that these groups may have in large population collected occasionally agglomerations, perhaps and ceremonialism practiced burial mound seasonally, (e.g., Emerson 1999a: 17-19; Emerson and Titelbaum 2000). A severe impact on LateWoodland practices would have occurred when Mississippian chiefly level societies appeared in the Central Illinois River valley in the twelfth century, replacing and/or absorbing the indigenous Late Woodland peoples (Conrad 1991; Emerson 1999a; Esarey 2000; Jeske 1989, 1992). Emerson has suggested that this intrusion ofmore powerful societies on the southern border of the Des Plaines Complex people would have them toward the of populations into larger coalescence pressured "(1) in centralization of reflected leadership, perhaps aggregations, (2) increasing centralized rituals and activities, (3) escalated levels of violence, and (4) increased territorial boundedness" (1999a: 12). All of these events can be observed in the archaeological evidence of the Langford Tradition sites in the Great Bend region of the Illinois River. Langford lifeways emerge directly from former Late Woodland practices as a response to the shifts in the local political, social, and economic environment?these shifts can be seen both as resistance to and emulation of the neighboring especially chiefdoms (Emerson 1999a). We would characterize these Mississippian as encouraging the emergence and relative stability of large changes population concentrations among the Illinois River valley Langford Tradition populations. It is in the context of this dramatic change in socio-political practices that the role of maize agriculture can be best understood. The subsistence practices of Des Plaines Complex people, which included small-scale maize production, were not geared to the creation of surplus that would be This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Emerson, Hedman, and Simon required to support the large-scale and longer-term population gatherings and social, political and material changes that characterized the Langford Tradition. With the intrusion of Mississippian chiefdoms into the region Langford populations would have had increased economic, social, and interaction with these hierarchically organized societies. This political interaction likely included the probability of some emulation as well as increased levels of intergroup violence (e.g., Emerson 1999a; also Milner et to those who had aggressive chiefly al. 1991). One option available the threat by dispersing widely across the neighbors was to minimize into small bands. At least some Des Plaines landscape highly mobile inhabitants apparently did not follow this path. Instead they Complex into larger population consolidated the need to agglomerates. With more came stable social units the intensification of the support larger, production of themost in this context that we stable and storable resource available?maize. It is should view the intensification of maize farming in the osteological, practices and the increased dependence documented and archaeobotanical evidence for Langford Tradition peoples, especially on the Mississippian frontier - both are intimately related to dramatic shifts in settlement and sociopolitical patterns (Emerson 1999a, 1999b, 1999c). Acknowledgments This research is part of a long-term, on-going program conducted by the Illinois Transportation Research Archaeological Program (ITARP), to University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (UIUC) interrelations of Mississippian and Upper Mississippian Midwest. Portions of this research were supported by of Anthropology, UIUC, and the Illinois Department understand cultures the in the ITARP and the of Department UIUC and Dr. Delia Transportation. The Laboratory of Anthropology, Cook, University of Indiana, Bloomington generously provided access to Eve Hargrave and Megan materials. Jost helped collect skeletal data. Michael Farkas prepared permission of ITARP. Figure 1. Maps and figures are used with like to thank various colleagues for their continuing interest in this research especially Stanley Ambrose and Delia Cook. Dale Henning, Dale Hutchinson, Mary Hynes, and Eve Hargrave read and commented on an earlier draft. Bill Lovis, Bob Jeske, and an anonymous We would and assistance reviewer forMCJA helped us to focus our presentation. Their insights and suggestions were important in achieving that goal. This content downloaded from 130.126.32.13 on Mon, 25 Mar 2013 18:28:29 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Marginal Horticulturists orMaize Agriculturists? 1?3 Notes follow common Eastern Woodlands practice and use the in which labels agriculture as generalized descriptive horticulture refers to "small-scale" and agriculture to "large-scale" crop production to a more traditional view (sensu Scarry 1993:7). This usage is in contradistinction 1. In this discussion terms we will horticulture and that distinguishes horticulture from agriculture on the basis of the energy source human versus animal and mechanical energy. The New World perspective places more emphasis on the intensification of production through social and political than through the source of energy. modification 2. The Farm site was inventory and analysis of human remains from the Gentleman at Indiana University in Bloomington conducted during the course of collecting bone samples for radiocarbon dating and isotopie analysis. We collected dental cultural diet, populations. Farm skeletal Tradition for providing a wealth of information on the age, of individuals and practices, and biological relationships Even given these limitations, this re-examination of the Gentleman of its proven value data because health, collection skeletal is the first analysis to address Langford (published) It is also the first analysis to examine pathologies. and dental both cranial and postcranial remains for these individuals (see Neumann, in Brown etal.l967:45). the diet is pure C3 or C4, the difference between collagen and apatite 613C is about 4.5%o. When the is greater than 4.5%o, the 513C value ?13Cap_coji of dietary protein ismore negative than that of the whole diet, such as a diet of 3. When values or like deer, or protein rich plus C3-fed animals C3 plant foods like nuts, both. When is less than 4.5%o, dietary protein is less negative than the 813Cap_con the value of thewhole diet. In this region and at this time (pre-Columbian Illinois) maize a diet having a 813Cap_cou and maize-fed dogs. 4. Isotopie smaller than 4.5%o may be characterized by C3 plants were at conducted the Environmental Isotope Laboratory at the University of Illinois, under the direction Detailed information on the methodological protocol and are described elsewhere (Ambrose 1990, 1993; DeNiro 1985; Hedman analyses Paleobiogeochemistry of Dr. Stan Ambrose. equipment et al. 2002). Precision of analyses is +/-0.1%o for 513C and +/-0.2%o for 815N. References Cited Ambrose, 1987 S. H. Chemical and Isotopie Techniques of Diet Reconstruction in Eastern North America. In Emergent Horticultural Economies of the Eastern Woodlands, edited byW. Keegan, pp. 87-107. Occasional Paper No. 7. 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