Word-Formation HSK 40.5 Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:57 Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science Manuels de linguistique et des sciences de communication Mitbegründet von Gerold Ungeheuer Mitherausgegeben (1985–2001) von Hugo Steger Herausgegeben von / Edited by / Edités par Herbert Ernst Wiegand Band 40.5 De Gruyter Mouton Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:57 Word-Formation An International Handbook of the Languages of Europe Volume 5 Edited by Peter O. Müller Ingeborg Ohnheiser Susan Olsen Franz Rainer De Gruyter Mouton Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:57 ISBN 978-3-11-043094-3 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-042494-2 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-042751-6 ISSN 1861-5090 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2016 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Typesetting: Meta Systems Publishing & Printservices GmbH, Wustermark Printing and binding: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen Cover design: Martin Zech, Bremen ! Printed on acid-free paper ! Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:57 Albanian 171. Albanian 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Introduction General overview Composition Derivation Conversion Backformation Reduplication Blending Clipping References Abstract This article provides an overview of the available and productive word-formation patterns of modern Albanian. Affixation and compounding are the prevalent processes of word-formation in Albanian. As the Albanian language is very open to foreign lexical influences, many foreign word-formation patterns have been adopted. A very fruitful period of coining new words was the time of the national awakening in the 19th century when the core base of the modern Albanian lexicon was created. 1. Introduction Albanian is first attested in written literary texts in the second half of the 16th century. The texts of the 16th to the beginning of the 18th century belong exclusively to the genre of theological literature and represent the Old Albanian language period. From the first attestations on, the two major Albanian dialect areas are clearly discernible, the Gheg dialect in the north of Albania and in Kosova and the Tosk dialect in the south. As Albania had been under Ottoman rule since the second half of the 14th century, all these Old Albanian texts were written and published in Italy by Catholic clergymen. Inside Albania, it wasn’t until the beginning of the 19th century that an independent literary production came into being as a consequence of the national awakening (Rilindja kombëtare) which led to the creation of the independent Albanian state in 1912. In the field of word-formation this was a very fruitful period witnessing the process of the abundant coinage of new words with inherited patterns but also with the patterns of the neoclassical word-formation which entered the Albanian language at this time (see Buchholz and Fiedler 1979). The neoclassical patterns in association with word-formation patterns which Albanian adopted in preliterate times from Latin, Greek, the Slavic languages, Italian, and Turkish give the Albanian language the characteristic of being very open to Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 171. Albanian 3125 foreign lexical influences (for a short sketch of the language history of Albanian, see Matzinger 2006: 16−26). The lack of a comprehensive codification of the Albanian lexicon from the first attestations up to the present day often causes difficulties in researching Albanian lexicological matters under diachronic perspectives. The word-formation processes of the Old Albanian period in particular have not yet been treated satisfactorily. At least for Modern Albanian word-formation some useful descriptions are at hand. Major works of reference are Xhuvani and Çabej (1962, 1975), Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti (1982), Domi (2002), Hysa (2004), and Buxheli (2008) on verbal derivation. 2. General overview As Albanian belongs to the Indo-European language family, its word-formation principles are typically those of the Indo-European language type. For this reason overt processes with affixes and composition are the prevalent rules of word-formation in the nominal as well as in the verbal system (Emil Lafe in Domi 2002: 58−79). With regard to affixation, the patterns with suffixes predominate, nevertheless in adjectival as well as in verbal derivation prefixation is well represented. As is the case in many other languages, a variety of word-formation patterns in the area of nominal derivation undergo conversion, creating both nouns as well as adjectives (e.g., the suffixes -ár, -ës, -ník, see section 4.2). As regards nominal compounding, all types of Indo-European compounds (determinative, possessive, and coordinative compounds) can be found in Albanian. In contrast to many other languages, suprasegmental phenomena are not used (with the sole exception of the accent shift of some cases in the number distinction). 3. Composition While composition is nowadays a productive process of word-formation (see Fatmir Agalliu in Domi 2002: 147−151), in the oldest stages of Albanian it seemed to be less used, as evidenced by the attestations of the Old Albanian texts (Genesin and Matzinger 2005). With respect to the compositional elements, the following types of nominal compounds can be found in Albanian: Noun + noun: coordinative compounds, e.g., deledash ‘hermaphrodite’ ← dele ‘sheep’ + dash ‘ram’, juglindje ‘southeast’ ← jug ‘south’ + lindje ‘east’; determinative compounds: in the original Albanian type the second element modifies the first element, e.g., ditëlindje ‘birthday’ ← ditë ‘day’ + lindje ‘birth’, bregdet ‘seashore’ ← breg ‘shore’ + det ‘sea’. A second type displays the first element as modifier of the second element. This type has obviously been created after the model of compounds in other European languages, e.g., dorëshkrim ‘handwriting’ ← dorë ‘hand’ + shkrim ‘writing’ (cf. Italian manoscritto ‘id.’), kryeqytet ‘capital (city)’ ← krye ‘head’ + qytet ‘city’ (cf. German Hauptstadt ‘id.’). In another subtype the second element bears the ending of the ablative case -i or -e thus clearly showing the fusion of two formerly autonomous elements, e.g., vajguri ‘petroleum’ ← vaj ‘oil’ + gur ‘stone’, punëdore ‘handwork’ ← punë ‘work’ + dorë ‘hand’; possessive compounds, e.g., zemërgur ‘stony-hearted’ ← zemër ‘heart’ + Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 3126 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Albanian gur ‘stone’, syshqiponjë ‘eagle-eyed’ ← sy ‘eye’ + shqiponjë ‘eagle’; synthetic compounds: the verbal element appears as an agentive noun or as a verbal abstract noun, e.g., bukëpjekës ‘baker’ ← bukë ‘bread’ + pjekës ‘baker’, letërkëmbim ‘correspondence’ ← letër ‘letter’ + këmbim ‘exchange’. Very limited is the type with a true verbal element, e.g., vëmendje ‘attention’ ← vë ‘to put’ + mendje ‘mind’ (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 177). Noun + adjective: determinative compounds, e.g., lulekuqe ‘poppy’ ← lule ‘flower’ + (i) kuq (fem. (e) kuqe) ‘red’, tatëmadh ‘grandpa’ ← tatë ‘papa’ + (i) madh ‘big’; possessive compounds, e.g., fatbardhë ‘lucky, fortunate’ ← fat ‘fate, destiny’ + (i) bardhë ‘white’, zemërgjerë ‘generous’ ← zemër ‘heart’ + (i) gjerë ‘broad’. Adverb + noun: determinative compounds, e.g., bukurshkrim ‘nice handwriting, calligraphy’ ← bukur ‘beautifully, nicely’ + shkrim ‘writing’, keqkuptim ‘misunderstanding’ ← keq ‘badly’ + kuptim ‘comprehension’; synthetic compounds (with agentive nouns in -ës; the derivations function as nouns and adjectives), e.g., keqbërës ‘evildoer; harmful’ ← keq ‘badly’ + bërës ‘doer’, mirëdashës ‘benevolent (person)’ ← mirë ‘well’ + dashës ‘lover’. Pronoun/number + noun: determinative compounds, e.g., vetëbesim ‘self confidence’ ← vetë ‘self’ + besim ‘belief’, dyluftim ‘duel’ ← dy ‘two’ + luftim ‘combat’; possessive compounds (the second member shows the ending -sh of the ablative plural case), e.g., tringjyrësh ‘tricolored’ ← tre (fem. tri) ‘three’ + ngjyrë ‘color’, disajavësh ‘of several weeks duration’ ← disa ‘several’ + javë ‘week’; synthetic compounds (with agentive nouns in -ës; the derivations function as nouns and adjectives), e.g., vetëdashës ‘volunteer, voluntary; egoist, selfish’ ← vetë ‘self’ + dashës ‘lover’, vetëvrasës ‘suicidal, one who has committed suicide’ ← vetë ‘self’ + vrasës ‘killer’. Adjective + adjective: coordinative compounds (the two elements are connected with the vowel -o-), e.g., materialoteknik ‘material and technical’ ← material ‘material’ + teknik ‘technical’, teknikoshkencor ‘technical and scientific’ ← teknik ‘technical’ + shkencor ‘scientific’. Number/quantifier + adjective: possessive compounds, e.g., dyvjeçar ‘biannual’ ← dy ‘two’ + vjeçar ‘annual’, (i) shumanshëm ‘many-sided’ ← shumë ‘much, many’ + (i) anshëm ‘lateral’. 4. Derivation 4.1. Nominal derivation In the following sections on nominal and adjectival derivation, the affixes responsible for the productive patterns will be presented, minor patterns will be mentioned only briefly unless they are of some special interest. 4.1.1. Denominal nouns In Albanian denominal nouns are typically derived by suffixation and only to a lesser extent by prefixation. Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 171. Albanian 3127 Prefixation is seen with the following derivations: bashkë- ‘co-, joint’, e.g., bashk-autor ‘co-author’ ← autor ‘author’, bashkë-pronar ‘coowner’ ← pronar ‘owner’, bashkë-sundim ‘joint rule’ ← sundim ‘rule’; kundër- ‘counter-’, e.g., kundër-forcë ‘counterforce’ ← forcë ‘force’, kundër-zjarr ‘counterfire’ ← zjarr ‘fire’; mos- ‘non-, dis-’, e.g., mos-besim ‘mistrust, distrust’ ← besim ‘belief, trust’, moskënaqësi ‘dissatisfaction’ ← kënaqësi ‘satisfaction’, mos-qenie ‘non-existence’ ← qenie ‘existence’; pa- ‘un-, in-’, e.g., pa-durim ‘impatience’ ← durim ‘patience’, pa-pastërti ‘impurity’ ← pastërti ‘purity’, pa-qartësi ‘unclarity’ ← qartësi ‘clarity’. Other prefixes are listed in Fatmir Agalliu in Domi (2002: 145−146) and in the exhaustive treatment of Hysa (2004: 63−106). Albanian has adopted several neoclassical prefixes mostly with borrowed nouns: anti-, e.g., anti-fashist ‘anti-fascist’ ← fashist ‘fascist’, anti-grimcë ‘anti-particle’ ← grimcë ‘particle’; super-, e.g., super-fuqi ‘superpower’ ← fuqi ‘power’, super-prodhim ‘overproduction’ ← prodhim ‘production’. The following nominal types are derived with suffixes: a) Personal nouns (persons with a particular relation to the base): -ár, e.g., argjend-ar ‘silversmith’ ← argjend ‘silver’, derr-ar ‘swineherd’ ← derr ‘pig’, pron-ar ‘owner’ ← pronë ‘property’; -(ë)s (-ës after bases ending in consonant, -s after bases ending in vowel), e.g., gjakës ‘person who takes blood vengeance, killer’ ← gjak ‘blood’, derë-s ‘doorman’ ← derë ‘door’; -tár, e.g., anë-tar ‘member’ ← anë ‘side’, pyll-tar ‘forester’ ← pyll ‘forest’, shkrimtar ‘writer’ ← shkrim ‘piece of writing, writing’; -ór, e.g., dasm-or ‘wedding celebrant’ ← dasmë ‘wedding’, malës-or ‘mountaineer’ ← malësi ‘mountainous region’. Suffixes to derive inhabitants or to denote ethnic origin are: -ák, e.g., austri-ak ‘Austrian’ ← Austri ‘Austria’, durrs-ak ‘inhabitant of Durrës, of/ from Durrës’ ← Durrës; -as, e.g., qytet-as ‘city dweller’ ← qytet ‘city’, tiran-as ‘inhabitant of Tirana, of/from Tirana’ ← Tiranë. As a result of almost 500 years of Ottoman domination of Albania, the lexicon of Albanian has been heavily influenced by the (Ottoman-)Turkish language. Thus, as a result of language contact, not only many lexemes but also some word-formation patterns have entered Albanian. One of them is the suffix -xhí/-çí (-xhi after voiced consonants and vowels, -çi after voiceless consonants) from Turkish -cI/-çI (the suffix vowel follows the “great vowel harmony”, the distribution of -cI/-çI in Turkish is quite the same as given for Albanian) to denote professions, e.g., bakër-xhi ‘coppersmith’ (modern Albanian bakërpunues) < Turkish bakırcı. The suffix gained a certain productivity in the older varieties of the language and was used with Albanian bases as well, e.g., vorra-xhi ‘gravedigger’ ← (Gheg) vorrë ‘grave’ (in modern Albanian replaced by varrmihës). A certain productivity is seen with some neoclassical suffixes: Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 3128 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Albanian -íst, e.g., futboll-ist ‘football player’ ← futboll ‘football’, tank-ist ‘tank driver’ ← tank ‘tank’; -iér, e.g., banak-ier ‘bartender’ ← banak ‘service counter, bar’, post-ier ‘postman’ ← postë ‘post, post office’. b) Status nouns (abstract nouns and collective nouns): -í, e.g., gjakës-i ‘blood vengeance, bloodshed’ ← gjakës ‘person who takes blood vengeance, killer’, drejtor-i ‘directorate, directorship’ ← drejtor ‘director’, dhelpër-i ‘action performed with wiliness, trick’ ← dhelpër ‘vixen, fox’, zejtar-i ‘craft, craftsmanship, the crafts’ ← zejtar ‘craftsman’. In some cases the base of the derivation resembles the plural stem, e.g., mbretër-i ‘kingdom’ ← mbret (plural mbret-ër) ‘king’, njerëz-i ‘people’ ← njeri (plural njerëz) ‘human being’. Besides the regular suffix -í, the two variants -ërí and -ësí are used with some derivatives, e.g., rob-ëri ‘slavery’ ← rob ‘serf, captive’, mal-ësi ‘mountainous region’ ← mal ‘mountain’. Among some neoclassical suffixes -ízëm has gained a certain productivity, e.g., fanat-izëm ‘fanaticism’ ← fanatik ‘fanatic’, terror-izëm ‘terrorism’ ← terror ‘terror’. It is interesting to note that the neoclassical suffix -(a)cion, though found in a number of Albanian nouns, is a constituent part of whole borrowed nouns but has not led to an independent word-formation pattern (Hysa 2004: 117 and 127). c) Place nouns: -íshtë/-íshte, e.g., ah-ishtë ‘beech forest’ ← ah ‘beech’, balt-ishtë ‘ground that gets muddy quickly’ ← baltë ‘mud’, lul-ishte ‘flower garden’ ← lule ‘flower’, misërishte ‘field of corn’ ← misër ‘corn’; -ínë, e.g., balt-inë ‘muddy ground’ ← baltë ‘mud’, kodr-inë ‘hilly land’ ← kodër ‘hill, low mountain’; -ájë (in most cases the derivatives are restricted to the Gheg dialectal area), e.g., kren-ajë ‘peak of a hill or mountain’ ← krye ‘head’, lug-ajë ‘deep, wide and long valley’ ← lug ‘dale’; -tóre, e.g., qebap-tore ‘shop that makes and sells kebab’ ← qebap ‘kebab’, barnatore ‘drugstore’ ← (plural) barna ‘medicinal plants’. d) Feminine nouns: -e (the regular feminine motion suffix), e.g., fshatar-e ‘female peasant’ ← fshatar ‘peasant’, mësues-e ‘female teacher’ ← mësues ‘teacher’; -éshë, e.g., luan-eshë ‘lioness’ ← luan ‘lion’, mik-eshë ‘female friend’ ← mik ‘friend’. In a few instances the base resembles the plural stem, e.g., mbretër-eshë ‘queen’ ← mbret (plural mbret-ër) ‘king’, priftër-eshë ‘priestess’ ← prift (plural priftër) ‘priest’. A very small number of feminine nouns are derived with the suffix -úshë, e.g., ar-ushë ‘she-bear’ ← ari ‘bear’, dren-ushë ‘doe, hind’ ← dre ‘stag, deer’. e) Masculine nouns (all patterns for masculine motion are highly restricted displaying only a few derivatives): -án, e.g., quk-an ‘tom turkey’ ← qukë ‘turkey hen’, vej-an ‘widower’ ← ve ‘widow’; -ók, e.g., pat-ok ‘male goose’ ← patë ‘goose’. Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 171. Albanian 3129 f) Diminutives: -th, e.g., fjalor-th ‘pocket dictionary’ ← fjalor ‘dictionary’, gur-th (medicine) ‘calculus in a body organ’ ← gur ‘stone’; -(ë)z (-ëz after bases ending in consonant, -z after bases ending in vowel), e.g., dritë-z ‘hole in the top of the chimney’ ← dritë ‘light’, zog-ëz ‘little birdie’ ← zog ‘bird’; -ícë, e.g., petk-icë ‘small-sized garment’ ← petk ‘outer garment’, rrug-icë ‘small street, alley’ ← rrugë ‘street’; -ák (in some instances with a pejorative meaning), e.g., dor-ak ‘handle/grip of a tool/ instrument’ ← dorë ‘hand’, burr-ak ‘short ugly man’ ← burrë ‘male person, man’. g) Instrument nouns: -óre, e.g., fishek-ore ‘cartridge belt, cartridge case’ ← fishek ‘cartridge, bullet’, groshore ‘wide-bellied clay pot for boiling beans’ ← groshë ‘white bean’. 4.1.2. Deadjectival nouns Most deadjectival nouns are quality nouns, few are concrete nouns: -ërí (the suffix is linked almost exclusively with secondary adjectives ending in -shëm), e.g., gjall-ëri ‘liveliness’ ← (i) gjallë ‘alive’, domosdoshm-ëri ‘indispensability’ ← (i) domosdoshëm ‘indispensable’, qëndrueshm-ëri ‘stability’ ← (i) qëndrueshëm ‘stable’; -(ë)sí, e.g., aft-ësi ‘capability’ ← (i) aftë ‘capable’, ëmbël-si ‘sweetness’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, gjat-ësi ‘length’ ← (i) gjatë ‘long’; -í, e.g., bukur-i ‘beauty’ ← (i) bukur ‘beautiful’, pasur-i ‘wealth, property’ ← (i) pasur ‘wealthy, rich’; -ícë, e.g., pak-icë ‘small amount/number’ ← pak ‘not much, little’, shum-icë ‘multitude, large quantity’ ← shumë ‘much, many, a lot of ’. The neoclassical suffix -ízëm is found here too, e.g., majt-izëm ‘leftism’ ← (i) majtë ‘left’, geg-izëm ‘language feature belonging to the Gheg dialect’ ← gegë ‘Albanian from Ghegëria, Gheg’; -(ë)sírë with the Gheg variant -(ë)sínë (the overwhelming majority of its derivatives has a concrete meaning), e.g., verdh-ësirë ‘yellow-tan color’ ← (i) verdhë ‘yellow’, ëmbëlsirë ‘cake, cookie’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, thell-ësirë ‘deep place, abyss’ ← (i) thellë ‘deep’. 4.1.3. Deverbal nouns Deverbal nouns fall into four semantic categories (verbal bases are cited in the 3rd person singular): a) Action nouns: -ím, e.g., kërk-im ‘search, research’ ← kërkon ‘to seek, search for’, vepr-im ‘action, activity’ ← vepron ‘to be active, act’, këmb-im ‘change, exchange’ ← këmben ‘to change, exchange’; -je (the suffix is attached to the stem of the participle), e.g., ardh-je ‘arrival’ ← vjen (suppletive participle (i) ardh-ur) ‘to come, arrive’, hyr-je ‘entry, introduction’ ← Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 3130 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Albanian hyn (participle (i) hyr-ë) ‘to enter’, armatos-je ‘armament’ ← armatos (participle (i) armatos-ur) ‘to provide with arms’, shpif-je ‘slander’ ← shpif (participle (i) shpifur) ‘to slander’; -ésë, e.g., ban-esë ‘residence’ ← banon ‘to reside’, von-esë ‘delay’ ← vonon ‘to arrive late’, kth-esë ‘bend in the road, turn, change’ ← kthen ‘to turn, bend’, pag-esë ‘payment’ ← paguan ‘to pay’; -í (only with a few examples), e.g., dëshm-i ‘testimony’ ← dëshmon ‘testify’, lakm-i ‘voracious desire, greed’ ← lakmon ‘to have a voracious desire’; -ímë (the bases are for the most part verbs which denote weather conditions or different kinds of sounds), e.g., bu(m)bull-imë ‘thunder’ ← bu(m)bullin ‘to thunder’, vetëtimë ‘lightning, lightning bolt’ ← vetëtin ‘to shine bright, flash’, xixëll-imë ‘twinkling light’ ← xixëllon ‘to twinkle, sparkle’; -më, e.g., fry-më ‘breath, breathing’ ← fryn ‘to blow’, gri-më ‘crumb, particle’ ← grin ‘to cut into small fragments’, pështy-më ‘spittle’ ← pështyn ‘to spit out’; -átë, e.g., dhur-atë ‘gift, present’ ← dhuron ‘to offer as gift’, gjyk-atë ‘law court, tribunal’ ← gjykon ‘to judge’, ur-atë ‘prayer’ ← uron ‘to wish well’; -ë, e.g., lyp-ë ‘begging for alms’ ← lyp ‘to beg for’, rrjedh-ë ‘flow, stream’ ← rrjedh ‘to flow’. b) Agent nouns: -ës (-ës after bases ending in consonant, with verbs in -ón the outcome is -úes as a consequence of the contraction of -ó+ës; a variant -ýes appears with a few verbs in -én), e.g., krij-ues ‘creator’ ← krijon ‘to create’, mës-ues ‘teacher’ ← mëson ‘to teach’, rrëf-yes ‘storyteller’ ← rrëfen ‘to narrate’, ndjek-ës ‘pursuer, follower’ ← ndjek ‘to chase, pursue, follow’; -és, e.g., kënd-es ‘rooster, cock’ ← këndon ‘to sing’, rrëmb-es ‘robber’ ← rrëmben ‘to take with force’. c) Instrument nouns: -ésë, e.g., fsh-esë ‘broom’ ← fshin ‘to clean off’, kull-esë ‘colander, filter’ ← kullon ‘to cleanse of unwanted matter’, mbul-esë ‘protective covering, envelope’ ← mbulon ‘to cover’; -ës, e.g., çel-ës ‘key’ ← çel ‘to open’, mat-ës ‘measuring device’ ← mat ‘to measure’, tund-ës ‘milk churn’ ← tund ‘to shake, churn’. d) Place nouns: -ínë, e.g., çmend-inë ‘loony bin’ ← çmend ‘to drive crazy’, grem-inë ‘ravine, chasm’ ← gremiset ‘to fall from a high place’, rrafsh-inë ‘level ground, plain’ ← rrafshon ‘to make flat with the ground, to level’. 4.2. Adjectival derivation Albanian has a rich variety of suffixes with which to generate different kinds of adjectives, however most of them show only a few derivatives. Prefixation is seen with deadjectival adjectives only. An important morphological feature divides Albanian adjectives into two major classes, one class with an obligatorily preposed definite article (articulated adjectives) and one without such an element (unarticulated adjectives). It is character- Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 171. Albanian 3131 istic of most unarticulated adjectives that they are used as nouns by conversion (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 200; Buchholz and Fiedler 1987: 346−348; see here section 5.1). In the following section only the productive patterns of both classes will be presented. 4.2.1. Denominal adjectives Denominal adjectives are qualitative adjectives and relational adjectives: -ák, e.g., dimër-ak ‘wintry’ ← dimër ‘winter’, vez-ak ‘oval’ ← vezë ‘egg’; -ár, e.g., gënjesht-ar ‘lying, deceitful’ ← gënjeshtër ‘lie’, vjesht-ar ‘ripening in autumn’ ← vjeshtë ‘autumn’; -ník, e.g., bes-nik ‘true to one’s word, faithful’ ← besë ‘pledge, word of honor’, fis-nik ‘noble’ ← fis ‘clan, tribe’; -ór, e.g., dimër-or ‘wintry’ ← dimër ‘winter’, mal-or ‘mountainous’ ← mal ‘mountain’; -ósh, e.g., mjekr-osh ‘wearing a beard’ ← mjekër ‘beard’, vjetull-osh ‘with thick eyebrowes’ ← vjetull ‘eyebrow’; (i) -shëm (the most productive suffix for adjectives), e.g., (i) frik-shëm ‘frightening, scary’ ← frikë ‘fear, fright’, (i) zakon-shëm ‘ordinary’ ← zakon ‘habit, common practice’; -tár, e.g., guxim-tar ‘brave’ ← guxim ‘daring, courage’, kombë-tar ‘national’ ← komb ‘nation’; (i) -(ë)të, e.g., (i) ar-të ‘golden’ ← ar ‘gold’, (i) gur-të ‘of stone’ ← gur ‘stone’. 4.2.2. Deadjectival adjectives Prefixes serve in most cases to express negation, in some cases intensification. Adjectives derived with suffixes are either referential adjectives or approximative-attenuative adjectives: Derivation with prefixes: jo- ‘non-’ (with unarticulated adjectives), e.g., jo-alkoolik ‘non-alcoholic’ ← alkoolik ‘alcoholic’, jo-fetar ‘non-religious’ ← fetar ‘religious’; pa- ‘un-, in-’ (with articulated adjectives), e.g., (i) pa-aftë ‘unable, inept’ ← (i) aftë ‘capable, able’, (i) pa-diskutueshëm ‘non subject to further discussion’ ← (i) diskutueshëm ‘disputable’; ndër- ‘inter-’, e.g., ndër-kombëtar ‘international’ ← kombëtar ‘national’, (i) ndërgjegjshëm ‘conscious’ ← (i) gjegjshëm ‘obedient, receptive’; stër- (augmentative), e.g., (i) stër-lashtë ‘very old, ancient’ ← (i) lashtë ‘ancient’, (i) stër-madh ‘enormous’ ← (i) madh ‘big, large, tall’. Several neoclassical prefixes are seen in Albanian: anti-, e.g., anti-alkoolik ‘anti-alcoholic’ ← alkoolik ‘alcoholic’, anti-njerëzor ‘inhumane’ ← njerëzor ‘humane’; super-, e.g., super-automatik ‘completely automatic’ ← automatik ‘automatic’. Derivation with suffixes: (i) -shëm (bases are adverbs), e.g., (i) atje-shëm ‘of that place’ ← atje ‘at that place, over there’, (i) sivjet-shëm ‘of this year’ ← sivjet ‘this year’; Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 3132 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Albanian -ósh, e.g., bardh-osh ‘pale’ ← (i) bardhë ‘white’, madh-osh ‘bulky, massive’ ← (i) madh ‘big, large, tall’. 4.2.3. Deverbal adjectives Deverbal adjectives are for the most part qualitative adjectives: -ës (in most cases the suffix is attached to the stem of the participle), e.g., djeg-ës ‘burning, inflammable’ ← djeg (participle (i) djeg-ur) ‘to burn’, ngjit-ës ‘adhesive’ ← ngjit (participle (i) ngjit-ur) ‘to attach’; (i) -shëm (the suffix is attached to the stem of the participle), e.g., (i) ardh-shëm ‘future, coming’ ← vjen (suppletive participle (i) ardh-ur) ‘to come, arrive’, (i) djeg-shëm ‘combustible’ ← djeg (participle (i) djeg-ur) ‘to burn’, (i) pi-shëm ‘potable’ ← pi (participle (i) pi-rë) ‘to trink’. 4.3. Verbal derivation Verbs are derived chiefly from nouns, from other verbs, from adjectives and adverbs, only a few verbs are derived from other parts of speech like numbers, pronouns, particles and onomatopoeic bases. Derived verbs follow the conjugations 1 and 2, both comprising verbs ending respectively in a vowel or diphthong plus the ending -n or any consonant (on the Albanian conjugational classes see Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 39−44), e.g., pun-o-n ‘to work’ ← punë ‘work’, holl-o-n ‘to make thin’ ← (i) hollë ‘thin’, ndalo-n ‘to stop’ ← ndal ‘to stop’, po-h-on ‘to admit’ ← po ‘yes’ (with a hiatus-filling -h-), ajr-o-s ‘to ventilate’ ← ajër ‘air’, ngul-it ‘to insert, drive in’ ← ngul ‘to implant’, zvarrit ‘to drag’ ← zvarrë ‘dragging’. The majority of derived verbs follow conjugation 1. Regarding the formal aspects of verbal derivation, derived verbs are constructed predominantly by affixation (prefixation, suffixation, circumfixation), while only a limited number of verbs are derived by conversion (see section 5.3). There are approximately 30 prefixes used to generate verbs, and among them the most productive ones are: për-, sh- (with the phonological variants ç- and zh-), followed by s-/z-, n-/m-, mbi-, nën-, stër-, shpër-, ri-, ndër- (Shaban Demiraj in Domi 2002: 348−353), e.g., për-forc-on ‘to reinforce’ ← forc-on ‘to strengthen’ (← forcë ‘force, power’), për-bluan ‘to brood over’ ← bluan ‘to mill’, s-kuq ‘to make red’ ← (i) kuq ‘red’, m-plak ‘to make old’ ← plak ‘old’, zh-vesh ‘to take off, strip’ ← vesh ‘to put on clothes’, mbi-shkruaj ‘to inscribe’ ← shkruaj ‘to write’, nën-shtroj ‘to submit’ ← shtroj ‘to lay down’, stër-nxeh ‘to overheat’ ← nxeh ‘to make hot’, shpër-dredh ‘to untwist’ ← dredh ‘to twist’, ri-botoj ‘to republish’ ← botoj ‘to publish’, ndër-lidh ‘to bring into contact’ ← lidh ‘to tie, bind’. As can be deduced from some of the examples given above the prefixes për-, sh-, s- sometimes induce an intensifying meaning or lead to a new semantic nuance of the verb. Other prefixes generate antonyms with partially identical stems, e.g., shkarkon ‘to unload’ vs. ngarkon ‘to load’, ngul ‘to thrust in, implant’ vs. shkul ‘to uproot’. Though there are no derivational bases to be found with these verbs in the synchronic lexicon they may be considered as derived (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 110; Shaban Demiraj in Domi 2002: 351). Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 171. Albanian 3133 Suffixation is the most common derivational process for deriving verbs from nouns and adjectives. The most productive suffix is -ó- (with its extensions -lló-, -ró-, -só-, -tó-, -zó-; Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 111) following the conjugational class 1: darko-n ‘to dine’ ← darkë ‘dinner’, afr-o-n ‘to bring close’ ← afër ‘near’, mish-ë-ro-n ‘to embody’ (with an anaptyctic vowel -ë-) ← mish ‘meat, flesh’, ëmbël-so-n ‘to sweeten’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, asgjë-so-n ‘to annihilate’ ← asgjë ‘nothing’, copë-to-n ‘to break up into pieces’ ← copë ‘bit’, dorë-zo-n ‘to surrender’ ← dorë ‘hand’, një-zo-n ‘to unite, join’ ← një ‘one’. The extended variant -llo- (with its allomorphs -lli-/-lle-) is for the most part seen with onomatopoeic verbs, e.g., fërfë-llo-n ‘to beat the wings, fly’, gurgullo-n ‘to gurgle’, bu(m)bu-lli-n ‘to thunder’, hinge-lli-n ‘to neigh’ (of a horse). Derived verbs with the suffixes -s/-ís and -ós (with their extensions -atís and -atós) follow the conjugational class 2, e.g., balt-os ‘to spatter with mud’ ← baltë ‘mud’, arrat-is ‘to go into exile’ ← arrati ‘exile’, boj-atis ‘to paint’ ← bojë ‘paint’, helm-atis ‘to poison’ ← helm ‘poison’. Verbs formed by circumfixation are usually derived from nouns or adjectives and are as a rule inflected according to the conjugational class 1 (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 117), e.g., për-pun-on ‘to refine, revise’ ← punë ‘work’, z-bardh-on ‘to whiten’ ← (i) bardhë ‘white’, z-bukur-on ‘to beautify’ ← (i) bukur ‘beautiful, pretty’, n-gur-os ‘to petrify’ ← gur ‘stone’. Compounding is a rather minor pattern in the production of verbs (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 118; Buxheli 2008: 335−345). The first compositional element is either an adverb or a noun: adverb+verb, e.g., bashkë-banon ‘to cohabit’ ← bashkë ‘together’ + banon ‘to reside’, bashkë-bisedon ‘to converse’ ← bashkë ‘together’ + bisedon ‘to discuss’, mirë-pret ‘to welcome’ ← mirë ‘well’ + pret ‘to receive’, kundërvë ‘to put into opposition’ ← kundër ‘against’ + vë ‘to put, place’; noun+verb, e.g., duar-trokit ‘to clap hands’ ← duar ‘hands’ (plural of dorë) + troket ‘to knock, beat’, dëm-shpërblen ‘to indemnify’ ← dëm ‘damage’ + shpërblen ‘to repay, recompense’, këmbë-ngul ‘to put one’s foot down’ ← këmbë ‘foot’ + ngul ‘to insert’. Verbs formed by agglutination are not numerous. They originate from verbal or prepositional phrases (Newmark, Hubbard and Prifti 1982: 119; Buxheli 2008: 347−348), e.g., vëren ‘to observe, notice’ ← vë re ‘to pay attention’, falënderon ‘to thank’ ← falem(i)nderit ‘thank you; lit. to pray to the honour’. 4.3.1. Denominal verbs Denominal verbs are typically generated with the suffix -ó- (and its extensions -lló-, -ró-, -só-, -tó-, -zó-) and follow thus conjugational class 1 (see section 4.3), e.g., bes-o-n ‘to believe’ ← besë ‘belief’, xixë-llo-n ‘to sparkle’ ← xixë ‘spark’, nusë-ro-n ‘to act as a proper bride’ ← nuse ‘bride’, frikë-so-n ‘to frighten’ ← frikë ‘fear, fright’, dëm-to-n ‘to damage’ ← dëm ‘damage’, valë-zo-n ‘to undulate’ ← valë ‘wave’. Other denominal verbs are derived with the suffixes -s/-ís and -ós (and its extensions -atís and -atós) and follow conjugational class 2 (see section 4.3), e.g., bezd-is ‘to bother’ ← bezdi ‘bother’, kallaj-is ‘to coat with tin, solder’ ← kallaj ‘solder, tin’, helm-atis ‘to poison’ ← helm ‘poison’, fund-os ‘to sink’ ← fund ‘bottom’, arm-atos ‘to arm’ ← armë ‘munitions, arm(s)’. Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 3134 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Albanian 4.3.2. Deadjectival verbs Deadjectival verbs are generated with the suffixes and their extensions presented in section 4.3.1, e.g., çal-o-n ‘to limp’ ← çalë ‘lame’, holl-o-n ‘to make thin’ ← (i) hollë ‘thin’, kuq-ëlo-n ‘to become reddish’ ← (i) kuq ‘red’, fisnikë-ro-n ‘to ennoble’ ← fisnik ‘noble’, ëmbël-so-n ‘to sweeten’ ← (i) ëmbël ‘sweet’, shpesh-ëto-n ‘to increase the frequency of something’ ← (i) shpeshtë ‘frequent’. 4.3.3. Deverbal verbs Deverbal verbs are generated with the suffixes and their extensions presented in section 4.3.1, e.g., ndal-o-n ‘to stop’ ← ndal ‘id.’, shtjell-o-n ‘to explain, unfold’ ← shtjell ‘to throw, unfold’, njof-to-n ‘to announce’ ← njeh ‘to come to know’, shkund-ullo-n ‘to shake’ ← shkund ‘id.’, ngulit ‘to insert, drive in’ ← ngul ‘to implant’. 4.4. Adverbial derivation As there are articulated adjectives and unarticulated adjectives in Albanian (see section 4.2), the derivation of adverbs depends on which class an adjective follows. As a rule adverbs of the unarticulated class are derived with suffixes, whereas adverbs of the articulated class by conversion. A third type of adverb is generated by agglutination whereby one element consists of a pro-form. A fourth type of adverb is formed by reduplication as will be shown in section 7. Adverbs with suffixes: -(í)sht (-ísht after a base ending in consonant, -sht after a base ending in an oxytone vowel; the suffix is attached to nouns too), e.g., gjerman-isht ‘in German (language)’ ← gjerman ‘German’, politik-isht ‘politically’ ← politik ‘political’, from nouns, e.g., gabimisht ‘by mistake’ ← gabim ‘mistake’, natyr-isht ‘naturally’ ← natyrë ‘nature’; -as or -azi (attached to nominal, adjectival, and verbal bases), e.g., krah-as ‘arm in arm’ ← krah ‘arm’, radh-as/radh-azi ‘each in turn, in a row’ ← radhë ‘serial order, row’, majt-as ‘to the left’ ← (i) majtë ‘left’, fsheht-as/fsheht-azi ‘secretly’ ← (i) fshehtë ‘hidden, secret’, fal-as ‘free of charge’ ← fal ‘to offer, give’; -çe (adverbs from nouns in colloquial speech), e.g., derr-çe ‘stubbornly’ ← derr ‘pig’, qen-çe ‘like a dog’ ← qen ‘dog’. Adverbs by conversion: adverbs of articulated adjectives are generated from the masculine form by deletion of the article (adjectives derived with the suffix -të additionally lose the final -ë), e.g., mirë ‘well’ ← (i) mirë ‘good’, keq ‘badly’ ← (i) keq ‘bad’, natyrshëm ‘naturally’ ← (i) natyrshëm ‘natural’, lart ‘above’ ← (i) lartë ‘high’. Agglutinated adverbs: pro-form+verb, e.g., kudo ‘everywhere’ ← ku ‘where’ + do ‘(it) wants’, verb+pro-form, e.g., diku ‘somewhere’ ← di ‘knows’ + ku ‘where’. Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 171. Albanian 3135 5. Conversion 5.1. Nominal conversion Nominal conversion occurs predominantly in the formation of nouns from an adjectival base, and to a much lesser extent from verbs. Nouns from adjectives/participles: a) Personal nouns, e.g., bes-nik ‘man of his word’ ← adj. ‘true to one’s word, faithful’, gënjesht-ar ‘liar’ ← adj. ‘lying, deceitful’, malësor ‘mountaineer’ ← adj. ‘from the mountains’, i ri ‘young boy’ ← adj. ‘young’, i vdekur ‘dead person’ ← participle ‘dead’; b) Abstract nouns: in this class two types occur set apart by their grammatical gender, a feminine type in the singular or in a few cases in the plural, and a neuter type, e.g., e drejta (a is the postposed definite article) ‘right, law; justice’ ← (i) drejtë ‘straight, true, right’, e vërteta ‘truth’ ← (i) vërtetë ‘true’, e shkuara ‘the past’ ← (i) shkuar (participle/adjective) ‘gone; past’, (plural) të ardhurat ‘income’ ← (i) ardhur (participle/adjective) ‘that which has come’, (neuter plural with the postposed definite article) të folurit ‘speech ability, speech’ ← (i) folur (participle/ adjective) ‘spoken’, të zitë ‘blackness’ ← (i) zi ‘black’. As a consequence of the continuous reduction of the neuter gender in Albanian, the last type is not productive any longer. However, in older varieties of Albanian the conversion of adjectives into neuter nouns was the unmarked and thus most productive way to generate abstract nouns. Only with the reduction of the neuter gender have the derivational types with suffixes as seen in sections 4.1.1 and 4.1.3 experienced a steady increase (Matzinger 2007: 69−71). Nouns from verbs: (masculine nouns), e.g., mund ‘effort’ ← mund ‘to overcome, be able’, tjerr ‘spun yarn’ ← tjerr ‘to spin’. 5.2. Adjectival conversion Adjectives from nouns: As can been seen in the sections 4.1 and 4.2, a number of derivational suffixes are ambiguous with respect to their interpretation as nouns or adjectives depending on the given syntactic context. Beside these derivations, there are many non-derived nouns which are open to undergo conversion to adjectives, e.g., plak ‘old, aged’ ← plak ‘old man’, trim ‘brave, courageous’ ← trim ‘heroic man’. 5.3. Verbal conversion Only a few verbs are generated by conversion from nouns or adjectives, e.g., ndryshk ‘to make rusty, rust’ ← ndryshk ‘rust’, kuq ‘to make red’ ← (i) kuq ‘red’. 5.4. Adverbial conversion Adverbs from nouns are derived either from the indefinite or definite accusative case, or from the ablative case, e.g., mot ‘next year’ ← mot ‘year; weather’, vjet ‘last year’ Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 3136 XVI. Word-formation in the individual European languages − Albanian ← vjet ‘year’, natën ‘at night’ ← natë (definite accusative natën) ‘night’. Adverbs from the ablative case are derived from a substantivized neuter adjective as their base, e.g., së afërmi ‘close up’ ← (i) afërm ‘close’, së shpejti ‘very soon’ ← (i) shpejtë ‘fast’. 6. Backformation In some historical instances a noun was added to the vocabulary alongside an Albanian verb ending in -it (< Slavic verbs with infinitive in -iti), which was assumed to be a verbal suffix. The noun was derived from this secondarily generated verbal stem with the suffix -í (see section 4.1.3), e.g., çud-i ‘surprise; wonder’ ← çudit ‘to amaze, surprise’, mërz-i ‘boredom, annoyance’ ← mërzit ‘to bore, annoy’. Other backformations can be seen in words like punësi ‘employment’ ← papunësi ‘unemployment’. 7. Reduplication Reduplication is a typical feature of adverbial locutions. Two types of reduplication are discernible, one type formed by direct reduplication and an other type with the interposed conjunction e ‘and’ or the interposed prepositions për ‘for’ and më ‘to, at’. Noun + noun: pjesëpjesë ‘in parts’ ← pjesë ‘part’, vendevende ‘here and there’ ← vend (plural vende) ‘place’, çift e çift ‘in couples’ ← çift ‘couple’, ditë për ditë ‘daily’ ← ditë ‘day’, gojë më gojë ‘from mouth to mouth, privately’ ← gojë ‘mouth’. Adverb + adverb: avashavash ‘very slowly’ ← avash ‘slowly’, hollëhollë ‘in great detail’ ← hollë ‘thinly’, with the conjunction e ‘and’, shpejt e shpejt ‘within a very short time’ ← shpejt ‘quickly’. Reduplication in the verbal system is found with onomatopoeic verbs, e.g., çuçurit ‘to whisper’, bu(m)bullin ‘to thunder’. 8. Blending Blending does not occur very often, only a few examples can be given, e.g., kaposh ‘rooster, cock’ ← kapua ‘capon’ + kokosh ‘rooster, cock’, rrëmon ‘to dig, excavate’ ← rrëmih ‘id.’ + gërmon ‘to dig, dig out’ (both examples cited after Emil Lafe, personal communication). 9. Clipping Clipping is barely detectable in Albanian, the very few examples show that they belong to colloquial speech, e.g., pafshim ‘goodbye, so long’ ← mirupafshim ‘id.’, begs ‘student at the Skanderbeg military school in Tirana’ ← skënderbegas ‘id.’ (both examples cited after Emil Lafe, personal communication; for a few other examples see Lloshi 1994: 189). Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56 171. Albanian 3137 10. References Boretzky, Norbert 1975 Der türkische Einfluß auf das Albanische. Vol. 1: Phonologie und Morphologie der albanischen Turzismen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Buchholz, Oda and Wilfried Fiedler 1979 Zur Herausbildung des modernen gesellschaftlichen Wortschatzes im Albanischen. In: Zur Herausbildung des modernen gesellschaftlichen Wortschatzes in Südosteuropa. Beiträge zur Balkanlinguistik 4, 102−178. Berlin: Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, Zentralinstitut für Sprachwissenschaft. Buchholz, Oda and Wilfried Fiedler 1987 Albanische Grammatik. Leipzig: Verlag Enzyklopädie. Buxheli, Ludmila 2008 Formimi i foljeve në gjuhën e sotme shqipe. Tiranë: Kristalina-KH. Dançetoviq, Vojisllav 1960 Sufiksi diminutiv i emnave të gjuhës shqipe. Prishtinë: Rilindja. Domi, Mahir (ed.) 2002 Gramatika e gjuhës shqipe. Vol. 1: Morfologjia. Tiranë: Maluka. Genesin, Monica and Joachim Matzinger 2005 Nominalkomposition im Missale des Gjon Buzuku: Zu Form, Semantik und Anwendung des Wortbildungstyps in einer Balkansprache. In: Günter Schweiger (ed.), Indogermanica. Festschrift Gert Klingenschmitt. Indische, iranische und indogermanische Studien dem verehrten Jubilar dargebracht zu seinem fünfundsechzigsten Geburtstag, 413−434. Taimering: Schweiger VWT-Verlag. Hysa, Enver 2004 Formimi i emrave me ndajshtesa në gjuhën shqipe. Tiranë: Mësonjëtorja. Lloshi, Xhevat 1994 Substandard Albanian and its relation to Standard Albanian. In: Norbert Reiter, Uwe Hinrichs and Jiřina van Leeuwen-Turnovcová (eds.), Sprachlicher Standard und Substandard in Südosteuropa und Osteuropa. Beiträge zum Symposion vom 12.−16. Oktober 1992 in Berlin, 184−194. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Matzinger, Joachim 2006 Der altalbanische Text [E] Mbsuame e Krështerë (Dottrina cristiana) des Lekë Matrënga von 1592. Eine Einführung in die albanische Sprachwissenschaft. Dettelbach: Röll. Matzinger, Joachim 2007 Prinzipien der altalbanischen nominalen Wortbildung und die deverbalen nomina actionis im Korpus des Gjon Buzuku. Studime 14: 63−73. Newmark, Leonard, Philip Hubbard and Peter Prifti 1982 Standard Albanian. A reference grammar for students. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Thomaj, Jani 1999 Leksikologjia e gjuhës shqipe. Tiranë: shblu. Xhuvani, Aleksandër and Eqrem Çabej 1962 Prapashtesat e gjuhës shqipe. Tiranë: Mihal Duri. Xhuvani, Aleksandër and Eqrem Çabej 1975 Parashtesat e gjuhës shqipe. In: Mahir Domi (ed.), Çështje të gramatikës së shqipes së sotme. Vol. 2, 5−55. Tiranë: Mihal Duri. Monica Genesin, Lecce (Italy) Joachim Matzinger, Vienna (Austria) Bereitgestellt von | Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Angemeldet Heruntergeladen am | 31.03.16 09:56