G A L L E R Y O F T H E S E R B I A N A C A D E M Y O F S C I E N C E S A N D A RT S 141 Serbian artiStic Heritage in KOSOvO AND METOHIjA identit y, Signific an ce, Vulner abilit y Belgr ade 2017 Publ i sher Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Ed itor-in- Chie f Dušan Otašević Ed ited by Miodrag Marković Dragan Vojvodić R ev i ewer s Gojko Subotić Ljubomir Maksimović Momčilo Spremić Tran slator s Ana Selić Ivan Delač Tijana Cvetković Miona Piperski Malena Selić Andrijana Golac Jelena Maksimović Branka Vranešević Jelena Popović Tatjana Rajković Copy E ditor Miljana Protić (texts in the Introduction to the Exhibition Catalogue) Graphic Des ig n and Pre p ress Miroslav Lazić Ed itor ial S ecretar i es Marka Tomić Đurić Bojana Stevanović Photog raph Cred i t s National Museum in Belgrade Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Belgrade Museum of Applied Art, Belgrade National Library of Serbia, Belgrade Archives of the SASA, Belgrade Library of the Serbian Orthodox Patriarchate, Belgrade Museum in Priština– Belgrade National Museum in Kruševac (photographer Petar Ćeranić) Gallery of Matica srpska, Novi Sad Kolarac Foundation, Belgrade National Library of Russia, Saint Petersburg Romanian Academy Library, Bucharest Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul Platoneum D.O.O. Blago Fund Peter Krajnc Zoran Jovanović Vladimir Popović Pr i nt Grafostil, Kragujevac Pr int R u n 500 ISBN 978-86-7025-740-5 E x h i bit io n has been o rgani zed by Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts National Museum in Belgrade Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Belgrade Organi zing Co mmittee Vladimir S. Kostić President of SASA His Eminence Bishop Teodosije of Raška-Prizren and Kosovo-Metohija Gojko Subotić Member of SASA Mihailo Vojvodić Member of SASA Aleksandra Fulgosi, Assistant to the Minister Ministry of Culture and Information Bojana Borić Brešković, Director National Museum in Belgrade Mirjana Menković, Director Etnographic Museum in Belgrade Miodrag Marković Corresponding Member of SASA Dragan Vojvodić, Professor Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade Vladimir Radovanović, Director Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church Bojan Popović, Curator Gallery of Frescoes, National Museum in Belgrade Mila Gajić, Curator Museum of Applied Art E x hi bit ion Conce p t and S el ec t i o n o f E x h i b i t s Miodrag Marković Dragan Vojvodić R ev i ewer s Gojko Subotić Ljubomir Maksimović Momčilo Spremić Con ser vation and R esto rat i o n Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Belgrade National Museum in Belgrade Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of Serbia, Belgrade Natonal Library of Serbia, Archeography Department, Belgrade Milodarka Kocev Radovan Piljak Coordinator s Rada Maljković Jelena Mežinski Milovanović Vladimir Radovanović Bojan Popović Vi sual Identit y and Des ig n Igor Stepančić (Blue print) Tec hn ical R eali zat i o n D&A&K DIZAJN Goran Vitorov ić Milan Jazić Stojan Predović Saša Rendić he Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts extends its appreciation and gratitude to the lenders to the exhibition: Serbian Orthodox Church Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Belgrade Library of the Serbian Patriarchate, Belgrade National Museum in Belgrade Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of Serbia, Belgrade Museum of Applied Art, Belgrade Museum in Priština– Belgrade National Museum in Kruševac Belgrade City Museum Archives of Serbia, Belgrade Archives of SASA, Belgrade Natonal Library of Serbia, Belgrade Gallery of Matica srpska, Novi Sad The Ilija M. Kolarac Foundation Radio Television of Serbia, Belgrade Belgrade City Council Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia Korać Family Svetomir Arsić Basara Igor Bjelić he Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts gratefully acknowledges inancial support and donations from: Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia Office for Kosovo and Metohija, Government of the Republic of Serbia Dunav Insurance Company (Dunav osiguranje) Telekom Srbija Postal Savings Bank, Belgrade (Poštanska štedionica) Med ia Spo nso r sh i p Radio Television of Serbia contents FOREwORDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Vladimir S. Kostić His Holiness Serbian Patriarch Irinej Bojana Borić Brešković SERBS AND KOSOvO KOSOVO AND METOhIJA IN SERBIAN hISTORy he independent Medieval state . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Đorđe Bubalo Under otoman rule: Until the end of the 18th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Nebojša Šuletić Modern and Contemporary times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Ljubodrag Dimić soUrCes oF serbian spiritUality and national being in Kosovo and Metohija he shrines and saints of Kosovo and Metohija in the Cultic Memory and national Consciousness of the serbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Danica Popović he libraries of Kosovo and Metohija Monasteries and the liturgical tradition of the serbian orthodox Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Vladimir Vukašinović he Kosovo Covenant and serbian national identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Miloš Ković SERBIAN ARTISTIC HERITAGE IN KOSOvO AND METOHIjA the eUropean FaMeworK and serbian distinCtiveness oF Medieval art place in the history of serbian Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Branislav Todić within the Development Framework of Byzantine Artistic Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Alexei Lidov Miloš Živković Creative Ties to western European Art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Valentino Pace Dubravka Preradović hISTORy OF CREATION he earliest period: from the serbian setlement of the balkans to the reign of stefan nemanja . . . 49 Dejan Radičević Under the First rulers of the nemanjid dynasty (from 1168 to the death of King Milutin) . . . . . . 50 Miodrag Marković he high Medieval period (1322–1455) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Dragan Vojvodić he late Medieval period in light of archeology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Dejan Radičević From the Fall under otoman rule to the great Migration (1455–1690) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Zoran Rakić between Migrations and struggle for survival (1690–1839) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Nenad Makuljević he rise of Church art in the last Century of otoman rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Ivana Ženarju Rajović newer architecture – from Modernization and destruction to distorted representation . . . . . . 64 Aleksandar Kadijević Modern visual art – 1912–1999–2016 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Srđan Marković history oF tribUlation in the time of the otoman empire (1455–1912) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Tatjana Katić Biljana Vučetić ater the liberation (1912–1999) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Svetlana Pejić ater the adoption of resolution 1244 (1999–2017) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Dejan Radovanović Mirjana Đekić heritage Caught in a rit: between european Conservation practice and global political Misuse . . . 73 Mirjana Menković STRUGGLE FOR PRESERVATION he beginnings of investigation and stewardship of Monuments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Dragana Pavlović he beginnings of institutional protection of Cultural heritage and the results of Conservation works in Kosovo and Metohija . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski he inclusion of serbian Monuments on the world heritage list . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Vladimir Džamić serbian Monumental heritage in Kosovo and Metohiјa in view of Contemporary Cultural heritage heories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Jelena Pavličić CaTalOGuE i. peć and Koriša . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 ii. banjsKa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 iii. ChUrCh oF the virgin ljevišKa and the City oF prizren . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 iv. gračaniCa and novo brdo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 v. Minor MonUMents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305 vi. dečani . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359 vii. art in the early Modern period and the 19th CentUry . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453 viii. deCorative arts in the 19th CentUry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 507 iX. Modern art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 521 X. history oF tribUlation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 537 editors’ aFterword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 567 list oF abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 571 FOREwORDS In contributing this foreword to the catalogue for the exhibition Serbian Artistic Heritage in Kosovo and Metohija: Identity, Signiicance, Vulnerability, I should like to point out to the patient reader that both the exhibition and the publications accompanying it, as the fruits of long preparations of the sasa, are a response to the fundamental duty of our institution, which stems from the fundamental essence of its existence since the very irst steps following the establishment of the serbian learned society in 1841. Hence, this response can bear no shadow of banal daily pragmatism that the sasa has only too oten been unjustly accused of. although cited here in a seemingly lapidary manner, these three distinct concepts – identity, signiicance, vulnerability – essentially require no elaboration if we bear in mind the context in which the distinctive cultural identity of serbian art and religious heritage has manifested itself in Kosovo and Metohija. However, as a lay person, I cannot help but be reminded of another fundamental deinition – an unutered, yet clearly audible deinition pertinent to our understanding of the directions that have shaped both this exhibition and publication, in order to provide comprehensive insight into old serbian art in the aforesaid region. Many of those who are far more qualiied in this ield will probably see this deinition as ‘high aesthetic value,’ ’authenticity’ or the like; in my limited grasp of its essence, I shall simply deine it as beauty that transcends ’all evils.’ although perhaps not entirely appropriate, this phrase aptly describes the feelings of my twelve-year-old self on the occasion of my irst visit to the monasteries of Kosovo – feelings that would be reairmed with every subsequent visit. Unable to do justice to this experience in my own words, I am oten reminded of the lines penned by Mihailo lalić, our fellow academician of the sasa, in Zatočnici: the Second Volume of the Memoirs and Diary of Pejo Grujović, which I shall borrow on this occasion as well: ‘Just before nightfall we reached the valley and headed through the lee of the forest illed with the murmur of the river that could be discerned at a distance from the road. his was where we inally started feeling warmer and began to hope we might ind food. going out onto a clearing, those in front of me started taking of their caps and blessing themselves. I never thought I would make the sign of the cross – there wasn’t a priest great enough to make me do this. However, the mo- forewordS 13 ment I saw the church of the dečani Monastery standing there in the meadow – beautiful as a phantasmagoria and more enduring than a fortress – I halted and I too took of my cap and wanted to hurl it up into the air just like the others had already done. I knew a litle about the monastery, more from songbooks than history; I’d also seen it in pictures, but to think that it had been standing there, brand new, for six centuries, surviving serbs and turks and albanians with their white caps and their frequent brawls, long hatreds and short reconciliations – it just seemed incredible. It seemed to me – and it seems to me still – that there was something otherworldly built into that ediice – a kind of wondrous synthesis of ennobled mater and soul caught in mater. Without this mysterious balance of distant and opposite elements from two poles of the cosmos, without their embrace, nothing could have survived for so long in this country where everything is leeting and disappears switly.’ hese lines are followed by the words ater the liturgy in the church: ‘It was night by the time we got out, but the beauty of the church seemed to pierce the darkness. I felt like I could see it even with my eyes closed, just like I can see it now in the darkness of my distant memories, for the very existence of its shape radiates like the persistent memory of something that was once known. ever since, I have oten thought of this wondrous ediice whose beauty, as an anonymous chronicler noted, ‘transcends every thought.’ I would like to see it again, to conirm that its soul indeed lies in its beauty, as I believe it does, and that its beauty lies in the promise and the hope it bestows on anyone who sets their eyes upon it, of whatever faith they might be.’ he author limits this desire – a desire I share and yet whose fulillment I fear my age and circumstances shall not permit – to the Monastery of Visoki dečani, although it encompasses more than this unique temple – so much more. as I, along with all my compatriots, ind myself faced with the vulnerable position and destruction of the serbian cultural and art heritage, the falsiication of its identity and the no less painful indiference of the powerful (and powerless), sometimes I take heart in Planudes’s paraphrase of ovid that ‘everything changes, nothing perishes.’ I am nevertheless aware that this thought – for all its lotiness – can ultimately be no more than solace. In fact, the idea behind this exhibition and the accompanying publications is that we must do everything in our power to prevent the disappearance of that which deines our very being. and only then we will be able to ask, tomorrow or the day ater, with eyes shut, like Vasko Popa, poet and another fellow academician, before the fresco in Kalenić, although we know both the answer and the explanation: Whence my eyes In your face angel my brother Vladimir S. Kostić 14 Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSoVo and MetoHija he loor of the church of Prizren, the church of Dečani, the narthex of Peć, the gold of Banjska and the scriptures of Resava are not to be found anywhere. he Karlovac Genealogy, 1418–1427 hroughout their history, the people of Serbia have been aware of the abundant spiritual and natural delights that have been bestowed upon them by the Lord. hey have built churches in the most breathtaking of landscapes and adorned the sacred places that celebrated Divine wisdom with every kind of worldly beauty. Even in diicult times, like the ones that are upon us now, especially in the harrowed Kosovo and Metohija, the Serbian Orthodox Church has for centuries striven to collect and protect objects of sacral art. Ater the Otoman conquest and the fall of the Serbian medieval state which wreaked great sufering on the Serbian people, in addition to spiritual care and stewardship of cultural heritage the Church also took it upon itself to ensure the survival of the Orthodox population. It still continues to perform this role in Kosovo and Metohija, where it strives to provide spiritual sustenance to the local Serbian population ater the violent cessation of this part of Serbia in 1999. his new wave of sufering of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija, which we have been witnessing for almost two decades, has culminated in a ‘Night of Broken Glass’ of sorts in March 2004. he exhibition Serbian Artistic Heritage in Kosovo and Metohija: Identity, Signiicance, Vulnerability is a good example of how we should act and which path to choose. It ofers the visitor a unique opportunity to embark on a spiritual pilgrimage through our Holy Land of Kosovo and Metohija, at a time when many of us are unable to visit its monasteries and churches and personally discover the pinnacles of Serbian culture and art. All Serbian institutions should work to preserve this region within the borders of our country, as well as to cherish it in our hearts and minds – schools by educating younger generations on Serbian history, and scholarly and cultural institutions by advancing their knowledge of the fruits of Serbian art and spirituality in Kosovo and Metohija. Although this exhibition displays but a fragment of the cultural and spiritual heritage of Serbs from our Holy Land, we believe that it will suice to show that this heritage, as the fruit of the tireless eforts of our forefathers, bears the indelible mark of the spirituality of St. Sava and distinctive Serbian creativity. his is particularly important to underline now – at a time when historical facts are being falsiied to misrepresent the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija as the cultural her- Forewords 15 itage of the so-called republic of Kosovo, and in the face of lobbying eforts to ensure the admitance of this non-existing country to UNESCO with the purpose of legitimizing these falsiications. However, the objects displayed at this exhibition provide ironclad proof and reveal every atempt at falsiication. hey bear witness to their own ktetors and creators, their own cultural and spiritual identity and the loty merits of the art that produced them – an art inextricably linked to the artistic trends of other Serbian regions and parallel to the cultural development of Europe in the corresponding periods. We hope that the visitors of this exhibition, having seen this extensive collection of sacral objects, will be touched by the spiritual beauty of our forefathers, who have created these artifacts for the glory of God and let them to posterity, and that they will not be ‘ever seeing but never perceiving and ever hearing but never understanding’ (Is 6:9; Mk 4:12). For as long as Kosovo and Metohija live in our thoughts and hearts, so long lives the hope for the return and freedom of Serbs in the territory of our Holy Land. Serbian Patriarch 16 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija he National Museum in Belgrade was founded as the Serbian Museum (Muzeum srbski) in 1844, with the main task of collecting antiquities, particularly those pertaining to ‘serbhood and serbian history.’ since then it has been carefully collecting serbian antiquities and fostering awareness of the crucial importance of safeguarding national and cultural identity. herefore it was only natural for the National Museum to answer the invitation of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and to, together with this highest of Serbian academic institutions and the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, organize the exhibition entitled Serbian Artistic Heritage in Kosovo and Metohija: Identity, Signiicance, Vulnerability, in order to pay due homage to the lasting Serbian presence in this territory. Valuable and original artifacts from the collections of the National Museum have therefore been selected for this occasion – icons, metal works of art, ceramics, glassware, ine embroideries and architectural sculpture. Representing the art and culture of Kosovo and Metohija, they also provide insight into the way of life, beliefs and aspirations of its Serbian population from the 12th to the 19thcentury. hese exhibits have been collected in archeological excavations, purchased or gited. Most of them have originated from the Serbian medieval monuments inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List – from the Patriarchate of Peć, Dečani, Gračanica and Our Lady of Ljeviša. In addition, the Holy Archangels, the Mother of God of Hvosno, Banjska and other Serbian religious ediices, monastic estates and setlements such as the city of Novo Brdo have also let invaluable artifacts. Among other things, the exhibition will showcase a fragment of a ceramic vessel with a Glagolitic inscription dating from 10th century, which was discovered in Čečan near Vučitrn – an important piece of material evidence of early Slavic and Serbian presence in this area. To help the visitor understand the wider socio-historical and cultural framework that created these valuable works of art and various crats, the exhibition also features copies of frescoes from Serbian churches and monasteries, painted by remarkable masters. In view of the inaccessibility, damaged state or destruction of many of these monuments, Forewords 17 in addition to their artistic merit these copies also have unique documentary value. To provide a more comprehensive overview of the Serbian heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, the exhibition includes casts of stone sculpture and epigraphic evidence such as funerary inscriptions and dedications of ktetors and chief artists. Many originals from which these copies were made no longer exist. he art heritage of Kosovo and Metohija – represented here by original works as well as faithful copies of frescoes and castings – clearly shows that once the main administrative and church institutions were transferred there, this part of the Serbian medieval state became the center of Serbian culture, from which almost all mainstream creative currents emanated. During the reign of King Milutin and his successors, it was the center of the dynamic development of Serbian spirituality and culture and the area that housed the foundations of rulers and church leaders, the landmarks of the Serbian presence and state, as well as an area that created monumental and opulent works of art. Having evolved into a lasting symbol of Serbian historical underpinnings and enduring presence, their religious and political independence as well as their national and cultural identity, Kosovo and Metohija has become a pillar in the development arch of a nation destined to overcome many a challenge in its struggle for survival. Bojana Borić Brešković 18 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija serbs and Kosovo KOSOVO AND METOhIJA IN SERBIAN hISTORy The Independent Medieval State The Serbs settled in the territory of the present-day Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija in the 7th century and were its majority population throughout the medieval period. Until the 1180s Kosovo and Metohija was the borderland between the areas directly ruled by the Byzantine emperor and the territories governed by the Serbian knez and later grand zhupan with the permission of the Byzantine emperor. Under Stefan Nemanja and his son Stefan the First-Crowned, Kosovo and Metohija, with the exception of the Lepenac and Binačka Morava river valleys, was incorporated into Serbian territories, although it still remained a borderland. Soon thereafter, this region was covered by a network of bishoprics under the newly established Serbian Archbishopric – the old bishoprics with seats in Prizren and Lipljan were kept; the new Bishopric of Hvosno was founded; and parts of the Raška and Toplica bishoprics were incorporated into the regions in the north. After King Milutin’s conquests of Byzantine territories pushed the frontier to the south in 1282–1284, Kosovo and Metohija became the Serbian heartlands. Throughout the following century, this region became the political, religious and economic center of the state and enjoyed a period of undisturbed peace and demographic, economic and cultural progress. The majority of Serbian rulers mostly resided here, either in palaces around Lake Svrčin (near Uroševac) or in Prizren. They erected their funerary churches and made generous donations of vast landholdings to their foundations in the region of Metohija, first of all to the Hilandar Monastery. Almost all functions of the archiepiscopal see were transferred to the Monastery of Peć, which became the Patriarch’s primary seat after the Serbian Church was elevated to the rank of patriarchate. In the first decades of the 14th century, mining and commerce began to develop after the discovery of rich ore deposits on the southern slopes of Kopaonik (Trepča, Koporići) and southeast of Priština (Novo Brdo and Janjevo). Their development was enhanced by the fact that the most important communication routes in Serbia ran and intersected in Kosovo and Metohija – from the southern Adriatic towards Prizren and Kosovo Polje, and farther on eastwards to Bulgaria or northwards to Belgrade; from Salonika towards Priština and farther north or west by way of Prijepolje, and on to Bosnia. SerbS and KoSovo 23 The strife among the nobility amidst the disintegration of the Serbian Empire in the 1370s and 1380s – the time when Prizren served as one of the capitals of King Vukašin, the co-ruler of Emperor Uroš – ended in the division of territories between the regional overlords Prince Lazar and Lord Vuk Branković. The end of internal strife, however, did not bring peace: constant pressure from the Turks reached its peak when the Ottoman forces defeated the Serbian army in the Battle of Kosovo on St. Vitus’ Day 1389. This battle which claimed the lives of the commanders of both armies (Prince Lazar and Sultan Murad) is traditionally seen as the event that marked the end of the ‘Serbian Empire’. The period of unrest and uncertainty was temporarily ended after the reconciliation of the Lazarević and Branković families and the unification of their territories in 1412. The ensuing hiatus in the first four decades of the 15th century facilitated the peak of ore production and Novo Brdo emerged as the leading mine in Southeastern Europe. With numerous Latin colonies and an ever-growing number of learned men including many Greek refugees, the mining settlements had a cosmopolitan character. After the first collapse and the subsequent restoration of the Serbian Despotate in 1439–1444, economic activities quickly declined and the insecurity and dwindling prospects of making lucrative deals increasingly discouraged merchants from the West from coming to Kosovo and Metohija. The ruler and the patriarch transferred their residences to the north; the Turks were on the border, raiding and wreaking destruction with increasing intensity. After the siege of Novo Brdo in 1455, Sultan Mehmed II finally subjugated the entire territory of Kosovo and Metohija to the Ottoman Empire. Đorđe Bubalo Under Ottoman Rule: until the End of the 18th Century The most significant consequence of Ottoman rule on the territory of Kosovo and Metohija were the intensive migrations of the local Serbian population that led to the reshaping of the Serbian ethnic territory, the shifting of its core northward, and the extinction and waning of important centers of Serbian spirituality. As the permanent residence of the heads of the Serbian Orthodox Church from the mid-16th century to 1766, the Monastery of Peć is particularly noteworthy among these centers. Migrations of the Serbian population were mostly motivated by economic reasons, but also by various forms of legal and social discrimination, violence and vulnerability of its physical security and property. The Serbian emigration from their native territories was generally accompanied by the planned or spontaneous destruction of their cultural heritage in these areas. The gradual demographic decline of the Christian population was interrupted during the War of the Holy League (1683–1699), when a demographic disaster hit the region of Kosovo and Metohija. The Ottoman offensive against the unarmed Serbian population, a plague epidemic and famine led to high mortality rates 24 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija in 1690 and ultimately to the permanent emigration of several tens of thousands of Serbian refugees in the mass exodus known as the Great Migration of Serbs. By the end of the 17th century, the groundwork was laid for a fundamental transformation of the religious and ethnic structure of Kosovo and Metohija and by the 19th century the Serbs were no longer the largest ethnic community in this region. After the Archbishop of Peć and Serbian Patriarch Makarije (1557–1571) restored the cathedral church of the Monastery of Peć in the mid-16th century and established it as the seat of the Serbian Church, the area of Metohija became the unofficial heart of the Serbian ethnic space. The Serbian Church once again began to refer to itself as the Serbian Patriarchate, although its official title as a fiscal unit in the Ottoman tax system was the Patriarchate of Peć. From the mid-16th to the late 17th century, the Serbian patriarch paid an annual tax of 100,000 akçes to the state and another 100,000 akçes when assuming duties or when a new sultan ascended the Ottoman throne. In the 17th and 18th century, the tax burden was one of the greatest obstacles to the advancement of spiritual life in the Serbian Church, as well as to the development of education, schooling and printing. The Patriarchate’s financial troubles intensified considerably after the Long War (1593–1606) and even more after the end of the War of the Holy League, when the Serbian dioceses in Hungary were wrested from the jurisdiction of the archbishops of Peć. After the Austro-Turkish War of 1716–1739, the same fate befell the region of Banat and the Habsburgian Kingdom of Serbia (1718–1739). Patriarch Arsenije Jovanović’s (1724–1748) exodus to the Habsburg Monarchy during the Austro-Turkish War of 1737–1739 marked the beginning of the gradual decline of the Serbian Patriarchate, which was dissolved in 1766 by a decision of the Turkish authorities. Nebojša Šuletić Modern and Contemporary Times At the turn of the 18th century, the Ottoman Empire entered a deep and lasting financial, social and state crisis. Although difficult and riddled with risks, this crisis presented the peoples living in the European parts of the Empire with a chance to influence their future after centuries of subjugation. At this important historical juncture, drawing on ‘Kosovo lore’ which served as a repository for nurturing national and religious identity, the Serbs chose to pursue liberation and their own state through rebellion. The First Serbian Uprising, which marked the beginning of the Serbian Revolution (1804–1835), had a critical impact on the fate of the Serbian people in the following decades. The Serbian national liberation movement, which led to the Turks’ withdrawal from the Belgrade Pashaluk, attached special importance to Kosovo and Metohija. However, the rebellion was unable to spread to the regions that were once Nemanjid SerbS and KoSovo 25 Serbia (so-called Old Serbia). On the other hand, the fear of the potential restoration of the Serbian state had a long-term exacerbating effect on the legal and socio-economic status and subsistence of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija. The Serbian Orthodox Church shared the fate of its flock: its houses of worship were razed to the ground; monastery land was confiscated; and priests and monks were murdered. The Christian civilization the Serbian people belonged to was systematically destroyed in the general anarchy of the 1820s, 1830s and 1840s, dramatically disappearing before eyewitnesses with no right to protection. Anything could be a target: a Serbian name, faith, political and cultural heritage, social and custom-based organization, identity, property, inhabited areas… Appeals for help and pleas to stop the violence sent out to the sultan, the Porte, the Russian tsar and European states yielded no results. Unsanctioned violence (killings, homesteads set ablaze, looting of property, abduction, rape, blackmail, devastation of churches and shrines, etc.), accompanied by attempts to economically drain the Serbian merchant class and craftsmen and exhaust the peasantry, was part of a policy to displace the Serbian and Christian population from Kosovo and Metohija. In the mid-1840s, the tribulations of Serbs in Kosovo coincided with a new political and national campaign led by the Principality of Serbia. The state policy platform drawn up by Ilija Garašanin (Načertanije) planned an active policy in the Balkans, as well as using Turkey’s weaknesses to encourage the emancipation of its own people through education. This was the beginning of the struggle for unification into one nation-state. The decades that followed saw the beginning of concentrated efforts to achieve ecclesiastical and educational autonomy. Abandoned monasteries were revived, while those that were poverty-stricken received assistance in money and service books, and were sent monks. Starting from 1869, Serbia began sending textbooks and opening schools in Kosovo. The opening of the Seminary in Prizren (1871) gave the Serbian people an important spiritual, cultural and political center that directed religious and national efforts. However, it was not until the enthronement of Serbian bishops in the Metropolitanate of Raška and Prizren in the late 19th century (1896) that the Serbian people in Kosovo and Metohija regained their long-lost spiritual leadership. • The Great Eastern Crisis (1876–1878), in the course of which the issue of Old Serbia became an international matter, led to the largest-scale demographic disruption in Kosovo and Metohija. During the wars of 1875–1878, in order to consolidate its position in the clash with Russia and Serbia and Montenegro as its Balkan allies, the Porte promised the Albanians the creation of an ‘Albanian vilayet’ seated in Bitola. It was in this context that a part of the Albanian political elite formulated the Greater Albanian national platform, which was adopted in early March 1878 by the newly formed League for the Defense of the Rights of the Albanian Nation (so-called League of Prizren). The program envisaged the formation of an ‘Albania of the Four Vilayets’, which was to include southern Albania with Epirus 26 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija and Ioannina (the Ioannina Vilayet); northern and central Albania with Skadar, Tirana and Elbasan (the Skadar Vilayet); Macedonia with Debar, Skopje, Gostivar, Prilep, Bitola and Ohrid (the Bitola Vilayet); and Kosovo with the towns of Peć, Đakovica, Prizren, Mitrovica, Priština, Gnjilane, Preševo, Kumanovo, Novi Pazar and Sjenica (the Kosovo Vilayet). The expressly anti-Slavic and anti-Hellenic character of the League of Prizren, the Albanians’ willingness to wage religious wars against Slavic and Orthodox peoples and their aspiration to act as the last defense of Turkey in Europe led to increased terror, accelerated forcible Islamization and Albanization and mass displacement as well as changes in the demographic landscape. Although the Congress of Berlin (1878) refused the political demands of the League of Prizren, the implementation of the Greater Albanian platform, including the use of violent means, continues to this day (the process has been going on for 140 years). Espousing the same ideas about the territorial delineation of the Albanian state, a new Albanian league was formed in Peć in late January 1899 (League of Peć). Its territorial vision included the sanjaks of Skadar, Peć, Priština, Prizren, Skopje, Bitola and Debar. The terror that the Albanian leaders brought to bear in this territory resulted in the mass emigration of approximately 150,000 of its Orthodox inhabitants. Serbian victories in the First Balkan War (October-November 1912) were a grave defeat for the Albanian elite in Kosovo and Metohija, which had tied its fate to that of the Ottoman Empire. For Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija, who saw themselves as the guardians of the medieval heart of their nation and state, liberation was a sign that all of their suffering had not been in vain and that after the ‘vindication of Kosovo’ the ‘idea of the oath’ required the formation of a strong and well-organized state that would bring together all Serbs within its borders. In 1914 Serbia’s adversaries were counting on the Albanians’ aspirations to become the masters of Kosovo. An Albanian uprising and the opening of a second front toward Serbia were planned in Vienna. Serbia, on the other hand, strove to protect its interests among Albanians by cooperating with Essad Pasha Toptani. Turkey’s entry into the war highlighted the religious aspect of the conflict. The joint German and Austro-Hungarian offensive against Serbia in the fall of 1915 and Bulgaria’s entry into the war on the side of the Central Powers made Kosovo and Metohija the arena for the last defense of the state. The retreat of the Serbian army and civilians across Albania proved a very costly endeavor. Only 139,000 of approximately 220,000 soldiers made it to the Albanian coast, while no more than 60,000 out of roughly 200,000 civilians survived. After Serbia’s occupation, there were plans to form an ‘autonomous Albania under Austro-Hungarian protectorate’ that would include Kosovo and Metohija. This plan never came to fruition. A part of the occupied territory of Kosovo and Metohija was the scene of mass crimes and the brutal eradication of all traces of Serbian history and culture. Kosovo and Metohija was liberated in October 1918. In the same month, Albanian resistance to the new Serbian (Yugoslav) government began. A secret ‘Kosovo Committee’ SerbS and KoSovo 27 funded by Italy ran operations whose purpose was to undermine the Yugoslav state and form a ‘Greater Albania.’ After Turkey and Austro-Hungary, it was Italy’s turn to use the Albanian population of Kosovo and Metohija as an instrument of its foreign policy. The unrest of the Albanian population finally died down after the signing of the final protocol on the demarcation (26 July 1926, Florence), when it became clear that the border delineated between Yugoslavia and Albania would remain unchanged. Nevertheless, until 1941 Albania remained the Yugoslav state’s unpleasant neighbor, loath to abandon the idea of capturing the territories of the vilayets of Kosovo, Skadar and Bitola, while the anti-Yugoslav Albanian population of Kosovo and Metohija was the exponent of separatism. • Immediately after the German invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941, eradication and expulsion of the Serbian population began in Kosovo and Metohija. Irregular military formations and the Kosovo militia carried out the Fascist terror. Their policy was simple: terrorize the indigenous Serbs until they left and kill the colonists. This policy resulted in the migration of some 70,000 and execution of 7,000–10,000 Serbs. The Serbian Orthodox Church shared the fate of its flock. Its religious buildings were burned, torn down and plundered, while priests and monks were murdered or expelled. In 1941– 1944, most of Kosovo and Metohija was part of the ‘Greater Albania’ protectorate (covering 12,000 square kilometers of Yugoslav territory with approximately one million inhabitants). As of October 1941, all residents of the area became Albanian citizens. After the capitulation of Italy, the Second League of Prizren was formed in September 1943 under German influence. Like its predecessors, the League conducted terror campaigns against the local Serbian population. The Second League of Prizren proclaimed unification of all areas populated by Albanians. While Albanian nationalists and fascists never abandoned the concept of an ‘ethnic and territorial Albania’ and the program formulated in 1878, the Albanian Communists were no strangers to these positions either. They laid out their vision for the future Albanian state at a conference held in Bujan (31 December 1943 – 1 January 1944). The so-called Resolution of Bujan was adopted, stating that Kosovo and Metohija’s majority population were Shqiptar who sought unification with Shqipnia, and that they could declare unification after the war based on their right to self-determination and secession. The purport of this document completely denied the existence of Serbia and undermined the fundamental decisions upon which the Yugoslav Federation, proclaimed at the second AVNOJ session, should have rested. For this reason, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CK KPJ) essentially annulled the Resolution of Bujan in a directive letter in March 1944. The Albanian rebellion of December 1944 exacerbated the situation in Kosovo and Metohija. The rebellion was secessionist in nature. The leading role in its orchestration was 28 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija played by forces directly linked to the Second League of Prizren, the Skender-bey Division, the Kosovo Regiment and the formations of Shaban Polluzha, who had refused to fight on the Srem Front. Another factor that contributed to the demographic changes was the decision passed on 6 March 1945 by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, which banned the return of Serbian settlers to Kosovo and Metohija. • After the liberation of Serbia, the Kosovo and Metohija region was characterized as a ‘political area’ with distinct elements of autonomy. Its inclusion into Serbia was confirmed at a session of the Anti-Fascist Assembly for the National Liberation of Serbia (ASNOS) on 7 April 1945 and confirmed at a session of the Regional People’s Assembly of Kosovo and Metohija (8–10 July 1945, Prizren). The Law on the Establishment and Organization of the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija was passed on 3 September 1945. In the Yugoslav state, the Albanian population experienced a demographic boom (in 1948, there were 532,011 Albanians living in Serbia; in 1953, there were 565,513; in 1961, there were 699,772; in 1971, 984,761; in 1981 1,303,034; in 1991, 1,674,353). In 1971, Serbs accounted for roughly 20% of the population of Kosovo and Metohija; in 1981 for around 15% and in 1991 for about 12%. In more or less the same time frame (1961–1981), 115,000 Serbs left Kosovo and Metohija under pressure. According to all indicators, the socialist period in Kosovo and Metohija was a time of fast-paced social and economic development. However, economically and culturally, the autonomous province clearly remained underdeveloped compared to the other parts of the country. The reasons for this state of affairs are found in the high birth rate, unfavorable structure and lower efficiency of investments (focused on the fields of raw materials and energy, which require large investments), low productivity (half that of the developed republics), the inadequate educational levels of workers, but most of all in the centuries-long backwardness which had to be overcome and the lag that needed to be made up. The autonomy of Kosovo and Metohija was widened in the Constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia of 7 April 1963. Over the next decade and especially after the dismissal of A. Ranković in 1966, Albanian party leaders from Kosovo and Metohija wholeheartedly supported the process of implementing a looser federal organization in Yugoslavia. They viewed the existing autonomy as ‘lacking’ and ‘hybrid.’ The protesters who took to the streets of Kosovo and Metohija in 1968 had the same demands: to declare Kosovo a republic of the ‘Albanian nationality’ and to acquire the status of a constitutive nation entitled to self-determination. From 1968, through amendments to the constitution and the adoption of the new Constitution of 1974, the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija was granted the status of a constitutive SerbS and KoSovo 29 element of Yugoslav federalism. In the common affairs of the Federation, the provinces were now equated with the republics, having gained important features of statehood. Attempts by the Yugoslav state and Serbia to accelerate economic development by redistributing federal funds did not yield anticipated results. Neither the dynamic development of the educational system or the establishment of numerous institutions of science and culture satisfied the Albanian elite. Dissatisfaction with the position in Serbia and Yugoslavia was increasingly growing stronger. The political, economic and cultural ‘closing off ’ of Kosovo and Metohija and its ‘removal’ from the Yugoslavian and Serbian framework was another contributing factor in the escalation of the Yugoslav political and economic crisis in the 1980s. This was the backdrop of Slobodan Milošević’s visit to Kosovo Polje on 24 April 1987, when the Serbian question was ‘broached.’ This happened independently of Milošević himself, who was transformed overnight from a party official into the ‘leader of the people.’ Unfortunately, he was incapable of understanding the democratic nature of the ‘Serbian question.’ Institutions were pressurized into adopting constitutional amendments and in March 1989 Serbia regained its sovereignty and statehood in all of its territory. This, however, was the moment when the Albanian shadow state – years in the making – began to take shape. The ‘Kosovo question’ became a matter of international concern and by March 1998 escalated into armed conflict. With no significant support in the international community, Serbia was unable to defend its interests in Kosovo and Metohija. The ‘foreign factor’ took an active part in the war for Kosovo and Metohija. Its role was more than important: it was decisive. The NATO campaign against Serbia in 1999; synchronized Kosovo Liberation Army operations; propaganda demonizing Serbs and denying the right of the Serbian state to defend itself; and solutions imposed by both open and clandestine diplomatic channels led to the defeat of Serbia, as well as its estrangement from the ideals it had sought to achieve for two centuries. Approximately 250,000 Serbs and other non-Albanians were displaced from Kosovo and Metohija during this time. Part of the international community, spearheaded by the US, made it possible for Kosovo to declare unilateral independence on 17 February 2008. Serbia has not recognized this unilateral act of secession. Ljubodrag Dimić 30 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija SOURCES OF SERBIAN SPIRITUALITy AND NATIONAL BEING IN KOSOVO AND METOhIJA The Shrines and Saints of Kosovo and Metohija in the Cultic Memory and National Consciousness of the Serbs The idea of holiness was the key element of the program of the Serbian medieval state and church in the period of the Nemanjid dynasty. Immediately after the establishment of the independent kingdom in 1217 and the autocephalous church in 1219, the Serbs set the conceptual coordinates that would, as time has shown, become enduring footholds of their identity. With the concept of the holy dynasty and the sanctity of the national church at its roots, this unique ideology, gave the crucial impetus for the creation of national cults of saints and sacral topoi in the collective consciousness of the Serbian people. The southward expansion of the Serbian state following the victorious campaigns of King Stefan Uroš II Milutin (1282–1321) led to the shifting of the key administrative and church institutions from Raška to the area of Kosovo and Metohija. In the 14th century, important cults of Serbian saints emerged in this area and the churches where they were venerated became a key factor in the creation of the sacral topography of the Nemanjid state. Thus conditions were created for Kosovo and Metohija to assume the epithet of the Serbian holy land. Creative emulation of the hallowed model of Simeon Nemanja’s burial church at Studenica resulted in the erection of magnificent royal mausoleums in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija – Banjska (King Milutin), Dečani (King Stefan Dečanski, r. 1321–1331), and the Holy Archangels near Prizren (King and later Emperor Stefan Dušan, r. 1331–1355). These foundations assumed a sacral aura that they have retained to this day owing to the graves and holy relics of the kings that had them built to serve as the centers of their respective cults. The saintly images of Nemanjid rulers were conceived in various ways through carefully selected hagiographic topoi, but all of them shared the concepts of the dynasty’s holy descent and God-appointed rulers. A very characteristic feature of their sanctity was their pronounced ‘patriotism’ reflected in their attributes of protectors and ‘rampart of the fatherland.’ Since the time of King Milutin, heads of the Serbian Church also began acquiring their own cults. The center of their veneration was the Archbishopric of Peć, elevated to the status of patriarchate in 1346, where their graves and coffins containing their relics were housed. The veneration of the heads of the Serbian church received its final, textual form in Lives of Serbian Kings and Archbishops which, in addition to the biographies of the Nemanjid kings, also contains biogra- SerbS and KoSoVo 31 phies of church leaders. This ‘pantheon of Serbian saints’ included another important saintly model – that of hermits and ascetics embodied in Saint Petar of Koriša. Thriving eremitism led to the emergence of renowned monastic deserts and holy mountains in Kosovo and Metohija, the seedbed of a peculiar form of hesychastic spirituality and the center of literary activity. The period of great historical challenges faced by Serbian people in the wake of the fateful defeat in the Battle of Kosovo (1389) brought radical changes to the character of saintly cults. This epoch was marked by the ideal of the ruler-martyr, which found its ultimate expression in the Kosovo cult of Prince Lazar, a hero determined to stand against the Ottoman invasion and sacrifice his life for his faith and a higher, spiritual principle. His tragic death as well as the message of his memorial column in the Field of Kosovo has remained an important national paradigm and a question of identity of the highest order. The historical underpinnings of the Serbian people – laid in the medieval period and strongly manifested in their allegiance to their own cults and shrines – became a powerful creative impulse and the key factor in preserving national awareness. Epic poetry, created in the late 15th and the first half of the 16th century by oral poets/performers, played a key role in this respect, particularly the poems of the Kosovo Cycle. The quest for a foothold in the state and church traditions established under the Nemanjid dynasty became the ideological framework for the program of the restored Patriarchate of Peć (1557). The shrines and cults of Kosovo, especially the cult of King Stefan Dečanski who assumed his new image as a martyr, now represented the core of the spiritual and cultural revival implemented by Serbian patriarchs-ethnarchs, with Makarije Sokolović (r. 1557–1571) and Pajsej Janjevac (r. 1614–1647) being the most prominent among them. The expansion of the influence of the Serbian Church, which resulted from this revival, triggered the process of the spiritual and cultural unification of the Serbian people, whose common denominator were traditional cults and holy places that preserved the memory of the golden age in Serbian history. The establishment of continuity with the glorious past represented the core of the program of the Metropolitanate of Karlovci, the leading institution of the Serbian people after the Great Migration from the Ottoman to the Habsburg Empire (1690). For this purpose, in the 18th century the cults of the Serbian saints were deliberately preserved, particularly the cults that had emerged in Kosovo and Metohija as the motherland of the medieval Serbian state, including the cults of King Milutin, King Stefan Dečanski, Archbishop Arsenije, Emperor Dušan, Emperor Uroš, and Prince Lazar. The liturgical collection known as Srbljak and works of visual art with explicit patriotic messages represented a significant contribution to the strengthening of these cults. The memory of the shrines and saints of Kosovo was also encouraged by engraved vedute of its most prominent monasteries and above all by the relics of saints that the Serbs had brought with them into exile. Particularly strong in the area of the Metropolitanate of Karlovci was the cult of Prince Lazar, as his relics were kept at the Monastery of Vrdnik, while the Battle of Kosovo assumed mythic proportions. As a fateful event in Serbian history, the cult of the Battle of Kosovo gained new momentum in the 19th century, after the proclamation of Vidovdan (St. Vitus’ Day) for a national holiday. Oth- 32 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija er cults of Kosovo saints assumed new contents and meanings over the course of the 19th century. In the spirit of patriotic-monarchist notions of the resurrection of the state and people, they were viewed as national heroes and symbols of the vision of a restored golden age. The shrines and saints of Kosovo and Metohija are deeply rooted and permanently emblazoned in the collective memory of the Serbian people. The memory has been evident for centuries not only in the official programs of the state and church and in literature and art, but also in religious practices, such as the veneration of relics and graves of saints, pilgrimages to holy places, as well as legends and traditions. The holy places of Kosovo and Metohija – monasteries, cultic sites, monastic deserts and mountains – could justifiably be categorized as historic and cultural spaces of the highest order by their religious, historical, artistic and ambient elements. These features make them not only referential points of national identity, but also world heritage sites of rare beauty and imperishable value. Danica Popović The Libraries of Kosovo and Metohija Monasteries and the Liturgical Tradition of the Serbian Orthodox Church Present-day collections of the monasteries of Kosovo and Metohija represent but a part of their former manuscript treasure, which has been destroyed and alienated numerous times over the course of their multi-centennial existence. The plunder and destruction of monastic libraries has taken the form of erratic or planned and individual or collective campaigns that either erupted sporadically or intensified during larger-scale local or international conflicts. This shows that the devastation of valuable Serbian manuscripts in Kosovo and Metohija is a continuous and ongoing process which will, unless prevented and stopped, inflict irreparable damage not only on Serbian spirituality and culture but on world cultural heritage too. The manuscript collections of the Kosovo and Metohija monasteries are necessary and fundamental sources for researching the liturgical life of both the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Orthodox Church in general. The most important collection in this area belongs to the Visoki Dečani Monastery. It should be noted that the books from this collection have already facilitated the resolution of several theological and liturgical problems such as: the reconstruction of the Hierarchical Divine Liturgy in medieval Serbia; a more accurate assessment and understanding of the evolution of the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts in Serbia; determining manuscript templates for the first Serbian printed service and prayer books; uncovering the development of the service of the Sacrament of Matrimony in Slavonic-speaking areas; and the clarification of the manner of consecration of sacral spaces in the Serbian medieval period. The manuscripts of the Patriarchate of Peć Monastery have served as valuable historical sources for resolving current problems in the liturgical life of the Serbian Orthodox Church, such as the reading of the Troparion of the Third Hour in the Anapho- SerbS and KoSoVo 33 ra. Finally, it should also be noted that the Serbian manuscript collections from Kosovo and Metohija contain valuable sources for understanding and solving problems in other fields of study such as hagiology. For example, it was a manuscript from Dečani that revealed the influence of Theodore the Studite on the hagiographical work of St. Sava, while the discovery of the oldest extant versions of Gregory Palamas’s anti-Latin treatises among the manuscripts of the Dečani Monastery contributed to the development of patristics. All of this shows that Serbian manuscripts from Kosovo and Metohija can serve as valuable sources that allow a more comprehensive insight into and interpretation of the history of Serbian spirituality and culture and, in a broader sense, of European and global cultural and theological currents. Hence the preservation of these manuscripts and the prevention of their destruction remains the primary task facing all of us. Vladimir Vukašinović The Kosovo Covenant and Serbian National Identity For over six hundred years, the Serbs have been singing songs and telling stories about the Battle of Kosovo. Over such a long historical time, the search for the meaning of the Kosovo tragedy and the facts related to its causes, course and consequences has assumed different forms: from prayers and hagiographic texts, icons and frescoes, to epic poetry, literary and art works, to political slogans and scholarly research. In the centuries under foreign rule, in the age of oral lore, religious teachings and epic chronicles shaped the Kosovo legacy and had a decisive influence on Serbian spiritual and moral life. These deep-rooted processes by no means ended with the restoration of free Serbian states in the modern age. The legacy changed its forms, but always sent the same message of commitment to the Kingdom of Heaven. It has been called the Kosovo Covenant, Kosovo Commitment, Kosovo Legend, Vidovdan Idea, and Vidovdan Myth. The entire history of the Serbs to the present day can be seen as a narrative about embracing or neglecting the Kosovo Covenant. What is the secret of the remarkable longevity of the Kosovo legacy? What method can be used to study its influence on the creation of the Serbian national identity? The theoretical model suggested in the works of Anthony Smith, one of the leading scholars of ethnicity, nationalism and national identity, could be helpful in finding answers to these questions. Unlike the ‘modernist school’, his ‘ethno-symbolist approach’ to the study of the emergence of nations does not focus on material circumstances or language, but on traditions, cults and symbols. Smith believes that not all nations necessarily emerged in the modern age, beginning in the 18th century, but that they can be much older and, also, that some of them, in the form of ethnies, have ancient origins. Smith explains the endurance of symbols by their religious roots and premodern ‘sacred sources.’ The most important among these are ‘ancestry’, ‘election’, ‘golden age’, ‘holy land’, and the ‘glorious dead’. 34 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija In addition to Serbian historical sources, the works of Anthony Smith, Eric Hobsbawm and other authors suggest that the Serbs, similarly to the Russians and the English, seem to have exhibited a ‘proto-national’ identity based on religious cults of national saints and traditions as early as the medieval period. At the time of Prince Lazar and the Battle of Kosovo, the myth of ‘ancestry’ (usually linked with the introduction of a new cult or conversion to a new faith, like in the time of Tiridates III in Armenia, Clovis I in the Frankish kingdom or Vladimir the Great in Russia) and the ‘golden age’ (a period of the greatest successes of a community, whose moral values remain binding for their descendants, such as Homer’s time for the ancient Greeks, the Republic and Punic Wars for the Romans, the respective times of Moses and David for the Jews) was placed in the time of Saint Simeon and Saint Sava, ‘unwavering defenders of their fatherland’. In subsequent times, the Serbs sought their ‘ancestry’ and ‘golden age’ not only in the age of Saint Sava and Saint Simeon, but also in the time of Prince Lazar and his sacrifice. To the Serbs, Kosovo was that which Smith calls ‘holy land’. A major, fateful battle took place there; it was there that heroes, martyrs and prophets lived, died and were buried. Examples of a ‘holy land’ include Canaan for the Jews, the coast of North America for the English Puritans and Rütli for the Swiss. From its inception, the cult of Prince Lazar was shaped as the cult of a holy ruler-martyr. All who had fallen in battle were also its ‘holy martyrs’ and ‘victims who fell for the faith and fatherland’. Usually these ‘victims who fell for the faith and fatherland’ died in battles that ended in defeat. This is evident from the significance of the Battle of Thermopylae (479 BC) for the creation of the Greek national identity; the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Second Temple (AD 70) in the case of the Jews; or the defeat in the Battle of Avarayr (AD 451) in the case of the Armenians. Similar examples involve commemorating dates of battles and laying wreaths on the graves of the fallen in the two World Wars: from defeats such as the Battle of Gallipoli to the hard-fought victories on the Marne and Somme or at Verdun, Stalingrad and Kursk. ‘Chosen people’ are recognized by their frequent invocation of the Old Testament Pentateuch, Prophets, Books of the Maccabees, and Psalms. They are subdivided into ‘peoples of the covenant’, i.e. those that made a Covenant with God promising to protect their faith and customs (e.g. Jews, Armenians, Ethiopians), and ‘missionary peoples’, which earn God’s grace by propagating their faith and customs among other nations (English, Scots, Dutch, Americans, Russians). In the framework of Smith’s typology and classification of nations into hierarchical, covenantal and republican, historical evidence seems to suggest that the Serbs were a covenantal community already in the Middle Ages, albeit preserving some traits of a ‘hierarchical nation’ in the spirit of feudalism. A covenantal understanding of common ancestry, accompanied by comparisons to the Old Testament leaders of the Jewish people and referring to the Serbs as ‘New Israel’, was applied already to Saint Sava and Saint Simeon. Lazar’s Kosovo Covenant, as a rejection of the Earthly Kingdom for the sake of the Kingdom of Heaven, was but a reaffirmation of the older covenant of Saint Sava and SerbS and KoSoVo 35 the New Covenant of Jesus Christ. The traditional interpretation of the fall of the Serbian empire and Turkish slavery as a punishment for the sins of Emperor Dušan, King Vukašin and Vuk Branković fits the typology of ‘covenantal nations’, which, following the Old Testament model, believe in God’s punishment for abandoning the Covenant. All of these elements of the Kosovo Covenant emerged as early as the 14th and 15th century; by the late 15th century they were supplemented with motifs of curse and treason, as well as that of Miloš Obilić’s heroism. After the association of the treason motif with the name of Vuk Branković in the 16th and the early 17th century, the Covenant received its final form. Under foreign rule, the Patriarchate of Peć was the main pillar of the Kosovo Covenant. To borrow the terms of Anthony Smith, covenantal status in the Middle Ages went hand in hand with the hierarchical understanding of the nation; however, after the downfall of the Serbian state and nobility, as religious wars continued, as a people of a different faith in the Muslim Ottoman Empire and the Roman Catholic Habsburg Empire, the Serbs were guided by their Church and remained predominantly a covenantal nation. In subsequent centuries, following the liberation of Montenegro and Serbia and the reform of Vuk Karadžić, the Christian, ecclesiastical, covenantal aspect of the Kosovo myth was being suppressed by its epic and heroic interpretation. A republican nation emerged behind the covenantal one. In the spirit of the Enlightenment and Romantic cult of science of the 19th century, at a time of fierce debates about the historical foundations of the Kosovo legacy, there arose a third, historiographical interpretation, which sought accurate facts and rejected tradition, finding it useless. Within this trend also emerged voices that demanded the comparative study of myth and history. Decisions made in the two World Wars reaffirmed the power of the Kosovo legacy understood as the struggle for the Kingdom of Heaven and Divine Justice – a struggle so great that no price was deemed too high. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia tried to incorporate the Vidovdan Idea into the foundations of its official cultural paradigm. Socialist Yugoslavia also drew on the epic, heroic understanding of the Kosovo myth. At the same time, an uninterrupted tradition of covenantal interpretation of the Kosovo myth, which can be followed to the present day, was being upheld by the Serbian Church. The last decades of the 20th and the first decades of the 21st century reaffirmed the power of the Kosovo legacy. A crisis broke out in Kosovo and Metohija, which subsequently led to the destruction of Yugoslavia. The NATO attack against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the violent secession of Kosovo and Metohija caused civilian casualties and suffering, as well as plunder of property and destruction of the cultural heritage unprecedented in the long history of this land. Today it is evident that the bombing of FR Yugoslavia opened a new, dangerous chapter in international relations; their ramifications, however, have yet to be seen. Miloš Ković 36 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija ThE EUROPEAN Famework and Serbian diSTincTiveneSS oF medieval arT Place in the History of Serbian Culture From the closing decades of the 12th century, after the incorporation of several medieval zhupas in the area delimited by the southern reaches of Mt. Kopaonik in the north, Mt. Golak in the east, Mt. Šara in the south and Prokletije in the west into the Serbian state, this area witnessed the emergence of lively spiritual, cultural and artistic life, which was inextricably tied to that in the Serbian heartlands. Furthermore, from the early 14th to the late 17th century, the art of this area – at times even for longer periods – assumed the leading role in Serbian culture. The bearers of this artistic development belonged to the highest ranks of secular and ecclesiastical hierarchy and included kings and emperors, archbishops and patriarchs, members of the nobility, bishops and lower-ranking clergy. It was there that some of them – such as the kings Milutin, Stefan of Dečani and Stefan Dušan and archbishops Arsenije, Nikodim and Danilo II – built their most notable foundations with their burial churches. It should be noted that they, as well as other ktetors, also built churches outside of this southern area, as this was a single state, the same spiritual space and religious community, and the same cultural milieu. Now mostly known from written sources, Roman Catholic religious buildings in mining and commercial centers represented a peripheral phenomenon and were built in other colonies of settlers from Dubrovnik and Kotor in the territory of medieval Serbia. No members of other nations are known to have ever founded or given major contributions to churches and monasteries. After the Ottoman conquest of this region, monuments of Islamic architecture began to appear mostly in urban environments, but they of course had their own distinctive characteristics and belonged to a very different artistic tradition. There were no amalgamations of these two cultures – the Christian and the Islamic, except to some extent in folklore and applied art. With the exception of those erected by non-native merchants and Ottoman conquerors, all edifices erected from the 13th to the 19th belong to the development branches of Serbian architecture. Some of them hold a very prominent place in the history of Serbian art; some are more or less remarkable; others are merely attendant occurrences of the Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 41 first two. The most prominent among them (such as the Patriarchate of Peć, the Banjska Monastery, the Virgin Ljeviška, Gračanica, or the Holy Apostles near Prizren) clearly reveal a tendency to foster continuity rather than display local idiosyncrasies. This also means that the buildings in this territory – from the Studenica Monastery to the Holy Apostles near Prizren – belong to mainstream Serbian medieval architecture characterized by the distinctive creative fusion of Serbian, Byzantine and Western European art. The surviving frescoes and icons of these and other churches seem to exhibit the same characteristics, both in terms of their program and iconography and their artistic features and value. The remarkable paintings of Peć, for example, need to be seen in the context of Žiča and other 13th-century monuments; the frescoes of the Virgin Ljeviška marked the beginning of a new chapter in 14th-century Serbian art – the trend that also includes the art of Gračanica, the King’s Church at Studenica, the cathedral church of the Hilandar Monastery and many other monuments, including the frescoes of Dečani as its crowning glory. These works were executed by leading Greek and Serbian artists of the time – from Michael Astrapas of Thessaloniki in the early 14th century to Longin, Georgije Mitrofanović and Radul in the 16th and 17th century. Without fail their work followed the creative streams of the Serbian milieu, featuring inscriptions in frescoes and icons in Serbo-Slavonic (the Serbian recension of Old Slavonic) and many portraits of the persons who had commissioned the artwork, cultivating a distinctive visual language and dutifully adhering to the standards established in Serbian art in the early 13th century. There are many reasons for the fact that some of the most important centers of literacy and literary activity were located in Kosovo and Metohija: the royal courts were located in the heartlands of the Serbian state for over fifty years; from the 13th century on, Peć served as the seat of the Serbian Church without interruption; it was there that kings, archbishops, patriarchs and anchorites who would later be venerated as saints were laid to rest. Archbishops Danilo II and Danilo III wrote their works in Peć; Gregory Tsamblak lived and worked at the Dečani Monastery, while also serving as its heigoumenos; and Demetrios Kantakouzenos lived in Novo Brdo. Their hagiographies, services and poems rank among the finest works of Serbian literature from the 14th to the 17th century. After the liberation of these parts from Ottoman rule in 1912, they were easily incorporated into the modern streams of their country’s culture and art – streams they had hardly ever left since the late 12th century. Branislav Todić 42 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija Within the Development Framework of Byzantine Artistic Trends The tendency to creatively combine Western and Byzantine artistic expressionsto suit the needs of the local environment is an essential characteristic of Serbian medieval art as a whole. Hence, the corpus of Serbian medieval art, including that of Kosovo and Metohija, can be fully considered only in view of all its sources and aspects: Byzantine, Western (Romanesque-Gothic), and more narrowly its own national – Serbian. There were no sharp lines between them; rather, they were intertwined on multiple levels to produce a distinctive artistic result. Hence it would seem that the Serbian monumental heritage created according to Byzantine notions of art, the topic at hand here, must be seen as both Serbian and Byzantine. It is this very dualistic quality – its significance for both Serbian and Byzantine art history – that makes it a part of global Christian culture. Consequently, the term Serbian-Byzantine represents the most accurate definition of a remarkably important part of the Serbian monumental legacy in Kosovo and Metohija. Until the late 13thcentury, Kosovo and Metohija were located on the fringes of the Serbian state and culture and hence its artistic activity in this period was not particularly prolific. In the 1230s, the oldest frescoes at the Mother of God of Ljeviša in Prizren were painted following the principles of the so-called monumental style of the 13thcentury. The first layer of frescoes (c. 1260) in the Holy Apostles of the Patriarchate of Peć belongs to the same stylistic direction as one of its most representative examples. The next stage in the development of Byzantine painting, the so-called Palaiologan Renaissance, left a much deeper mark on Serbian churches in Kosovo and Metohija. In the late 13th and early 14th century the centers of the Serbian state and church were transferred to Kosovo and Metohija under King Milutin, leading to rapid Byzantinization of Serbia. This period in Kosovo and Metohija witnessed the construction of monuments crucial to understanding the development of Serbian and Byzantine art. The earliest work created in the new style was the wall painting in the western bay of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Peć (c. 1300). Two fresco ensembles have been reliably attributed to the workshop of the painter Michael Astrapas of Thessaloniki, one of the pioneers and leading representatives of the visual expression of the Palaiologan Renaissance: the remarkable frescoes of the Mother of God of Ljeviša (1308–1313) and the murals of Gračanica (c. 1320), painted by this artist at the end of his career. The paintings that once decorated the walls of the burial church of King Milutin at the Monastery of Banjska (1317–1321) seem to have been even more valuable; unfortunately only scant fresco fragments remain to confirm this. Stylistic analysis of the remains reveals the hand of an exceptionally inspired master, whose achievements seemed to have rivaled the lofty heights reached by the best artists of Constantinople (Chora Monastery) and Thessaloniki (Holy Apostles). Finally, masters in the service of the Serbian nobles and church leaders also produced works in the spirit of the Palaiologan Renaissance of the first decades of the 14thcentury, as evidenced by the frescoes of the Mother of God Hodegetria in Mušutište and the Patriarchate of Peć complex – its churches of St. Demetrios, Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 43 the Mother of God Hodegetria and its spacious narthex. Serbian ties to artists educated in Thessaloniki persevered even later. There is reason to assume that the Empire’s ‘second city’ had been home to the leader of the artistic workshop that was responsible for the most accomplished parts of the fresco painting at the Monastery of Dečani, as evidenced by their classicist purity characteristic of early Palaiologan art. The fragmentary frescoes of the Holy Archangels at Prizren, Emperor Dušan’sfoundation, also comply with the high standards of the main line of evolution of Byzantine painting in the 14thcentury. Finally, this group of ‘classicist’ works includes two icons of the Annunciation kept at the National Museum in Belgrade and the Art Gallery of Skopje. However, new, ‘expressionist’ stylistic trends soon emerged in Serbian painting. This local stylistic branch has no parallels in the wider range of Byzantine painting. Its representative works in Kosovo and Metohija include some frescoes in the Patriarchate of Peć commissioned by Patriarch Joanikije (1346–1354), and three other monuments painted around the middle of the century: the cave church of the Dormition of the Mother of God in the skete of Belaja, in the ‘Dečani desert,’ and the churches in Lipljan and Unjemir. The works belonging to the last stage in the history of Byzantine painting, characterized by their pronounced emotionality, include two icons of the Mother of God Pelagonitissa from the second half of the 14thcentury, the mural painting of the Church of the Presentation of the Virgin in Dolac near Klina (c. 1400), and the portrait of Todor Branković, eldest son of Despot Đurađ and Irene Kantakouzene, painted in 1429 in Gračanica. Thematically very rich, the medieval fresco ensembles of churches in Kosovo and Metohija represent valuable visual material for the study of a number of iconographic themes of late Byzantine painting in general. Furthermore, some monuments feature rare or unique scenes and cycles. The Mother of God of Ljeviša contains the greatest number of such depictions. For example, this Prizren church features illustrations of verses from the Canon for the Dormition byJohn Damascene and the episode of the man and the unicorn from the story of Barlaam and Ioasaph, depictions of Plato, Plutarch and Sibyl, and personifications of the Old and New Testament. In addition, Gračanica’s Menologion and the depiction of the Heavenly Liturgy in the dome merit particular mention among its iconographically rich frescoes. In a wider sense, the thematic ensembles in the katholikon of Gračanica and the Church of the Mother of God of Ljeviša are also relevant for the study of the programmatic-iconographical characteristics of late Byzantine five-domed churches. However, the mural painting of Dečani unquestionably holds the greatest importance for the study of the repertoire of late Byzantine wall painting. Indeed, ‘all that was cultivated in the Byzantine tradition was communicated and completed in Dečani.’ The portraits of Serbian rulers painted in the 14thcentury hold particular thematic value among the monuments of Serbian medieval art in Kosovo and Metohija. Largely modeled after Byzantine imperial portraits, they are relevant for understanding the visualization process of the concepts of Byzantine imperial ideology. For example, the 44 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija portrait of King Milutin at the Mother of God of Ljeviša fully corresponds to the ceremonial appearance of the Byzantine basileus, while the portraits of the royal couple at Gračanica, with angels bringing crowns sent by Christ, depict the Byzantine concept of the heavenly origins of imperial authority. Similarly, the implementation of this iconographic solution served to highlight the heavenly origins of Serbian rulers whose portraits were painted in the uppermost zone of the Nemanjid Family Tree composition – in Gračanica, the narthex of the Patriarchate of Peć and in Dečani. On the other hand, the Rhomaean teaching of royal humility is reflected in the sculptural decoration of the tympanum of the main portal of Emperor Dušan’s burial church and foundation, which features the figures of the Serbian ruler and his heir in proskynesis before the central image of the Mother of God with Christ and archangels. Some Serbian frescoes in Kosovo and Metohija were conceptually based on the theory of a ‘symphony’ of ecclesiastical and secular governance – another concept inherited from Byzantium. This is evidenced by representative portraits showing Serbian rulers and church leaders together in St. Demetrios in Peć and Dečani. The katholikon of Dečani features another interesting example of depicting the ritual unity of church and state: in the final scene of the Akathistos cycle, Emperor Dušan and his family members are shown attending a service led by a hierarch before the icon of the Mother of God Hodegetria. The process of intense Byzantinization that occurred in Serbian culture under King Milutin left a deep mark in architecture as well as in wall painting. Hence the majority of Serbian medieval churches in Kosovo and Metohija must be assessed in the context of the development of contemporaneous Byzantine architecture. The Mother of God of Ljeviša, probably the work of a workshop from Epirus, is an interesting fusion of the late Byzantine church of the developed cross-in-square plan with a basilican base inherited from an older structure on the same site. Gračanica holds a special place in the wider context of late Byzantine sacral architecture, as the construction of this foundation of Milutin marks a distinctive apex in the articulation of exterior design of late Byzantine five-domed churches. The Church of the Mother of God in Mušutište also implemented purely Byzantine solutions, with the recognizable features of the ecclesiastical architecture of Thessaloniki. The builders of the churches of the Ascension in Prizren, the Presentation in Lipljan and St. Nicholas in Ajnovci were also trained in the traditions of Byzantine building, and likely received their training on the construction sites of the abovementioned foundations of Serbian rulers. Finally, the unique architectural structure of the Patriarchate of Peć was finalized under Archbishop Danilo II (1324– 1337) and recalls complex middle and late Byzantine architectural units such as Constantinopolitan monasteries (the monasteries of Constantine Lips, Pantokrator, Chora) or the katholika of Mt. Athos. Considerations of the Serbian artistic heritage in Kosovo and Metohija in the context of Byzantine art do not permit any broad generalizations. However, it is evident that the architects and painters who worked in this area under the influence of Byzantine artistic Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 45 concepts were very aware of all cultural processes unfolding in Byzantium. It is also important to note that the majority of these masters was Greek and had come to Serbia from the territory of the Empire. These artists became part of the Serbian cultural tradition. Together with their Serbian counterparts, they not only successfully implemented new iconographic designs to give visual expression to the political-religious ideologems of Serbian sovereigns, but also fundamentally shaped the Serbian national aesthetic ideal as well. Alexei Mikhailovich Lidov and Miloš Živković Creative Ties to Western European Art Throughout the entire medieval period, influences of both spheres of the Christian oikoumene met and intertwined in Serbian medieval art. It was this more or less pronounced quest for a balance between the two artistic influences that represented the distinctive feature that constituted the basis for the identity of a number of notable Serbian medieval churches. Serbian medieval culture turned to its advantage the unenviable geo-cultural context in which it developed – a context marked by clashes and ‘cohabitation’ of Byzantine influences and influences from powerful Western states, ranging from the overseas Angevin Empire and other independent states to the fringes the Holy Roman Empire. This allowed Serbian monuments to acquire a distinct, unique identity within the fragmented Balkan world, as an original expression of the views and needs of the milieu for which they were created. A model example of this is the church of the Monastery of Studenica, the famous foundation of Stefan Nemanja (r. 1166–1196), the progenitor of the holy Nemanjid dynasty. This church, with its clear architectural form and balanced volumes, is characterized by its façades set in carefully dressed marble blocks and decorated with elegant sculpted decoration in the Romanesque style. Paradoxically, if there were no dome indicating its links to the Byzantine world, it would be difficult to infer that its interior was intended for Orthodox service and adorned with ‘Byzantine’ frescoes of exquisite beauty. It was precisely Nemanja’s mausoleum that served as the model for the three monumental royal burial churches erected in Kosovo and Metohija in the 14th century, namely Banjska of King Milutin (r. 1281–1321), Dečani of Stefan Uroš III (r. 1321–1331) and the Holy Archangels near Prizren of King and Emperor Dušan (r. 1331–1355). The Banjska church, dedicated to Saint Stephen as the patron saint of the Nemanjid dynasty and modeled upon Studenica in accordance with the express wishes of its ktetor, was set in multi-colored ashlars cut from locally sourced stone and decorated with Romanesque architectural sculpture. Like the carvers at Dečani after them, the Banjska stone carvers studied the sculpted decoration of Studenica, as clearly evidenced by its surviving fragments. Elements of Romano-Gothic architecture and coastal Adriatic sculpted decoration are most prominent in the monumental Church of the Pantokrator of the Monastery of Dečani, an edi- 46 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija fice with a five-nave naos surmounted by a slim dome and with a three-nave narthex. Its façades, set in alternating bi-colored stone blocks, are adorned with sculpted ornaments greatly superior to that of the model church both in terms of volume and iconography. The katholikon of the Monastery of the Holy Archangels near Prizren, the monumental mausoleum of Emperor Dušan, rivaled Dečani as an exceptionally important monument that bore witness to the meticulous attention paid to the Latin West’s language of art in Serbian architecture in Kosovo and Metohija. The loss of this exceptional monument is most regrettable. The Church of the Holy Archangels was an amalgamation of Byzantine spatial organization with an augmented cross-in-square plan, five domes and an open narthex surmounted by a blind calotte at the western end. Its façades were set in marble and opulently decorated with Romano-Gothic architectural sculpture. Their articulation was effected with string-courses, which were used for the first time in Serbia, and lesenes. The tomb of Emperor Dušan is a distinctive Serbian medieval sepulchral monument, framed with a unique architectural structure. The tomb itself was covered with a slab of white marble featuring a life-sized recumbent effigy of the emperor, executed in high relief, fully modeled after royal tombs found in the Catholic world. The gisant, a type of tomb effigy of French origin, probably made its way to Serbia from Italy, by way of Venice, Rome or the Kingdom of Naples. Similar monuments were found in the cities on the eastern Adriatic coast, whence also came the craftsmen who worked on the Church of the Holy Archangels. The famous floor of the Prizren church has also been completely destroyed, with the exception of a few small fragments. Crafted using the technique of marble incrustations on stone bedding, the floor reveals and highlights the ktetor’s unambiguous intention to achieve ‘visual’ prestige. In the 1130s, an ornate marble floor with figural decorations was executed in the southern church of the Constantinopolitan Monastery of the Pantokrator. This floor may have represented a precursor of similar creations in the ‘Byzantinized’ Sicilian churches in Palermo and Monreale and in later edifices in Campania and, ultimately, in Prizren as well. It is this similarity between physically distant examples that represents yet another testimony to the mutual links between artistic creations from the two spheres of the Christian oikoumene. The artists responsible for the erection of these churches came to Serbia’s hinterlands from the eastern coast of the Adriatic and were familiar with the process of combining façades in the Romanesque and Romano-Gothic spirit with the Byzantine spatial organization and decorative program. These Romanesque and Romano-Gothic builders arrived in Serbia predominantly from Kotor and Dubrovnik, cities with a long tradition of ties with the Apennine Adriatic coast, whence new stylistic trends came to the eastern coast, primarily owing to monastic orders, first the Benedictines and then the Franciscans and Dominicans. It was a Franciscan monk from Kotor named Fra Vita who was the master builder of Dečani. The influence of these builders was reflected both generally in the works they produced, whether they were architectural or sculptural ensembles such as the said mausoleums, and in the workmanship of individual elements. The episcopal Church of the Theotokos of Hvosno, built in the 1230s, received the charac- Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 47 teristic rectangular apse; the foundations of the highest-ranking prelates in the Patriarchate of Peć received Romano-Gothic windows and parts of portals and iconostases; and the small Church of St. Peter in Unjemir received Gothic column bases and capitals, produced by stone carvers from Kotor. Of no lesser significance was the presence of Catholic colonies, predominantly from Kotor and Dubrovnik, but also of Saxon miners, in important mining and economic centers in Kosovo, such as Stari Trg and Novo Brdo. They erected their places of worship following the dominant traditions of their homelands. Thus the remains of a monumental Catholic church at Stari Trg, built in the late 13th century, demonstrate that this three-nave basilica, probably with a dome and with Gothic elements, was built on the model of the Kotor cathedral church, whose bishop had jurisdiction over the Catholic parishes in Serbia; the model for the unusual floor plan of the ‘Saxon’ Church at Novo Brdo, built around 1330, has been sought both in the monastic architecture of mendicant orders and in older German architecture. The unique synthesis of Western and Eastern solutions achieved in the Prizren Church of the Holy Archangels served as the model for the construction of the Orthodox cathedral church at Novo Brdo. Built in the second half of the 14th century, this edifice replicated the model of a church with an augmented cross-in-square plan and façades set in rows of bi-colored ashlars. The church was decorated in low relief in sandstone, which was highly characteristic of the Morava-style architectural sculpture in the time of Prince Lazar. Some Romano-Gothic elements also found their way to the Serbian Despotate, which saw the last upswing of Serbian medieval art under Despot Stefan Lazarević. In the long period from Stefan Nemanja to Dušan and subsequent rulers, subtle ties linked the monuments erected in the territory of medieval Serbia, including those in Kosovo and Metohija, with the Dalmatian and Apennine coasts of the Adriatic. Drawing, from inside the Orthodox oikoumene, on the heritage of Western art, Serbian rulers and archbishops were able to imbue their grand churches with a distinctive artistic identity as an expression of their own faith and power, which still leaves a strong impression on believers and visitors. The cultural idiosyncrasy of Studenica, Sopoćani, Gradac, Banjska and Dečani was thus juxtaposed with the creative identity of an artistic colossus such as Byzantium, achieving an aesthetic balance between the uniqueness of Raška-style architecture (and sculpted decoration) and the reception of Byzantine visual theology, cleverly transformed to suit its own needs. In the 15th century, the identity of Serbian art assumed new features and opened room for a new upsurge, the one that took place in Moravan Serbia. Nevertheless, it was in the 13th and 14th century that, owing to initiatives of rulers and prelates (in primis to the ideological synergy between King Milutin and Archbishop Danilo II) that the territory of the Serbian Kingdom and later Empire occupied a prominent place on the artistic map of Christian Europe. Valentino Pace and Dubravka Preradović 48 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija hiSTory oF creaTion The Earliest Period: From the Serbian Settlement of the Balkans to the Reign of Stefan Nemanja Very little is known about the early medieval past of Kosovo and Metohija. There are no written sources on the period, and any archaeological excavations that might have compensated for their lack were never focused on sites from this period. As there is no adequate archaeological evidence on the period between the Slavic or Serbian settlement on the Balkan Peninsula and the 14th century, the reconstruction of its history has to rely on archeological findings from the neighboring areas. There is more information on the sites dating from the 10th and 11th centuries. The revival of old urban centers, such as Prizren or Lipljan, is also confirmed by archeological evidence. Sporadic findings indicate that some other early Byzantine forts were also revived around this time, although the information is once again incomplete and imprecise. There are some remarkable remains dating from this period, including the fragment of a ceramic jug from Čečan, roughly dated to the 10th century, with a Glagolitic inscription made by the potter before baking, indicating fully formed Glagolitic literacy and its use even on everyday objects. The fragment can also be seen as a material confirmation of the information provided in written sources about the administrative and legal organization of the time, which relied on taxation in kind (agricultural goods). When it comes to the 10th and 11th century, there is more evidence that confirms the construction of new churches on the sites of older, early Byzantine ones. The first charter issued by Emperor Basil II (976–1025) in 1019 to confirm the rights of the Archbishopric of Ohrid mentions the bishoprics of Lipljan and Prizren. The seat of the bishopric of Prizren was located at the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviš, a three-nave basilica built in the first decades of the 10th century at the latest. The oldest basilica in Lipljan is believed to have been built in the 5th or 6th century and a new church with a three-nave floor plan and three-sided apses seems to have been erected on its ruins in the 10–11th century. Older temples have also been discovered at other locations, usually below the largest churches of the later period. The central church of the Holy Apostles from the second quarter of the 13th century was built from and on the grounds of an older structure. The remains of two older churches were discovered under the church erected by King Milutin (1282– Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 49 1321) at Gračanica; the older of these, a three-nave basilica, has been dated to a rather wide period from the reign of Emperor Justinian I (525–567) to the 9th or 10th century. Our knowledge of 10–11th century material culture, especially jewelry, has greatly benefited from excavations of necropoleis. Findings of aesthetically shaped earrings and rings show greater presence of luxurious jewelry than in other parts of Serbia and indicate an advanced level of craftsmanship. The majority of the discovered objects have typological parallels in the evidence found in other necropoleis or pantries across the Slavic world, where this kind of jewelry was made and developed under the influence of the Byzantine gold-working tradition. The older burial sites in Kosovo, in Matičane and Badovac, fell into disuse in the late 11th century. The younger cemeteries dating from the 12th and 13th centuries are characterized by different funerary findings, as evidenced by the excavations in Binačka Morava (Vlaštica and Velekince). The younger jewelry found in these regions corresponds to the kinds and types of jewelry widespread in the former Byzantine territories which later made up the eastern and southeastern parts of the state ruled by Grand Prince Stefan Nemanja (1166–1196). Anthropological research of the available anthropological evidence (Matičane, Ðonaj near Prizren) indicates that these burial sites belonged to a Slavic population. The findings of ethno-linguistic research seem to point to the same conclusion, indicating a distinctive compact layer of ancient Slavic toponyms in the entire territory of Kosovo and Metohija, directly overlaying the period of classical antiquity. Written sources suggest that from the second half of the 11th century onward Kosovo and Metohija belonged to the sphere of interest of the Serbian lands of Duklja (Dioclea) and Raška (Rascia). The establishment of principalities (zhupas) in its final form in the second half of the 12th century, after the inclusion of these regions into the state of Stefan Nemanja, provides another confirmation that the territory of Kosovo and Metohija was already inhabited by the Serbs. Dejan Radičević Under the First Rulers of the Nemanjid Dynasty (from 1168 to the Death of King Milutin) Our image of the beginnings of Serbian artistic creation in the territories now called Kosovo and Metohija is very vague. It is clear, however, that the conditions that allowed the development of the ktetorial work of Serbs in the aforementioned territory were not met until the time of Stefan Nemanja. In the 1180s, the grand župan of Raška took over from the Byzantine Empire the districts in the valleys of the rivers Beli Drim, Klina, Sitnica and Lab, populated by Serbs from ancient times. Nemanja’s conquests were expanded by Stefan Nemanjić, his son and successor to the throne, who, among other areas, incorporated the important city of Prizren into the Serbian state. So it is easy to 50 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija understand that in such circumstances, Sava, the first Archbishop of Serbia, integrated the bishoprics of Prizren and Lipljan (previously eparchies under the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Ohrid) into the framework of the newly established Serbian church. Also, he formed the Bishopric of Hvosno in northern Metohija, called Hvosno at the time, which was once part of the jurisdictional territory of the bishop of Prizren. After the establishment of Serbian state and church rule in Kosovo and Metohija, the leading ktetorial role in this territory was taken over by Serbs. As usual, at first the highest representatives of state and church led the way in this activity. Stefan Nemanja might have paved the way in this regard too. According to a source of debatable credibility, he was the ktetor of the church upon whose remains Archbishop Arsenije I erected his foundation of the Holy Apostles in the second third of the 13th century. In accordance with the tradition, which can be traced to the 14th century, Sava Nemanjić also played a part in Arsenije’s aforementioned venture. Still, it is safer to speak about Sava’s role in the constitution of three Kosovo-Metohija`s cathedrals of the newly founded Serbian autocephalous church. The current ruler, Stefan Nemanjić, helped the first Serbian archbishop and his bishops in their efforts. Milutin’s chrysobull issued to the Church of Gračanica informs us that the first-crowned king was the donor of the cathedral of the Lipljan bishops. The well-known letter of Demetrios Chomatenos, the Archbishop of Ohrid, indicates that Sava personally visited Prizren when the first Serbian bishop of the town was ordained. Possibly, that is when the restoration of the architecture and wall paintings of the Virgin Eleousa (Ljeviška), a three-aisled basilica in which Greek bishops had once resided, took place. First of all, the Serbian inscriptions on the new frescos from around 1220, in the south aisle, can be attributed to Sava's immediate intervention. The best preserved fresco, depicting the Virgin with the Child inscribed as the Giver of Food, apart from the rare and theologically well-conceived iconographic solution, shows a strong influence of Komnenian art. The paintings of the cathedral of Sava’s first bishop of Lipljan bore Serbian inscriptions, too. Dated to the first half of the 13th century, their very scarce fragments, including parts of the image of St. Romanos the Melode, are reminiscent of the oldest layer of frescoes from the Virgin Ljeviška. These fragments once adorned the walls of a church whose remains are no less scarce. This was a single-aisle building about 10 m long, with a semicircular apse on the east side and a dome over the central bay. In all probability, it was built in Sava's time, on the on the site of an early Byzantine three-aisled basilica. The cathedral of the bishops of Hvosno was also built on the ruins of a similar late antique basilica about 15 km northeast of Peć, not far from the village of Studenica. Archeological research has uncovered an aisleless domed building with rectangular lateral choirs, a wide semi-circular apse and a spacious narthex. Regarding to its spatial scheme and exterior treatment, it was modeled upon the church of the Saviour in Žiča. What is more, it resembled Žiča more than any other church of the Rascian School, so one can venture to assume that it was built under the supervision of the first Serbian archbishop. Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 51 Built by Archbishop Arsenije I in a metochion of Žiča, also in the area of Hvosno, to serve as his mausoleum, the Church of the Holy Apostles in Peć, in many ways replicated the main features of the aforementioned church of the Saviour. While conducting the building and painting, Sava's successor had Žiča in mind. Along with its spatial structure, it also mimicked the exterior of the Saviour church. It was plastered and painted red, drawing upon the experience of Rascian builders for the treatment of the portals and windows. In the subject matter of the painted programme, which was produced around 1260, it repeated many solutions implemented by St. Sava in Žiča, while stylistically following the most advanced course in the development of Byzantine and Serbian painting of the first half of the 13th century, characterized by a monumental plastic modelation of figures with Hellenistic idealized features. The church of the Holy Apostles was built and painted during the reign of King Uroš I, but there is nothing to suggest that he played an important role in the ktetorial activity of Archbishop Arsenije. However, the king founded another church not far from the Holy Apostles and endowed it with estates. It was dedicated to St. Nicholas and situated on the Bistrica River. Right after it was founded, about 1275, in accordance with the King’s wish it was converted into a metochion of the monastery of Mileševa. Unfortunately, the church has not survived, but it can be assumed that it followed the general flows of the artistic development of the old core of Raška, like the formerly mentioned edifices of the Serbian ktetors in Kosovo and Metohija. Žiča and Mileševa were not the only monasteries that possessed metochia in the territory of Metohija. Larger and smaller landholdings in this area were granted to Hilandar, Studenica and St. Peter upon Lim in the period from the time of Stefan Nemanja to the middle of the 13th century. That circumstance, which in time has brought the current name to the whole region, had consequences on the development of the spiritual life in the territory, too. There were churches within metochia, like St. Demetrios in Prizren, and the need to maintain relations between the mother monastery and its metochia led to the permanent presence of monks in the territories of the Hvosno and Prizren bishoprics. It is probably not a coincidence that one of the most prominent Serbian hermits was born and lived his life in ascesis in Metohija. The hermit in question was Petar Koriški, who was born in Unjemir, not far from Klina. Sometime after 1219 his cave hermitage, situated upon the mountain village of Koriša near Prizren, was adorned with frescoes. Archaic in style, distinctive for their strong contours and their lack of volume, those frescoes are dated differently in scholarly literature. The Serbian inscriptions on these frescoes indicate, however, that they could not have been created before the abolishment of Byzantine state and church rule over Prizren and its region. The illuminations in the Prizren Gospel Book, a manuscript that was destroyed in 1941 during the German bombing of Belgrade, were probably produced in the same ascetic milieu. In view of their unusual iconography with archaic solutions, which sometimes recall old Syrian and Coptic art, their crude drawing and naive coloring, it seems that 52 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija they might have been the work of a monk barely familiar with the art of painting who lived his ascetic life in the hermitage of Koriška, or some other eremitic dwelling in the area of Prizren, sometime during the second third of the 13th century, or somewhat later. The development of art in Kosovo and Metohija intensified during King Milutin's rule. Owing to the king's military conquests that took place between 1282 and 1299, the former border area toward Byzantium became a geographical centre of the Serbian state. Encouraged by its rich economic resources, the Serbian political and ecclesiastical elite also relocated to this area. The archbishop’s seat was moved from Žiča to the Holy Apostles at Peć, and King Milutin founded several courts in Kosovo and Metohija. It was there that he undertook some of his most important ktetorial ventures. This king's activity, like almost all of his arts patronage, was marked by dominant Byzantine influences. It seems that Milutin first helped the new archbishop’s seat by funding the painting of the western part of the church of the Holy Apostles around 1300. The work was executed by a skilled painter whose stylistic features were similar to those of the painters from Thessaloniki who had painted the church of the Virgin Peribleptos in Ohrid and Protaton on Mont Athos. Cooperating with the bishops of Prizren, Damjan and Sava, the king then restored their cathedral, the church of the Virgin Ljeviška. On this occasion he hired extraordinary Byzantine artists – the builder Nicholas and painter Astrapas. The new church was a five-domed building with a cross-in-square plan developed within the walls of the old basilica. By the treatment of the façade and by its forms, including its open exonarthex surmounted by a bell-tower, it is the best example of the Byzantine understanding of architecture in this period. The painting of the church, carried out by the workshop of a protomaistor who belonged to the Thessalonikian Astrapas family – Eutychios or his son Michael, was an authentic fusion of the old monumental and the new narrative style. It is also marked by numerous classicistic adoptions, harmonious colors and a rich thematic programme. The ktetor and his ancestors, spearheaded by Simeon Nemanja, were given a prominent place in the painting programme of the church. Not far from the town of Zvečan, in which he occasionally spent time, at the beginning of the second decade of the 14th century Milutin founded the Banjska Monastery and designated its katholikon, dedicated to St. Stephen, for his burial church. This was probably the reason he ordered the builders to imitate the burial churches of his predecessors on the Serbian throne, first of all Nemanja's Studenica. Even the old Serbian writers noticed the king's intention, which remains evident even today when one compares the spatial structure and sculptural decoration of the two churches. The painting of Banjska is preserved only partially, but its remains witness the fact that the artistic work was again executed by excellent Byzantine painters. They used precious materials, especially gold, which left a strong impression on the viewers and was highly admired in the Middle Ages. serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 53 As soon as he finished Banjska, Milutin restored the cathedral of the Lipljan bishops from the ground-up. Instead of the single-aisle church, he erected a five-domed temple of harmonious slender forms and carefully built façades with regular interchanging rows of stone and clay. With its complex spatial organization and an ambulatory that ends with an elongated parekklesion on its northern and southern sides, the church of Gračanica, a masterpiece of Late Byzantine architecture, enabled the development of a very ample and theologically intricate painted decoration. The frescoes in question are those of the painter Michael Astrapas and his workshop, stylistically elaborated in the spirit of the best traditions of the Palaiologan renaissance. In the abundance of scenes and individual figures of saints, the Nemanjid Family Tree is especially prominent. It is a vertically arranged genealogy of the ruling dynasty unprecedented in Serbian art. Works on the new seat of the Serbian archbishopric in Peć were continued sometime before Milutin's death. Archbishop Nikodim (1317–1324) was responsible for its continuation. He built his burial church, dedicated to St. Demetrios, as an extension of the north side of the church of the Holy Apostles, in place of the former side parekklesion. It is a simple, single-aisle and domed church whose façade was plastered red in order to achieve harmony with the main church. In the area of Peć, in a village called Lizica where the archbishop's residency was situated, Nikodim built the church of St. Sava of Serbia, but it has not survived to this day. The nobility soon followed in the steps of its kings and archbishops. Together with his family, the grand kaznac Jovan Dragoslav, a high-ranking official under King Milutin, was the ktetor of the church of the Virgin Hodegetria, built in Mušutište near Prizren in 1314/1315. The church, which was destroyed by Albanian extremists in 1999, was of solid build. It was a cross-in-square type of church with a single dome. Its fresco decoration bore witness that the high nobility hired remarkably skilled artists, who successfully followed the stylistic course of the painting in royal foundations. Apart from the rulers, church dignitaries and noblemen, representatives of the lower social classes also built churches in Kosovo and Metohija under King Milutin. Some of them belonged to the King’s Roman Catholic subjects. The most is known of the so-called Saxon Church (Saška crkva) in Stari Trg near Trepča, built and painted at the turn of the 13th to the 14th century. It was a three-aisled basilica with a dome, which was built, as its name would suggest, owing to Saxon miners, who are referred to in Serbian sources as Sasi (Saxons). Built in the Gothic manner, the church was decorated with frescoes of the Byzantine style and iconography. All the aforementioned churches from the time of King Milutin must have been adorned with icons, illuminated manuscripts, liturgical vessels and various other objects of applied arts, but almost none of them have survived. The rare exceptions include the Epitaphios of Hvosno. In the arduous times of Ottoman rule, it was hidden under the rubble of the cathedral of the Hvosno bishops. Decorated with the image of the Lam- 54 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija entation and executed in painting colors rather than embroidery, it bears witness to the fact that under King Milutin the artistic creation of objects of practical use in Kosovo and Metohija, also, mainly relied on Byzantine masters and art forms, and hence also followed the main developmental course of the Serbian art of its time. Miodrag Marković The High Medieval Period In the decades following King Milutin’s death, the Serbian state and church continued to pursue the directions of political and cultural development determined during his reign. First, the achievements of Milutin’s conquests were preserved during the reign of King Stefan Dečanski (1321–1331); the territory of the state was then considerably expanded under King and Emperor Stefan Dušan (1331–1355). The region of Kosovo and Metohija found itself at the very heart of the expanded state as a kind of crossroads of economic, political and cultural interchange between different historical regions that each had their own authentic traditions. Hence the artistic life of this region was marked by exchange and intermingling of experiences. In the first decades of the 14th century, the seats of Serbian rulers and heads of church were stabilized in Kosovo and Metohija after having been transferred from the north. Rulers built their magnificent burial churches in Metohija. Favorable conditions for the development of agriculture and major advances in mining on the slopes of Mt. Kopaonik and in Novo Brdo made the region of Kosovo and Metohija the most economically developed area. The growth of economic power encouraged the ktetorial activities of rulers, ecclesiastical dignitaries, the nobility and citizenry (Novo Brdo, Prizren). Creative activities were intensified and the overall cultural production experienced rapid growth. After the wide penetration of Byzantine building concepts in Serbian architecture in the first two decades of the 14th century, a certain artistic response to this breakthrough came about in Kosovo and Metohija. The influence of old architecture of Raškabecame much more prominentin Kosovo and Metohija. Sometimes they were fully reflected in the newly constructed buildings; in other cases, they were interwoven with Byzantine building traditions. The decision of King Stefan Dečanski to build the Church of Christ Pantokrator in Dečani drawing on the tradition of Raška was unambiguouslytied to the funerary purpose of the church. It was in the plan of the multi-nave Dečani building itself that the previous experiences of the old architecture of Raška were redefined and given anentirely new expression with the implementation of the most complex solutions of contemporaneous Romanesque-Gothic architecture from the Serbian Coastlands. Particularly deserving of credit for this was the protomaster (chief architect) of the Pantokrator Church, a Franciscan monk named Vita from the ‘King’s city of Kotor.’ This evocation of the older tradition of Raška is apparent in the elevated cubical base of the dome, the separation of the rectangular choir spaces by parapets in the space beneath the dome, serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 55 the rich Romanesque-Gothic sculptural decoration and the marble cladding of the facades. The Dečani relief-decorated altar triphora is a copy of its counterpart atStudenica. The Dečani church hence represents an original creative result of the artistic quests that went on in the Serbian environment for more than a century and a half. The monastery’s refectory and gate-tower were built by the protomaster Georgije and his brothers Nikola and Dobroslav, who had ‘worked in many churches’ in Kosovo and Metohija. Liturgical books were transcribed and illuminated in the monastery itself as well as in its sketae in the DečanskaBistrica valley. Many other monasteries and hermitages in Kosovo and Metohijaalso had their own scriptoria. Both Dečani and Peć possess important 14thand 15th-century collections of extant manuscripts decorated with headpieces and initials. During the construction ofDečani, the expansion of the church complex of Peć as the new see of the Serbian church was continued. Along the southern side of the Church of the Holy Apostles, Archbishop Danilo II (1324–1337) erected the churches of the Mother of God Hodegetria and St. Nicholas and, to the west, a spacious open narthex with a belfry. The Hodegetria church has the characteristically Byzantine developed cross-in-square plan with a dome; however, all of its stone window frames, portals and iconostasis were carved in the Romanesque and Gothic styles. Its inorganic Romanesque-Gothic sculptural ornamentation was simply imprinted intothe fabric of Byzantine architecture. Columns with Gothic pedestals and capitals also graced the Church of St. Peter in Unjemir in the area of Klina in Metohija, while fragments of Romanesque and Gothic window frames were also discovered in the ruins of the Saxon Church, the Catholic church of Novo Brdo. On the other hand, it is possible to trace the activities of several building workshopswhichused Byzantine construction techniques in the region of Kosovo and Metohija in the first half of the 14th century. The construction of the Peć buildings has been attributed to the workshop headed by the protomaster Georgije and the Church of the Transfiguration in Budisavci could have also been its work. The Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in Ljipljan and St. Nicholas in Ajnovci were erected by builders who had contributed to the construction of Gračanica. The builders who had participated in the restoration of Our Lady of Ljeviša constructed the Church of the Holy Ascension in Prizren for the Vladojević family. As wide as the naos, the prominent cubical base beneath its domeoriginatedin the older architectureRaška. The Church of St. Nicholas in Prizren, whose ktetor was the Serbian nobleman Nikola Tutić, shares a similar design. Unfortunately, many of the churches erected in Prizren and its area in the first half of the 14th century have since been remodeled or completely destroyed. The architecture of the burial church of Emperor Dušan, the Holy Archangels near Prizren, achieved a fundamental organic synthesis of two different architectural traditions. The monumental structure with its Byzantine developed cross-in-square plan, five domes and a blind cupola above an open narthex, was clad in polished stone on its exterior and opulently decorated with Romanesque-Gothic sculpture. The floor was executed with marble incrustations. Like Dečani, the Holy Archangels was a unique 56 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija achievement that could have only been created in the Serbian milieu. The monastery’s cruciform refectory was erected by local builders. Local architects also constructed a series of smaller churches in the time of King and Emperor Dušan (St. John in Crkolez, St. Nicholas in Hoča, the Mother of God in Vaganeš, St. Peter in Koriša, etc.). Regardless of how they were built, the churches in Kosovo and Metohija were always painted in the Byzantine spirit. Nonetheless, there is a certain dichotomy of style within the Byzantine painting expression. The development of classicistic fresco painting of high Palaiologan Renaissance that commenced in the period of King Milutin continued under his successors. However, very few of these painters – such as the painter Jovan in St. Demetrius in Peć and the artist who painted the western bay of the naos in Dečani – created extraordinary works in the classicistic style. The Peć narthex (c. 1332), the larger part of the naos in Dečani (1339– 1347/1348), and the Holy Archangels near Prizren were painted by rather skilled classicistic painters; however, the frescoes in Tutić’s St. Nicholas, the first layer of the Holy Ascension in Prizren, and the Mother of God Hodegetria in Peć and others were the work of average artists, whose work prioritized content over a schematized and frequently empty form. An expressionistic trend appeared in response to pseudo-classicism and pictorial aridity. Its adherents strove for an expressiveness achieved by the deformation of shape, executed in dynamic, nervous strokes, with dramatic contrasts of light and shadow (the narthex in Dečani, the western arch of the Holy Apostles in Peć, the Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in Lipljan, St. Peter in Unjemir, etc.). The classicistic and expressionistic styleran parallel in Serbian art for several decades; hence their traits are sometimes found intertwined in the same work (the icons on the Dečani altar screen, 1334–1339). The enrichment of the thematic painting programs culminated in the time of Stefan Dušan.In Dečani, thematically the most magnificent medieval painting ensemble that has survived in the Eastern Christian world, the expansion of the thematic fresco programreached an encyclopedism of sorts. The distinctive features of old Serbian art were always at their most prominent in the depiction of protagonists and events from Serbian history in the service of interpreting the ideology of the Serbian church and state. In Kosovo and Metohija, where the heart of these institutions was located in the 14th century, these themes were very frequently painted. Many of these historical portraits and compositions have survived, including depictions of the Nemanjid Genealogy Tree (Peć, Dečani). The crisis that gradually engulfed the Serbian state after Emperor Uroš’s accession to the throne (1355–1371) was to some extent reflected in its art. In Kosovo and Metohija, the construction of churches and their decoration lost their momentum, while the leading ktetorialrole was taken over by members of the nobility and citizenry. A number of older churches of the nobility were expanded, while others were built from the ground up (the narthex of Vaganeš, St. Demetrius near Kmetovci, St. George in Rečani, etc.). These churches were usually modestly sized, such as the Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in Prizren erected by the Young King Marko, a member of the Mrnjavčević dynasty. The serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 57 artistic merit of wall painting in these temples was surpassed by that of contemporaneous icon paintings (the icons of the Mother of God Pelagonitissa in Dečani and Prizren, etc.). The architecture and art in Kosovo and Metohija also contributed to the emergence of the art of the so-called Moravan period. Essentially Byzantine in spirit, its most remarkable achievements were created in the northern Serbian regions, but intimations of some of its solutions wereevident in Kosovo and Metohija before 1350 (the Holy Archangels near Prizren, the church in Ajnovci, perhaps even the system of ornaments on the painted facades inPeć, etc.). The Novo Brdo cathedral, dedicated to Orthodox worship and erected in the time of Prince Lazar, is a fully mature product of this new art. The cladding on the exterior of this domed church with its developed cross-in-square plan was made stone blocks in two colors, in keeping with the tradition of Raška, whereas its carved ornaments bore the striking stylistic characteristics of Moravan plastics. Moravan sculpture also graced the JovčaChurch in the urban heart of Novo Brdo. The stylistic, iconographic and programmatic features of the charming paintingsin the choir spaces of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Pećseem to suggest that they were created in the eighth or ninth decade of the 14th century. These captivating paintings feature radiant and vivid coloringas well asspirited and striking modeling, without emphasizing the contrasts of light and shadow. In terms of their style, they resemble the icon of the Transfiguration in Budisavci, although slightly inferior in execution. The fine paintings in the first layer of the Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in Dolac also dated from the time of the Lazarević dynasty (the last years of the 14th century). Some of the fresco paintings from the period of the Branković dynasty have also survived in Kosovo and Metohija. The remarkable portrait of Todor, Đurađ Branković’s son who died in infancy, was painted in Gračanica around 1428. Around 1436, a far less educated and gifted painter than the abovementioned artist of Gračanica created the second layer of frescoes in the Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in Dolac and the fresco painting in St. Nicholas in Čabići. Similar qualities can be seen in the later frescoes in the skete of the Dormition in Belaja, which are noteworthy for their unusual iconographic solutions. They must have been painted immediately before 1455, when the Turkish conquest caused a long hiatus in artistic activity on the entire territory of Serbia, including Kosovo and Metohija. Dragan Vojvodić The Late Medieval Period in Light of Archeology The earliest recorded “archeological” interest in Kosovo and Metohija dates from the early 20th century. This interest led to amateur excavations motivated by legends about hidden treasures that have generally left no record about the works undertaken or the location of certain findings. However, some of these excavations, such as the search for the gold of Banjska in 1915, did yield some unique discoveries. 58 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija The first organized archeological excavation works of a medieval monument in Kosovo and Metohija took place in 1927 at the site of Emperor Stefan Dušan’s foundation, the Monastery of the Holy Archangels near Prizren. Both monastery churches, a part of the guesthouse, the small Church of St. Nicholas, and some structures in the Višegrad fort were included in these excavation works. The imperial tomb containing the emperor’s remains was unearthed in the southwestern part of the main monastery church. The excavation also revealed the decorations of the imperial foundation – its famous mosaic floor and diverse stone ornamentation, one of the most representative sculptural compositions in Serbian medieval art. The next stage in the research of medieval monasteries and churches in Kosovo and Metohija was marked by excavations conducted primarily for the purpose of architectural studies and conservation programs. They began as early as the 1930s in Banjska, the Patriarchate of Peć and Dečani, and were intensified in the postwar period, when larger-scale conservation projects required additional excavations. Unfortunately, not even the most important medieval churches and monasteries were subjected to systematic archaeological research that could have yielded comprehensive results. These excavations yielded plenty of important information on medieval architecture, typology, and the method of building and decorating monastery complexes and urban and rural churches, but failed to provide any archeological findings. In view of their number and significance, the towns and forts of Kosovo and Metohija have been subjected to limited archeological research. Some towns, for example Prizren and Lipljan, are known to have been built on classical remains in the early medieval period, but their internal structure in that period has yet to be determined. Excavations in Prizren, as well as those in Zvečan, have facilitated architectural photographing and the study of some parts of the fortification, but have provided little reliable information about their dating and development stages. The most comprehensive and longest investigations were conducted in Novo Brdo, the largest and most important city of medieval Serbia and the symbol of its prosperity. The area of the Upper Town was cleared of a thick layer of debris and the southern tower in the Lower Town was extensively investigated. The remnants of several structures and one of the gates were also discovered, but the research was mostly focused on its churches. The main Orthodox church; two smaller churches in the urban settlement; and the so-called Saxon Church, located on the outskirts of the city at the site of the medieval Lower Marketplace, have been comprehensively analyzed. The Saxon Church was the parish church of the Roman Catholics living in Novo Brdo. Excavations in Novo Brdo yielded many artifacts confirming the information from written sources about the prosperity of this truly “silver and golden” city. The stylistically and technologically distinctive pottery and jewelry indicates the existence of crafts and even art in the settlement. Unfortunately, the well-planned and ambitious archaeological research project in Novo Brdo proved short-lived. Despite its valuable results, its successful realization was pre- serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 59 vented by ideological obstruction and the disinterestedness of the Kosovo political leadership of the time. Later research projects in Kosovo and Metohija shared more or less the same fate: they were generally short-lived and their results remained unpublished. The churches of Novo Brdo were the first medieval religious buildings in Kosovo and Metohija to be subjected to systematic research. Unfortunately, for decades they have remained the only ones that have been extensively investigated. The situation improved somewhat only in the years leading up to the hostilities in Kosovo and Metohija and in their aftermath, but this improvement – facilitated by the commitment of the representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the efforts of Serbian archaeologists – encompassed only the area north of the Ibar River and the protected zones (enclaves) inhabited by the local Serbian population.. The revival of research and, to an extent, the revision of old excavations at the Monastery of the Holy Archangels in Prizren, Dečani, and Banjska, as well as smaller-scale protective works on some churches, including those destroyed in the March Pogrom 2004, yielded some valuable results, illustrating how archeological research can help complete or even rectify our current knowledge. Dejan Radičević From тhe Fall under Ottoman Rule to the Great Migration (1455–1690) The first decades following the Turkish conquest of Novo Brdo (1455), which marked the definite fall of Kosovo and Metohija under Ottoman rule and were a time of turmoil and adaptation to rulers of a different faith, failed to provide even the most elementary conditions for art production. The first hints of art revival appeared only several decades later, in the second quarter of the 16th century, when the representative icons of Christ with Apostles and the Theotokos with Prophets were painted at Gračanica and when the exonarthex of the monastery was fresco-painted. The most comprehensive architectural undertaking from the time prior to the restoration of the Patriarchate of Peć was the construction of the katholikon of the Monastery of Ubožac, designed as an extended triconch with dome. Radical changes occurred after the restoration of the Patriarchate of Peć in 1557, when capable church leaders from the Sokolović family strived, in addition to strengthening church organization, to restore old monastic centers and build a number of small village churches. The restoration began in the narthexes of the Patriarchate of Peć (1565) and Gračanica (1570), where the same group of experienced master painters produced frescoes whose style was rooted in the Serbian painting of the first half of the 14th century. Adherence to tradition was also expressed in the painted depictions of a number of Serbian archpriests, thus emphasizing the reputation, longevity and independence of the national church organization. The great achievements of the Peć group of painters set the tone for Serbian art in the second half of the 16th century. The leader of this group, master painter Andreja, 60 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija produced two opulent crosses with depictions of the Crucifixion for the respective iconostases at Dečani and Peć (1593/1594). Longin, the greatest Serbian painter of the 16th century, began his career as a member of the Peć workshop. Along with his icons painted at the Patriarchate of Peć and Velika Hoča, of outstanding beauty are his choros icons (1572) and a large icon of Stefan Dečanski with scenes from his life (1577), which he painted at Dečani. Some of the painters who did not belong to the circle of the Peć masters, but borrowed certain aesthetic or iconographical solutions from them, also attained a comparatively high level of mastery (frescoes at Budisavci, Velika Hoča, Lipljan, Devič and Sokolica). A new surge in artistic production came at the time of Patriarch Pajsije. In 1619/1620, he commissioned Georgije Mitrofanović, the best painter of the time, to restore damaged frescoes in the Church of St. Demetrius at Peć, and at a later date members of a less talented group of painters, who copied at Peć 150 miniatures from a richly decorated Psalter (1627– 1630), painted vita icons of Saint George and Saint John the Forerunner, and, in 1633/1634, produced some of the frescoes in the Church of the Holy Apostles. The first half of the 17th century saw the creation of several important works, such as the Gračanica icon of Saint Febronia with scenes from her life (1607/1608), Dečani vita icons of Saint John the Forerunner and Saint Nicholas, painted in 1619/1620 by master painters Georgije and Kozma, as well as several two-sided icons (The Lamentation for Christ – The Dormition, Christ and the Samaritan Woman – The Healing of the Lame Man, and Holy Maccabees – The Dormition of Saint Sava of Serbia) painted in the Patriarchate of Peć in the 1630s. In the period before the Great Migration, the deepest mark on painting in Metohija was left by master painter Radul. In 1673, he frescoed the Church of St. John the Forerunner at Crkolez and subsequently, at the bequest of Patriarch Maksim, he painted a vita icon of Saints Cosmas and Damian at the Patriarchate of Peć (1673/1674) and embellished the Church of St. Nicholas with frescoes (1673/1674) and icons of the Theotokos Eleousa and Christ with Saint Nicholas (1677). Overshadowed by the creations linked with major monastic centers and the work of renowned painters in the second half of the 16th and the first decade of the 17th century was an activity, substantially more modest in extent and achievements, related to building, refurbishing and frescoing small, single-nave village churches in the zhupas of Sredska and Sirinić, in the valley of the White Drim (Sr. Beli Drim) River and in the vicinity of Peć. Judging from the surviving copies, the painted decoration of manuscript books did not yield such important and stylistically diverse creations as those in the field of mural and icon painting. With the exception of the miniatures in the above-mentioned Psalter, the illumination of other surviving manuscripts is mostly limited to ornaments. Artisanry was also well developed in Kosovo and Metohija in the entire period from the middle of the 15th to the end of the 17th century, with goldsmithing and woodcarving particularly thriving. With its quantity, variety and, above all, high quality, the rich Serbian artistic heritage created in Kosovo and Metohija from the middle of the 15th to the end of the 17th century provides a well-rounded and complete cross-section of all Serbian art of the time. It includes not only the best creations of the Peć group of painters, the best works of the finest masters of the Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 61 epoch, such as Longin, Georgije Mitrofanović and Radul, but also numerous works of their less talented followers and a number of anonymous painters who worked at modest village churches. Treasuries of Kosovo and Metohija monasteries hold important works of excellent illuminators and artisans, which also provide insight into the scribal activities and the divergent flows of applied art at the time. For this reason, the heritage represents a precious, essential and inseparable part of the entire Serbian art produced in the period of Ottoman rule. Zoran Rakić Between Migrations and Struggle for Survival: Serbian Art in Kosovo and Metohija 1690–1839 The period between 1690 and 1839 was marked by dramatic events in the life of the Serbian people in Kosovo and Metohija. Nevertheless, the spiritual and cultural flows were never disrupted. The crucial role in the organization of the cultural and spiritual life of the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija was played by their religious and national leaders – the patriarchs of Peć, who served as leaders of the Serbian people and ktetors of and contributors to churches and controlled the production of sacral art. One of the more prominent personages on the throne of Peć was Arsenije IV Jovanović Šakabenta. Patriarch Šakabenta fostered visual culture in the service of sustaining the Orthodox faith and promoting and affirming its dignity. He was the ktetor of the lintel icon for the iconostasis of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Peć painted by Maksim Tujković. The ktetorial inscription on the lintel states that it was produced ‘at the court’, which has led to the conclusion that an organized painting workshop operated at his court. Monasteries were the most important spiritual and cultural centers of the Serbian people in the period of Ottoman rule in Kosovo and Metohija. The Monastery of the Patriarchate of Peć was the seat of the Serbian church organization, which meant that it had to be continually maintained, renovated and decorated. A major restoration campaign at the Patriarchate of Peć was carried out under Patriarch Mojsej. It was recorded in 1720 that the Patriarch restored the entire town and all palaces, an undertaking that required enormous effort and funding. Patriarch Mojsej also helped build the iconostasis at the Church of the Holy Apostles. The Monastery of Dečani was also of exceptional importance. Large-scale renovations were carried out there in the late 18th and early 19th century owing to the efforts of Archimandrite Hadži Danilo Kažanegra Paštrović and hegoumenos Hadži Zaharija. An important role in the creation of the new visual identity of the Monastery of Dečani was played by icon painters Simeon and Aleksije Lazović of Bijelo Polje, who restored some of its old icons, painted the miniatures in the Dečani Parousia and Akathist to Saint Stefan Dečanski, as well as icons for the iconostases in the parakklesia of St. Nicholas and St. Demetrius. 62 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija The unstable political situation in the 18th century made the life of the Serbian Orthodox population in Kosovo and Metohija particularly challenging. In urban areas with a mixed population and Ottoman administration, Orthodox Christians were forced to withdraw to private spaces and keep a low profile. However, spiritual and cultural life was the basis of their Christian identity, which implied fostering private worship, procurement of icons and pilgrimage. Serbian art in Kosovo and Metohija between 1690 and 1839 developed in the shadow of migrations and strove to preserve the religious and national identity of the Serbian people. This involved architectural and painting activities in numerous Serbian Orthodox churches and relied on large contributions made by the faithful from all the lands inhabited by the Serbs. This allowed church art in Kosovo and Metohija to remain a part of mainstream Serbian culture and never become self-contained and isolated. Nenad Makuljević The Rise of Church Art in the Last Century of Ottoman Rule The comprehensive program of reforms implemented in the Ottoman Empire from 1839 on gradually created conditions for the rise of church life and the development of visual culture in the Eparchy of Raška and Prizren, which was at the time a part of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. An important prerequisite for the development of church life were the religious needs of the local population, which led to a revival of parochial life. The bearers of the religious revival and church art were the representatives of the Church and local population. Also, the financial support of the Serbian Obrenović and Karađorđević dynasties contributed to the realization of large-scale projects, such as the construction of churches and restoration of monasteries. The entire 19th century was marked by constant efforts to preserve medieval monastic complexes that had survived the entire period of Ottoman rule; as in the earlier epochs, the most important spiritual centers were prioritized. In the mid-19th century, two ornate wood-carved works of art were made: a reliquary for the relics of the Holy King at Dečani and a throne for the miraculous icon of the Theotokos at the Patriarchate of Peć. In the 19th century the development of masonry in Kosovo and Metohija branched out in several directions: from restoring facilities inside monastery walls, to restoring simple single-nave village churches, to erecting monumental three-nave churches in urban centers. The main features of village churches built at the time of the restoration of the Patriarchate of Peć in the 16th and 17th century remained unchanged during the renovation. Hence, the most common type of church found in the rural parts of the Eparchy of Raška and Prizren is a single-nave stone church, usually partly dug into the ground and with a rather dark interior. Cathedral churches, such as the ones in Gnjilane and Prizren, were built in the spirit of the urban Balkan style, characterized by the Romantic eclectic combination of serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 63 different historical elements. The gradual process of abandoning this tendency reached its peak in the Church of St. Sava at Kosovska Mitrovica, designed by Andra Stevanović. Throughout the 19th century, predominant in the icon and fresco painting of Kosovo and Metohija was the ‘zograph’ model, but at the turn of the century, owing to the involvement of Russian spiritual centers, it was replaced by the historical model of Orthodox icon painting, based on historical theology. The iconostases in the parakklesia of St. Demetrius and St. Nicholas in the church of the Dečani monastery, with their wood-carved structural elements, traditional themes and arrangement of icons served as models for iconostases throughout the Eparchy of Raška and Prizren. Traditionally, frescoes were arranged in zones to allow visualization of ideas through figures and scenes that were painted in several horizontal tiers, and the dome ceiling was always painted. Fresco-painting programs in the Eparchy of Raška and Prizren were a result of the artists’ adherence to the traditional principles of fresco-painting and corresponded to the specific purpose of each part of the sacral space. Ivana Ženarju Rajović Newer Building Trends – From Modernization and Destruction to Distorted Representation Despite a number of limiting factors, since the beginning of the 20th century an immense cultural progress has been made in Kosovo and Metohija in terms of architecture and urbanization. This progress, which in the first decades of the past century had been expressed through the reshaping of the existing oriental matrix, was over time harmonized with the standards of more advanced Yugoslav regions. A traditional domain of the Serbian state planners, after 1945 it opened up to experts of other nationalities as well. Spanning over a tumultuous hundred years that were marked by political instability, deprivation, wartime and peacetime destruction with the purpose of identity-related altering of spatial topography so as to prove historical rights to the territory, the development of Kosovo and Metohija’s architecture was not unaffected by the dismal everyday life fraught with interethnic frictions. Occasional periods of peaceful co-existence, however, have resulted in a consensus on the realization of projects of public interest. Parallel with the difficult implementation of fundamental social reforms, the basic existential needs of the wider population led to a gradual modernization of urban environments. With the manufacturing facilities being moved to the outskirts, in the period between the two world wars the streets in urban centers, to which new public edifices were added, were paved with cobblestone. In addition to obtrusive administrative buildings, newly constructed edifices included trading and catering facilities, educational, health, cultural and military institutions, as well as sports and recreational centers. The housing stock was increased with the erection of single-family urban houses emulating the style of more advanced Yugoslav 64 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija regions. In the socialist period (1945–1990), however, multi-family housing blocks were given precedence. Sacral and memorial architecture flourished after the Balkan Wars and the Great War (1912–1918) as well as in the period of the postmodern revival of religious life (1990–1998), making up for the diminished capacities caused by the centuries-long restrictions. From 2000 onward, a number of mosques, tekyes, madrasas and other places of worship for the Islamic religious community has been constructed or renovated, mostly with the financial aid of foreign foundations. The following Serbian architects and urban planners have enormously contributed to the overall architectural development on the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, particularly in certain stages: Andra Stevanović (1859–1929), Petar J. Popović (1873–1945), Jelisaveta Načić (1878–1965), Momir Korunović (1883– 1969), Aleksandar Deroko (1894–1988), Milan Zloković (1894–1965), Nikola Dobrović (1897–1967), Stanko Mandić (1915–1987), Bogdan Bogdanović (1922–2010), and others. Despite the fact that Serbian architectural institutions and urban planning services have profoundly shaped the architectural transformation of Kosovo and Metohija in the 20th century, their contribution has never been adequately valorized in domestic historiography. Owing partly to this and partly to practical political reasons, their contribution is either neglected or biasedly depicted as an instrumentalized form of “imperial domination” over “the unequal others.” Hence, the legitimate efforts of the contemporary Serbian academic and state institutions to expose this distorted representation of the cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija in order to draw attention of the international cultural and legal public to irrefutable historical facts are more than justified. Aleksandar Kadijević Serbian Visual Art in Kosovo and Metohija – the Modern Period (1912–1999–2016) Serbian modern art in Kosovo and Metohija began its development in the period between 1910 and 1920 when, for a brief while after the Balkan Wars and continuously after the First World War, Serbia appointed the first painters as art teachers in the High School in Priština and Kosovska Mitrovica, and later in Peć and other major towns. As soon as they arrived in Kosovo, these first painters, who had graduated from the Art School in Belgrade (Dragoslav Vasiljević Figa, Vukosava Vojinović-Mihajlović, Kosovka Filipović) or from the Academy in Munich (Svetislav Strala) and the School of Arts and Crafts in Zagreb and, for a brief while, from the Academy in Prague (Jaroslav Kratina), were faced with the illustrious history and the legacy of Serbian medieval art, which is subtly and sophisticatedly referenced in their work. Svetislav Strala and Jaroslav Kratina shared a great love of Serbian medieval art, as well as their efforts for this invaluable body of art to be studied and documented, i.e. for its preservation in its historic space. Strala and Kratina made a large number of copies of frescos from serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 65 the representative fresco ensembles in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. In 1920 these two artists were also the first to hold solo art exhibitions in Kosovo and Metohija in 1920. However, certainly the most important aspect of their work was training young Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija for a career in the arts. They guided many young people from Kosovo and Metohija towards a vocation in art and directed them to the Arts School or the Academy of Visual Arts in Belgrade, and their students Bora Bakić, Jefta Vančetović and Dimitrije Paramendić greatly contributed to the development of art in Kosovo. Aleksandar Tomašević, one of the greatest Serbian painters of the 1960s and 1970s – who, drawing on the Serbian national sensibility, created a universal art, bringing together the technology of icon painting, the spirit of folk art and geometric expression– received his first lessons in painting from Vančetović in Kosovo. On the other hand, Paramendić was among the founders of the Museum of Contemporary Art in Priština in 1936, which in 1938 went on to become the National Museum – Kosovo. The Museum’s collections were lost during the war. The years after World War II were marked by efforts to revitalize the Kosovo art scene by founding artists associations and to establish contacts with the major art centers in Yugoslavia for exhibiting purposes. At the same time, instead of mere followers, the leading Serbian artists Svetomir Arsić Basara, Zoran Jovanović Dobrotin, Zoran Furunović and Petar Đuza now became active and recognized factors in contemporary Yugoslav and Serbian art. The main vertical axis that integrated the works of the artists mentioned above seems to have been determined by their need to establish a relationship between art and historical memory (Basara), to speak out about the spirit of the times and at the same discover an artistic expression that could adequately convey the spirit of their own time, either by relying on the citation method (Đuza), a mild variant of New Expressionism with the occasional tendency towards Nomadism (Dobrotin), or on an idiosyncratic expression of drama and tragedy, which to a certain extent again resembles New Expressionism (Furunović). But the postwar generation of Serbian painters and sculptors from Kosovo also faced the violence and malice that humans so often impose on one another. It is natural, therefore, that in these grim times for the Serbian people and their cultural heritage artists felt a deep sense of rebellion and were compelled to imprint their own relationship with reality on a blank canvas or a piece of wood, revealing the archetypal image of the victim and expulsion from heaven as a great metaphor of human loneliness and the cosmic anguish that permeates its very depths. It is in such times and spaces of lost hopes and expectations that the primordial calling of the artist emerges: to challenge the times with a creative scream or a prayer of salvation; to produce a work that is as much a moral act as it is an aesthetic fact, a work of art as an indestructible confirmation of national identity which, in drawing on the past, bequeaths a legacy to posterity. Srđan Marković 66 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija hiSTory oF TribulaTion In the Time of the Ottoman Empire (1455–1912) The history of the Serbian Church and people in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija under Ottoman rule can be divided into two periods – before and after the Great Migration of 1690. In the times that immediately preceded the establishment of stable Ottoman administration, some of the most important monasteries and ecclesiastical centers in Kosovo and Metohija were targeted. Gračanica first came under attack between 1371 and 1383, then in 1389 and again after the fall of Novo Brdo in 1455. The Banjska Monastery was torched in 1389 and again in 1455. The monastery was abandoned until 1477 and in the early 17th century a part of it was converted into a mosque. Just before the middle of the 15th century, severe damage was inflicted upon the Monastery of the Holy Archangels near Prizren, the foundation of Emperor Dušan. At the same time the imperial tomb was looted. The Holy Archangels were later briefly revived, but seems to have again fallen into disuse as early as the 1520s. In 1615, Sofi Sinan Pasha, of Albanian ethnicity, used the stone from the ruins of the Holy Archangels to build his mosque in Prizren. In the cities that became the seats of Ottoman provincial administration, the main churches were usually converted into mosques, such as the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviša in Prizren, the Church of St. Nicholas in Novo Brdo and the Church of the Ascension in Priština, the seat of the metropolitan bishop. The second half of the 16th century saw an ecclesiastical revival of sorts, especially after the restoration of the Patriarchate of Peć in 1557, which managed to restore and build dozens of religious buildings under its jurisdiction. However, during the brutal quelling of the Christian rebellion that had broken out in the Balkans in the time of the Great Turkish War (1683–1699), Serbian churches in Kosovo and Metohija were routinely destroyed and the local Serbian population killed en masse. On the other hand, Albanians joined Ottoman service, converted to Islam and repopulated the war-ravaged land. After two Serbian patriarchs (Arsenije III Čarnojević in 1690 and Arsenije IV Jovanović in 1739) led a large number of Ottoman subjects to the neighboring Habsburg Monarchy, the Serbian Church fell from grace. The migrations were followed by Turkish reprisals against the Christian population, forced Islamization and Albanization, and the demolition of churches and monuments. The Patriarchate was abolished in 1766 by a berât serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 67 issued by Sultan Murad II, which came as a heavy blow to the Serbian people. The majority of Albanian pashas, the feudal lords of Kosovo and Metohija, did not acknowledge the central government of the Porte, but became defenders of the Ottoman Empire in the face of the liberation movements of the Balkan peoples in the 19th century. Over the course of the entire 19th century, Albanian chiefs ( Jashar Pasha Džinić, Rustem Kabash, Mulla Zeka and others) tolerated and even encouraged the plundering and destruction of Serbian churches, and subsequently used their material to build watermills, bridges, mosques, and houses. Thus the churches in Bresje, Krajište, Skulanovo, Svrčin, Slovinje, Sušica, Topličane, Burince, and Bradaš fell to ruin, as well as those in the villages of Vitina, Kmetovce, Vranovac, and others. The lead from the roof of the Gračanica Monastery and the churches of Samodreža near Vučitrn and the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin Mary near Suva Reka was used to roof mosques. In the late 19th and early 20th century, Albanians used parts of stone and marble slabs from the ruins of Studenica of Hvosno, the seat of the former bishopric of Hvosno, in the construction of mosques in the villages of Studenica, Vrelo and Kaličani (Istok). In a complaint lodged with the sultan and the Russian tsar in 1864, Haji Serafim Ristić, the archimandrite of the Dečani Monastery, listed detailed examples of crimes committed by Albanians and Turks against the Serbian population and its shrines. Albanians tore down a church in the village of Graničane near Leposavić (1876), churches in the villages of Jošanica (1880) and Krnjince near Klina (Church of St. George), the Church of St. Peter of Koriša (1885) and the Church of St. Luke in Velika Hoča (1897). The Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija was under the religious jurisdiction of the Metropolitanate of Raška and Prizren; however, it was not until 1896 that Dionisije Petrović was finally appointed as its first Serbian metropolitan after a long time, at the insistence of Serbia, Montenegro and Russia. According to incomplete data of the Eparchy of Raška and Prizren dating from 1899, religious service was performed in 87 churches and 14 monasteries, while 294 churches and 40 monasteries were derelict. The discontent and unrest among the Christians, stemming from personal and material insecurity, an inconsistent tax policy, unresolved agrarian relations, abuses by the Turkish authorities, and the willfulness of Albanian and Muslim renegades contributed to the swift forging of the Balkan League and ultimately led to the declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire in October 1912. Tatjana Katić and Biljana Vučetić After the Liberation (1912–1999) During the 20th century, in wartime as well as during brief periods of peace, the devastation of the Serbian heritage in Kosovo and Metohija was primarily the consequence of deliberate destruction, which became increasingly frequent and severe towards the end of the century. As time passed, the differences between the religious and ethnic groups 68 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija turned into a growing hostility against the Serbs, resulting in the ethnic cleansing of the local Serbian population accompanied by violent attacks against their heritage – the symbols of the faith and ethnos of the indigenous people. Therefore this period was marked by continued devastation of Serbian historical and cultural monuments – their churches, monasteries, libraries, public monuments and cemeteries – in several stages. After the First Balkan War (1912) and following five centuries in the Ottoman Empire, Kosovo was incorporated into the Serbian state, Metohija became part of the Kingdom of Montenegro, and a new state – Albania – was formed in their neighborhood. Information about the condition of the heritage from this period is scarce. However, it is quite certain that the First World War (1914–1918) resulted in the massive devastation of cultural heritage by the Bulgarians (who pillaged the treasuries of Gračanica and Dečani), the Austrians (destruction of the Monastery of Devič) and the Albanians (desecration of the wooden church in Goraždevac and the Monastery of St. Mark in Koriša). On the other hand, in the interwar period, after Kosovo and Metohija became a ‘restive border province’ of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the main causes of devastation were inadequate education and poorly developed awareness of the importance of cultural heritage. From its very beginning, the Second World War (1941–1945) was marked by the heavy devastation of Serbian monumental heritage at the hands of the local Albanian population. Public monuments were destroyed, monasteries and churches looted, burned and destroyed (the Devič monastery, Church of St. Kyriaki in Brnjaci, the Church of the Holy Virgin in Koriša, the churches in Nec, Pacej, Ponoševac, etc.), and many cemeteries were desecrated. The situation took a turn for the worse after the capitulation of Italy and the subsequent Bulgarian occupation: in a single raid in 1944, ‘the local Albanians demolished 16 churches in the areas of Peć, Istok, Đakovica and Drenica’. In the second half of the 20th century the attitude towards the Serbian heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, with the exception of the most significant medieval monuments, was largely defined by the anticlerical position of the new communist regime. The first period (1945–1966) was characterized by attacks on church property, acts of arson and the devastation of Orthodox tombstones in cemeteries, which the local authorities usually tolerated. The next stage – the decentralization of the state – began with the ‘removal of the name Metohija, as a Serbian term, from the name of the province in 1968’. From 1969 to 1981, the destruction of Orthodox monuments in cemeteries became increasingly frequent: churches were demolished and burned, and their frescoes fell victim to offensive graffiti vandalism. Five days after the violent Albanian demonstrations in Priština, which demanded the establishment of Kosovo as an independent republic, on the night of 16 March 1981 the old dormitory of the Patriarchate of Peć was burned down. In the subsequent wave of even more vicious attacks against the Serbian heritage, the Albanian irredentists systematically destroyed cemeteries and desecrated churches. In the 1990s, the Serbian Orthodox Church launched a vigorous campaign for the revival of spiritual life in Kosovo, but it was too late to reverse the tide. serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 69 During the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia (24 March – 10 June 1999) cluster bombs, shrapnel and shells shook and damaged Gračanica, the Gazimestan memorial complex, the fortress of Zvečan, the churches in Đurakovac, Drsnik, Dolac etc. These air strikes were accompanied by an Albanian terror campaign which included the desecration and devastation of churches, monasteries and cemeteries. On 14 April the oldest Serbian house, the Danilović cabin in Loćane near Dečani, was burned down. The conclusion of the Military Technical Agreement in Kumanovo and the adoption of United Nations Security Council resolution 1244, Kosovo and Metohija effectively became a UN protectorate within FR Yugoslavia. However, the suffering of the Serbs and destruction of their cultural heritage in these areas did not end with the deployment of international forces. On the contrary, another dramatic and brutal chapter in the history of their suffering began at the turn of the millennium. Svetlana Pejić After the Adoption of Resolution 1244 (1999–2017) The end of the war in Kosovo and Metohija and the cessation of the bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, together with the adoption of the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 on 10 June 1999, were meant to ensure peace and safety in the southern Serbian province. The guarantor was the UN Security Council, while the executive instruments were KFOR and UNMIK. Resolution 1244 covers the preservation of cultural heritage (Annex 2, paragraph 6, item 3) by ensuring the presence of ‘Yugoslav and Serbian personnel…at Serbian patrimonial sites.’ In practice, this meant that enclaves and Serb-populated areas, as well as monasteries of the Serbian Orthodox Church, were given military protection. In places where military protection was deemed unnecessary, structures were fenced off with barbed wire and shuttered. Following the withdrawal of the Yugoslav Army, in June 1999many Serbian culturalhistorical monuments fell victim to the ‘triumphant’ celebrations of the Kosovo Liberation Army and the Albanian populace. Many remarkably valuable medieval and more recent churches, built between the 13thand the 20thcentury, were mined, torched and completely wiped out. The total destruction of the finest examples of medieval Serbian art in Rečani, Čabići, Dolac, Drsnik, Nerodimlje, Mlečani, Mušutište and Zočište was executed so as to erase every trace of them and irreversibly prevent their restoration. The destruction of monuments that had been restored on the eve of the war and the fact that the destruction campaign was phased and lasted for months indicate the deliberate intention and systematic approach to erasing the memory and history of Kosovo and Metohija. ‘Digging up foundations and roots’ was clearly manifested in the case of the Church of St. Nicholas in Čabići, where a team of experts arrived in 2001 to find a pit over a meter deep filled with debris on the site of the former church. 70 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija Although this destruction campaign continued even in the presence of international military forces, there is no record of anyone being held accountable either for perpetrating the offence or for failing to discharge the task of ensuring security and safeguarding the heritage of non-Albanian inhabitants. Destroying traditional houses, towers, traditional structures such as mills and watermills, and entire bazaars began with the bombing of March-June 1999, when the bazaar in Đakovica and parts of the old bazaars in Peć and Prizren sustained heavy damage. The bombing and the summer of 1999 saw the destruction of the Danilović log cabin in Loćane, the home of Mira Protić, the Rajević Golden Garden in Peć, etc. The burnt-down, mined or torn-down buildings were usually ransacked, which led to the disappearance of many movable items such as icons, vessels, vestments, books and archivalia from churches and monasteries in Kosovo and Metohija. The surviving movable material was collected and stored at the Patriarchate of Peć by the monks of the Eparchy of Raška and Prizren. After the displacement of Serbian inhabitants, all Serbian cemeteries in newly vacated areas met with a particularly dark fate as early as the summer of 1999. Chapels were torn down and tombstones smashed and turned over; graves were often desecrated and dug out and the remains of the deceased scattered. The condition of the Serbian cultural heritage – the dangers, risks and its legal status – led to numerous warnings and appeals dispatched through state-level diplomatic channels to international institutions: UN Security Council, UNMIK, and UNESCO. Expert NGOs also contributed to the efforts to publicize the condition and fate of the cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija. From 1999 to 2004, KFOR and UNMIK managed to maintain the existing condition of the Serbian heritage, with some necessary minor interventions on the monuments using UNMIK resources. However, the heritage continued to suffer damage and desecration, but with no high-profile media coverage and no large-scale attacks. Judging by the events of mid-March 2004, the period from 2000 to late 2003 did not bring gradual normalization and mitigation; rather, it was the calm before the storm and upheaval that was meant to complete the project of erasing the Serbian people, Serbian heritage and the memory of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija. An excuse for the continuation of destruction was found in a tragic event: the drowning of three Albanian children in the Ibar River, which was blamed on Serbian children from a neighboring village. Wellprepared, Albanians across Kosovo and Metohija unleashed their ‘vengeance,’ attacking and driving out Serbs, torching and tearing down houses of worship, homes, monasteries and cemeteries. During the two-day pogrom, over 4,000 Serbs were displaced; more than 700 Serbian homes were burned and damaged; and 31 shrines were burned, damaged and plundered. Twenty-eight Serbs were killed, while approximately 950 were injured. Serbian cemeteries were again desecrated, demolished and dug up. Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 71 Having suffered damage and looting in both world wars, including the breaking and desecration of the reliquary of St. Joanikije of Devič, the Devič monastery was again put to the torch and ransacked in 1999. It was torched, desecrated and emptied once again in March 2004. The devastation of Prizren in the March Pogrom was planned as the final blow that would eradicate any evidence of Dušan’s capital and its Serbian identity. The burning of Our Lady of Ljeviša and its frescoes, including the horizontal depiction of the Nemanjid Genealogy, was to complete the degradation of this world heritage site that had begun in the late 20th century. The Cathedral Church of St. George from the second half of the 19th century was burned down. All churches in Prizren were put to the torch and desecrated. A fire was started in Potkaljaja, a Serbian neighborhood that had dominated the landscape of Prizren since the early 19thcentury. During the pogrom, the Church of St. Kyriakiin Živinjani was mined too. A tree drawing naming the families displaced from Živinjani and indicating the places where they had resettled was destroyed with it. This act of destruction carried the same message as every attack before it: there would be no return and no mention of Serbian existence. The March Pogrom of 2004 was a convenient opportunity for the mob to resume collective aggression against Serbian cemeteries, shattering headstones and digging up the foundations of tombs, and with them plant roots growing by the graves, in Peć, Žegra, Klokot, Kosovo Polje, Istok, etc. The period since 2004 has been marked by minor isolated incidents, which have nonetheless proved persistent and maintained the ominous continuity of threat. No organized mass attacks on Serbian cultural heritage have been recorded since March 2004. Since then, the threat has mostly assumed a different form: the propagandist activities of Kosovo Albanians’ institutions aimed at obscuring and falsifying the cultural identity of this heritage. Some of these monuments are undergoing restoration – fortunately, mostly with success and expertise, at least in the case of key monuments such as the Patriarchate of Peć, Dečani, Our Lady of Ljeviša, the Holy Archangels and Gračanica. Some restoration campaigns after 2004 did more to destroy than to conserve. The prime example of this kind of destruction by restoration was the reconstruction of Potkaljaja. All authentic value of its sound engineering using natural materials was lost in the wanton use of new materials, synthetic paints and rough stucco facades. This created a provincial vaudeville backdrop on what had once been a stage of authentic value. The example of Potkaljaja is the most conspicuous and apparent, but it is not isolated. The past two decades have borne witness to the unnoticed and subtle yet uninterrupted vanishing of the rich fund of Serbian national, traditional architecture in Kosovo and Metohija, with no trace of these acts of aggression even in documentation. Skills, knowledge and customs – the marks of the existence of a civilization and a nation – are disappearing with it. The devastation of Serbian heritage in Kosovo and Metohija has clearly experienced changes in its dynamic and form: the first ferocious onslaught of rage and destruction 72 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija from the summer of 1999 to 2001; relative calm with sporadic incidents from 2001 to March 2004; the March Pogrom, during which an extremely great number of churches, homes and graves were destroyed, damaged and ransacked in just four days; and the period from 2004 to the present day – relatively peaceful, with restoration works on heritage sites and religious edifices, but marked by propagandist efforts of the institutions of Kosovo Albanians aimed at obscuring and falsifying the cultural identity of Serbian heritage or devaluing its significance. Irrespective of its pace and ferocity, the one constant in this process is the systematic, planned and persistent destruction of heritage as tangible evidence and obliteration of non-tangible legacy and memory. Numbers can yield but an incomplete picture of the scale of destruction, because the destruction of a religious building – regardless of its own age and the age of its inventory – inevitably entails the disappearance of works of applied art, icons, books and important archivalia. In times of adversity and calamity that the Serbs and their heritage in Kosovo and Metohija have faced over the last two decades, recording and documenting heritage sites and their devastation as a form of protection and conservation provides a very important way of combating obliteration and oblivion, even if only in the sphere of the non-tangible. Dejan Radovanović and Mirjana Đekić Heritage Caught in a Rift: Between European Conservation Practice and Global Political Misuse The report drafted by one of the first or even the very first expert mission that visited Kosovo and Metohija with the aim of investigating the deliberate destruction of cultural heritage – A. Herscher and A. Riedlmayer, Architectural Heritage in Kosovo: A Post-War Report – instantly came to prominence due the seriousness of its implications,1 as it was prepared with the intention of using information contained in it to prove criminal responsibility and launch indictments for the destruction of heritage in Kosovo and Metohija during the war, i.e. the armed conflict. The gravity of the potential consequences of the Herscher and Riedlmayer report not only resulted in intense public interest but it also meant that experts had a moral duty to evaluate the correctness of the applied methods, the credibility of the information it used and the validity of the interpretations and opinions presented in it. While claiming to offer an objective, impartial and highly professional assessment of the destruction and devastation of the entire cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, the mentioned report on the destruction of cultural heritage 1998–1999 (03024863– 03024873), authored by A. Herscher and A. Riedlmayer, arbitrarily alters the concepts of cultural property and categorized cultural property and fails to provide any information 1 A. Herscher, A. Riedlmayer, Architectural Heritage in Kosovo: A Post-War Report, Cambridge, Mass., 2001. serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 73 concerning the devastation and destruction of the Serbian cultural heritage, especially in view of the fact that the investigation mission was conducted in October 1999 and the data updated in October 2000 and March 2001, by which time it had become very clear that deliberate destruction of a country’s cultural heritage was taking place. The issue that is specifically related to this fact is the attitude of the Prosecution of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the measures taken in relation to the presented information. The authors of the report were aware of all the shortcomings of the sources they used – they were incomplete, unreliable and in some cases surprisingly limited in scope - and yet they freely used them; in addition, they made an even graver mistake in choosing to avoid all contacts with Serbian experts and institutions. The report is confusing, at times contradictory and methodologically unsound, while also failing to present facts in a clear and organized manner. Definitions regarding what constitutes immovable cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija (cultural monuments, as well as spatial-cultural geographic, archaeological and historic sites) are superficial, incomplete and tendentious. When preparing the report, the authors used incomplete, partially inaccurate and irrelevant bibliographic information about heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, which also indicates the degree of their familiarity with the problem. As the ICTY Prosecution played a consultative and informative role in the preparation of the report, it is justified to question its independence, objectivity and professionalism. These reservations are supported by the fact that one of its authors (A. Herscher) was engaged as a foreign advisor to the provisional institutions in Priština until the end of 2006. Finally, the report raises an exceptionally important question: can the cultural heritage of a country, verified by the work of experts (some of whom have an international academic reputation) and professional services for more than seven decades, be subjected to such an arbitrary and ad hoc re-valorization; can a report with such claims and consequences for cultural heritage be considered an objective, professional and credible document? This question may be rephrased as follows: were the authors of the report truly independent and competent experts? Our answer is that they were not. From the perspective of heritage conservation and preservation, this is a one-sided, partial and incompetently drafted document that, unfortunately, merely reflected the political agenda of the 21st century as an era of profound relativization of human knowledge, nihilism and uncertainty. Mirjana Menković 74 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija STruggle For preServaTion The Beginnings of Investigation and Stewardship of Monuments in Kosovo and Metohija In the mid-19th century, foreign and domestic travel writers and scholars began visiting and studying the surviving churches and monasteries on the territory of so-called Old Serbia, which remained within the borders of the Ottoman Empire until 1912. They included Miloš Milojević, Stojan Novaković, Todor. P. Stanković, Gedeon Josif Jurišić, Ami Boué, Alexander Fedorovich Hilferding, Ivan Stepanovich Jastrebov, Georgina Muir Mackenzie and Adeline Paulina Irby. Their writings contain the earliest mentions and descriptions of the most important medieval Serbian foundations in Kosovo and Metohija (Dečani, Gračanica, Banjska, Mother of God of Ljeviša and the Patriarchate of Peć), as well as of some smaller monuments of little-known past (Church of the Holy Ascension and St. Nicholas’ Church in Prizren, the hermitages of Dečani, the churches of the Presentation of the Virgin in Devič and Lipljan, etc.) Owing to the material collected and published by these travel writers, international and local readers were informed about the existence and value of Serbian antiquities on the territory of the Ottoman Empire. The information presented in their works would prove indispensable to future researchers and provide the starting point for further scholarly investigation of these monuments. A new stage in the study of churches and monasteries in Kosovo and Metohija began after World War I, when this area became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. At the same time, it became possible to photograph monuments in the field, and in the third and fourth decade of the 20th century teams of experts from the National Museum in Belgrade investigated and photographed Dečani, Gračanica, the Patriarchate of Peć, Banjska, Mother of God of Ljeviša and the Holy Ascension in Prizren. In 1927, archaeological investigations of the remains of the Holy Archangels near Prizren, the burial church of Emperor Dušan, began under the leadership of Radoslav Grujić, who would go on to publish their results. In the interwar period, Gabriel Millet, Miloje Vasić and Đurđe Bošković published the first scholarly articles minutely discussing the architecture and sculptural decoration of Gračanica, Banjska, Dečani and the Patriarchate of Peć. Also, frescoes preserved on the serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 75 walls of these churches inspired many scholars to write contributions on certain subjects and analyze their iconographic and stylistic particularities. Depictions of rulers, nobles and clergy, i.e. the iconography of individual scenes and cycles from Gračanica, Dečani and the Mother of God Hodegetria in Peć, have been discussed in the works of Vladimir R. Petković, Svetozar Radojčić, Nikolai Okunev, Josef Myslivec and Gabriel Millet. Investigation of medieval Serbian monuments in Kosovo and Metohija in the interwar period facilitated the recognition of their artistic merit and provided insight into their state of preservation. The lack of a state agency charged with the protection of cultural properties and legislation on the preservation of immovable heritage made the maintenance of old churches and monasteries even more difficult. The first attempt at organized conservation in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was tied to the establishment of the Committee for the Preservation and Maintenance of Historical and Cultural Monuments of the Ministry of Religion in 1923. This committee supervised and oversaw investigation and conservation works executed at the Patriarchate of Peć, Banjska and Dečani. With the exception of the last monument, which underwent extensive repair works based on a plan by architect Momir Korunović in 1934–1941, works on the Peć complex in 1931/32 and the Banjska katholikon in 1938/39 were carried out under the expert leadership of Đurđe Bošković, a figure whose conservation efforts marked the third and fourth decade of the 20th century, and whose research provided the greatest contribution to our knowledge of the monuments of the Serbian past. Although Bošković used different conservation methods in the Patriarchate of Peć and in Banjska, both monuments were kept safe from further decay. Moreover, during the works to secure the complex in Peć, Bošković determined the original appearance, spatial organization and stages in the construction of the religious buildings of Peć and uncovered the original paintings in the dome, space under the dome, the apse and the choirs of the Church of the Holy Apostles. The beginning of World War II put a brutal end to any major efforts to investigate and protect monuments throughout Yugoslavia, including Kosovo and Metohija. In fact, it marked the beginning of another tragic chapter in the history of its tribulations. Dragana Pavlović The Beginnings of Institutional Protection of Cultural Heritage and the Results of Conservation Works in Kosovo and Metohija The history of protecting the cultural heritage of Serbia began with the adoption of the Decree on the Protection of Ancient Monuments on the 9/22 February 1844; several decades later, in 1889, it was continued with the Draft Law on Antiquities in the Kingdom of Serbia that never made it past its draft form. As circumstance would have it, a law on the 76 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija protection of monuments (or antiquities, as they were called at the time) was not adopted in subsequent decades or even in the interwar period. Instead, some articles concerning antiquities were introduced into the Law on Construction and the Law on Forestry. The first Yugoslav general legal document on monument protection was not adopted until after the Second World War: on 23 July 1945 the Law on the Protection of Monuments of Culture and Natural Rarities of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (DFY) was passed, prescribing that all immovable and movable monuments could be placed under state protection and heralding the establishment of institutions charged with heritage conservation, which were to be formed in the subsequent period: republic-level (from 1947), federal level (1950) and provincial (from 1954). Even a cursory overview of selected conservation and restoration works carried out mainly on medieval heritage sites in Kosovo and Metohija in the course of the seventyyear-long duration of the protection service shows that its activities and achievements were largely determined by political and social circumstances. The first period (1950s and 1960s) yielded remarkable results. A Yugoslav protection service was formed in this period with planned investments for training Yugoslav conservators abroad; close cooperation was established with leading experts in Western European centers owing to the efforts of the Federal and the Republic Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments, which attracted prominent experts from all over the country. Consequently, the remarkable achievements of the first decades of the protection service’s activities in Socialist Yugoslavia were also reflected in the monuments of Kosovo and Metohija. This ‘heroic’ period of conservation work produced the greatest discoveries (Virgin Ljeviška Church at Prizren, the monastery of Holy Archangels near Prizren and the city of Novo Brdo built nearby silver mine of the same name). These conservation efforts were not limited to royal foundations and those of high-ranking ecclesiastical dignitaries, as evidenced by conservation works on many churches erected by members of the nobility and rural churches. In addition, monuments of Islamic culture were given no less attention. Although not completed, some of the most significant research and conservation projects were halted at the end of this period (Virgin Ljeviška at Prizren, the Holy Archangels near Prizren, Novo Brdo). The reason for this can be found in the Constitution of 1974 and the 1977 Law on Cultural Property, which legalized and legitimized the gradual disintegration of the federal state and particularly of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, a process that was already well underway in practice. Centralized decision-making on large-scale conservation projects was no longer possible in the Republic of Serbia, and from then on the provincial institutions of protection were free to make their own decisions. As a result of these changes, complex and lengthy conservation projects were carried out in the territory of Republic of Serbia, without its two provinces (monasteries of Studenica, Žiča, Mileševa, Sopoćani) in the 1970s and 1980s; by contrast, the pro- serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 77 tection services in Kosovo and Metohija conducted no large-scale conservation campaigns in the same period (with the exception of the Banjska Monastery). In the closing decade of the 20th century (for the purposes of this overview, 1989 should be taken as its beginning, as this was the year when conservation works were conducted in Gazimestan, Gračanica and the Patriarchate of Peć in preparation for the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo), during the dissolution of the country and the ensuing wars, the protection service continued to function in Kosovo and Metohija. The decade ended with the NATO air campaign against FR Yugoslavia in 1999 and the establishment of international administration in Kosovo and Metohija; these events were accompanied by large-scale destruction of Serbian monasteries and churches including medieval monuments, which was repeated during the March Pogrom of 2004. Since then, the work of the Serbian protection agency has continued in much more difficult conditions, but it is still being carried out owing to the mediation of the Serbian Orthodox Church and international organizations which also employ experts from abroad to perform the same kind of work. Finally, it should be noted that the conservation and protection of a cultural and spiritual heritage of any nation cannot be constrained by borders. The Serbian cultural heritage in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija constitutes a representative part of the corpus of Eastern Christian heritage, created mainly in the Byzantine style, and therefore, it makes a representative part of the rich European treasury of historical monuments as well. Due to the international significance of this particular part of Serbian cultural heritage, the protection service of the Republic of Serbia has a strong duty to continue its seven-decade-long institutionalized history of caring for it according to the guiding principles of theory and practice of contemporary conservation and to secure its safe survival for the future – Serbian and international alike. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski Inclusion of Serbian Monuments on the World Heritage List Inclusion of Serbian monuments in Kosovo and Metohija on the World Heritage List was a complex process conditioned by various political and social changes taking place in Serbia and the world in the decades that preceded it. Officially the process began as early as 1985, when the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia submitted a Tentative List of 18 potential cultural and natural properties. These included Gračanica and Dečani, the 14th-century medieval monasteries founded in Kosovo by Serbian kings Milutin and Stefan of Dečani. The process was fraught with difficulties. The SFRY, the state that had nominated these monuments, fell apart in 1992, and Serbia, which then became a part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, was left without membership in the 78 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija UN and UNESCO. In 1998–1999 armed conflicts broke out between Yugoslav forces and Albanian separatists; from March to June 1999 NATO carried out an air campaign against Kosovo and other parts of Serbia. After the bombing campaign ended, the most important Serbian churches and monasteries in Kosovo and Metohija were protected from physical destruction by NATO soldiers, i.e. KFOR. However, at the 28th session of the World Heritage Committee in 2004, although the Committee’s advisory body ICOMOS made substantial changes to the Serbian explanation of its universal value, the Dečani Monastery was inscribed on the World Heritage List. Immediately thereafter, the process of extension of the inscribed heritage site began: Gračanica, the Patriarchate of Peć and the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviša near Prizren were added to Dečani after being nominated by Serbia under the collective name Serbian Medieval Monuments of Kosovo and Metohija. Two years after the inscription of Dečani, at the Committee’s 30th session the extension was accepted, but with significant corrections made by ICOMOS. The collective name of these properties was partly altered, and these three active Serbian monasteries and one church in Kosovo and Metohija were renamed Medieval Monuments in Kosovo. At the same session of the UNESCO Committee, they were placed on the List of the World Heritage in Danger, where they remain to this day. This two-decades-long inscription process proceeded under various unfavorable circumstances. The country that had submitted the initial nomination was changed four times: until 1992 it was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; from 1992 until 2003 it was the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; from 2003 until 2006 it was the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, and since 2006, the Republic of Serbia. In terms of the international political position of the applicant state, the period 1986–1992 seems to have been the most favorable for having Gračanica and Dečani inscribed on the World Heritage List. After the breakout of the wars in former Yugoslavia, the sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and especially the NATO campaign in 1999, the international position of Serbia and the interpretation of the value of its heritage in Kosovo and Metohija were fundamentally changed. The nomination process was re-launched after Serbia regained membership in the UN and UNESCO, but was once again shaped by international political circumstances. In view of the difficult conditions they continue to face in Kosovo and Metohija, the inscription of Dečani and the later addition of Gračanica, the Patriarchate of Peć and the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviša gave rise to unfounded optimism in Serbia – optimism embodied in the platitude that that these sites were ‘under UNESCO protection.’ ICOMOS’s very generalized argumentation of the selection criteria and its misrepresentation of Serbian medieval monasteries and churches in Kosovo and Metohija (of which Dečani, Gračanica, the Patriarchate of Peć and the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviša are but the most prominent examples) as belonging to the Byzantine rather than Serbian heritage has paved the way for another, frequently distorted interpretation that deviates both from historical facts and the standards of modern scholarship. This is particularly noteworthy in view of the fact that the self-proclaimed state of Kosovo applied for membership in UNESCO in 2015. Al- serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija 79 though this application failed to win the necessary majority of votes in the UNESCO General Assembly, there is no doubt that its attempts to gain full membership will continue. In the event of a successful application, the heritage labeled as Medieval Monuments in Kosovo – which with great effort and despite many challenges Serbia succeeded to have inscribed as its most valuable heritage – will be given, officially at least, to those who deny its value and importance – the very same value and importance verified by the UNESCO World Heritage Committee. Vladimir Džamić Serbian Monumental Heritage in Kosovo and Metohija in View of Contemporary Cultural Heritage Theories The destruction, endangering and repurposing of monuments that inevitably transforms them and fundamentally alters their identity are familiar historical phenomena. Such changes are usually the result of an intention to suppress or replace the ideas embodied in the monument. Serbian monuments in Kosovo and Metohija have suffered damage for centuries, and especially and almost without interruption since the end of the 17th century. As they continue to be exposed to threats, this is evidently an enduring phenomenon which only changes its manifestations and actors. The late 20th century has witnessed more brutal and extensive destruction. In the wake of the armed conflicts of 1999 and as a sign of Albanian dominance in this territory, the destruction of Serbian cultural, spiritual and religious heritage has gained momentum. As the heritage of others, unacceptable to the new political community, this heritage was not only exposed to physical threat and savagely destroyed, but was also given a different (inappropriate) interpretation and treatment: it was misrepresented as Albanian, neglected as unwanted, and used to suit the needs of current politics. The erasure or transformation of monument meanings is particularly conspicuous in the case of intentional monuments, i.e. monuments erected in honor of an idea or a historical figure. The current community changes them to indicate which chapters in their history it would rather forget. Monuments commemorating the anti-fascist struggle have been destroyed; cases of interventions meant to superimpose symbolical meanings (i.e. repurpose the monument) have also been recorded. For example, in Priština members of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) were buried in the Partisan Cemetery after 1999, while in 2006 Ibrahim Rugova, the first president of the self-declared Republic of Kosovo, was also laid to rest there. The Monument to the Revolution in Priština (1961) was painted over in the colors of the flags of the countries that have recognized Kosovo’s independence. A negligent attitude towards the monuments that commemorate their anti-fascist past is characteristic of all regions of former Yugoslavia; however, direct destruction and re-contextualization in the Albanian community of Ko- 80 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija sovo and Metohija indicates an identity crisis in this society. In this sense, the first intentional monuments targeted by the Albanian community included the monuments that evoked the Serbian medieval past – the monument to Prince Lazar in Gnjilane and the monument to Miloš Obilić in Obilić. In the postwar period in Kosovo and Metohija, it was the Serbian medieval monuments that suffered the greatest damage. Official presentations of this heritage provided by the cultural institutions of the so-called Republic of Kosovo tend to obfuscate historical facts about their origin, evolution and current condition, creating a distorted portrayal of the cultural developments in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija and using it to create new identities. The numerous medieval monuments that have been subjected to these misinterpretations and abuses include the Church of St. George in Rečani, the Tamnica Church in Ajnovci, the Church of the Mother of God in Vaganeš, and the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviša in Prizren. The case of the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviša is a paradigm of the changed attitude of the contemporary Albanian society toward Serbian medieval monuments. Interpretations of this Prizren temple offered by Albanian institutions clearly show: 1) suppression of some of its layers of heritage – the best-preserved layers that are indicative of its Serbian past; and 2) appropriation of this heritage by emphasizing either fictional or real historical layers pointing to its Illyrian or Ottoman past as the desirable pillars of Albanian national and religious identity. In view of the fact that this church has been attacked on several occasions since 1999, this heritage appropriation trend seems to have begun after the inscription of the Church of Our Lady of Ljeviša and another three medieval monasteries in Kosovo and Metohija on the UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger. These heritage sites were inscribed on the UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger because they were treated as unwanted in the present-day society of Kosovo; on the other hand, it is precisely their inscription that makes them worth remembering in the self-proclaimed and allegedly pro-European state of Kosovo. Such characterization transforms these monuments into prime examples of dissonant heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, given that different groups interpret them in different ways, i.e. do not ascribe to them the same values and meanings. These discordant interpretations are an indication of their vulnerability, i.e. of the social violation of their semantic integrity. The physical destruction of monuments, the distortion of historical facts and fabrication of new interpretations for political purposes are nothing new. In these cases of contemporary endangerment, however, obfuscation and appropriation of the identity of a number of monuments seems particularly thorough and systematic, giving a new dimension to the vulnerable state of cultural heritage – historiographical and presentational falsification of its identity. This semantic endangerment warrants a special treatment in the system of heritage protection. Due to its presence in other parts of the world as well, it has attracted the attention of researchers and has led to the emergence of new theoretical approaches to prevent it. Contemporary theories on heritage sug- Serbian artiStic Heritage in KoSovo and MetoHija 81 gest that the monuments’ value and protection should be determined in proportion to their potential to testify in a modern context to past events they have ‘witnessed.’ In heritage science, ideal protection includes comprehensive treasuring, i.e. the conservation of the material evidence of its meaning – the monument itself, as well as preserving the process of testifying about the monument as a way of ensuring remembrance. In this way, new documents are created and brought together, which indicate the monument’s contemporary value and level of (ab)use as well as its ongoing physical and semantic changes. Therefore, it is important to understand the significance of the creation of modern, comprehensive databases that would neglect none of the monument’s pasts nor its present condition and knowledge about it, and would be continuously updated with the creation of new documents. Their development would facilitate scientific research of monuments and dissemination of new information about the pasts it bears (or has borne) witness to. On the other hand, lack of comprehensive documentation makes the process of restoration of damaged and destroyed monuments, as well as their presentation and promotion, even more difficult. The creation of heritage documentation could also make more difficult, render pointless or help prevent heritage falsification and destruction, which is another aspect of its importance. Jelena Pavličić 82 serbian artistic Heritage in Kosovo and MetoHija C ATA LO GUE Peć and koriša i I.1. angeLs in tHe HeavenLY LitUrgY; aPostLe Peter; arcHangeL MicHaeL and an UnKnown HoLY MonK Fresco in the hermitage of St. peter of koriša near prizren he irst layer of paintings, end of the 12th or beginning of the 13th century; the second layer, mid-14th century; a copy Copied by Dragomir Jašović, Ljubomir Brajović, Petar Balabanović, 1967 Linen canvas, stick-b, casein tempera, 2.14 × 2.20 m Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_905 Two layers of frescoes are preserved on the walls of the Hermitage of St. Peter of Koriša. he older paintings are visible at the level of the dado and two zones above it. Scatered across the highest parts of the cave walls, four rows of later painted representations, smaller in scale, have survived. In the irst layer, in a shallow niche in the north-eastern section of the hermitage, a rather damaged bust of a holy monk can be made out, along with two other igures which are turned toward the sanctuary with the Deesis. Archangel Michael comes irst, clad in imperial robes, holding a sphere in his let hand and in the right, likely, a staf. Behind him, the remains of the igure of St. Peter with a scroll and three keys in his let hand, can be discerned. his representation, of the Apostle holding the keys to Heaven, is based on the writings from the Gospel of Mathew (XVI, 18–19). he second layer, bellow the bust of Christ the Ancient of Days and half-length images of prophets placed in two rows, holds 88 CAtAlogue a procession of angels, deacons and priests, carrying liturgical objects – all of them partaking in the Heavenly Liturgy. his theme, showing the asomatoi performing the liturgy in the heavens, is encountered only in frescoes of the inal chapter in the history of Byzantium, during the Palaiologan epoch. Strong lines, bold colors, and two-dimensionality are the hallmarks of the earlier paintings. he later ones, in which a harmonious color scheme prevails, are severely damaged. he remains give an impression they were made with great care, with much efort invested in giving the igures ine proportions and movements and life-like quality, as well as in painting the drapings and the details such as clothing ornaments or wings of angels. Literature: Ђурић, Живопис испоснице Петра Коришког, 173–200; Стародубцев, Представа Небеске литургије, 388. Tatjana Starodubcev Peć AND KoRIšA 89 I.2. tHe DeeSIS Fresco in the hermitage of St. peter of koriša near prizren, end of the 12th or beginning of the 13th century, a copy copied by dragomir Jašović, ljubomir brajović, petar balabanović, 1967 linen canvas, stick-b, casein tempera, 2.21 × 2.22 m gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_907 he Hermitage of St. Peter of Koriša is located in a gorge above the village of Koriša near Prizren. It is a small cave, with only a few modiications made by human hands. One enters it from the south, the only walled part. here, St. Petar of Koriša, a Serbian hermit, was laid to rest in a grave hollowed out in the cave’s northern section. Two layers of frescoes are preserved on the cave walls. he older paintings, made thanks to the followers of St. Petar of Koriša, are found at the level of the dado and two zones above it. In the altar space, in the upper register, is a composition called the Deesis. It depicts an enthroned Christ, with the Mother of God on his right and St. John the Forerunner on the let, both standing, their hands in prayer to their Lord. he Deesis was not a common theme to be found in the upper part of a sanctuary, but it was painted in numerous churches of the Eastern Christian world, in accord with its liturgical signiication. Being a concise representation of the Last Judgement, it carried an 90 CAtAlogue eschatological meaning and so was also painted in places of inal rest. Unusually, St. John the Baptist of the hermitage by Prizren has his arms crossed on his chest in supplication. his stance was used to communicate certain virtues a monk should possess, such as obedience, humility and piety. Strong lines and rather bold colors prevail among the older frescoes of the hermitage. he outlines and creases of the drapes, characters and their features, as well as the ornaments, are all drawn by brown brush strokes. he igures are two-dimensional, robed in fabrics painted without shading and with folds made in such manner that the lines do not follow the bodies’ shapes or moves. A similar lack of volume can be seen in their faces which are painted in ochre with grey shadows and irregularly applied blush. Literature: Ђурић, Живопис испоснице Петра Коришког, 173–200; Стародубцев, Питања уметничких утицаја, 49–56, 67. Tatjana Starodubcev Peć AND KoRIšA 91 I.3. ARCHBISHoP NIKoDIM’S tYPIKoN peć, archbishop’s Scriptorium, 1318/1319 parchment, 180 fols. 170/175 × 210/220 mm (based on the reconstruction by professor Đ. Trifunović) he original (NLS 6) was destroyed in the German bombing of the National Library (April 1941). Photography, 130 × 180 mm, Archives SASA, no. 473 Immediately ater he had become the head of the Serbian Orthodox Church (1317), Archbishop Nikodim translated the Jerusalem Typikon of the ‘basic redaction’ indented for the church, and not the monastic brethren (1317–1318). he new archbishop was led by a desire to ‘inish what was let undone,’ to fulill the will of the irst Serbian archbishop St. Sava and provide the Serbian Church, which already had disciplinary typika, with a liturgical one, in accord with the ‘constitution’ by St. Sabbas the Sanctiied. Seeing three patriarchs conducting a service following Jerusalem customs, had let a deep impression on Nikodim, then only hegoumenos on a conidential mission to ‘New Rome, Constantinople’ (1313). hus, a version of the Jerusalem Typikon from the Monastery of St. John the Forerunner (likely King Milutin’s endowment ‘Prodromos’) was brought from Constantinople to be translated. his was the irst Slavic translation of the said typikon, and numerous copies had been made until the fall of the Nemanjid’s state. All these details were writen down by Archbishop Nikodim in the historical introduction to the book (fol. 2r–4v): …azq smyreni nikodqImq. m(i)l(o)sti} vsedrq/itel] b(og)a. i mol(i)tvami s(ve)t(a)go savqI i s(ve)tqIhq htitorq. i s(ve)tqIihq s(ve)t(ite)lq srqpqskqIE zemlE. […] potq{ah' se a{e vqzmo/no ny;to malo 92 CAtAlogue isplqniti vq dni bogomq hranimago s(ve)torodnago pryvisokago. i krypkago samodrq/qca. i hrabrago kr(a)la <sty>fana ouro[a […] Egda /e vqzv%e&denq bqIihq na si s(ve)tqIi velikqIi prystolq s(ve)t(a)go savii. vsegda imyhq v' oumy pametq podviga i troud%a& wnyhq bl(a)/enqIih(q) i ;(q)st(q)nqIihq mou/ii. pa;e /e i ou;itel] i nastavnika na[ego s(ve)t(a)go savqI. vqslydqstvouE slovesem'. potq{ah' se pony maloE siE prilo/iti. poslahq vq c(y)s(a)rqskqIi grad%q& vq monastirq s(ve)t(a)go pryd%q&te;e i kr(q)st(ite)l] iwana. i prinesenq mi bqIs(tq) si tipikq Er(ou)s(a)l(i)mqskqI. i prylo/ihq i vq na[q EzqIkq. wt%q& pismenq grq;qskago EzqIka […] si /e tipikq napis(a)nq bqIs(tq) vq lyto .p=.w=.k=z. sl(q)n(q);(q)nago krouga .k=g. loun'nago /e krouga .ë= 7 indik'ta .v=. (I, humble Nikodim, by the grace of God, Pantokrator, and prayers of St. Sava and the holy ktetors and holy bishops of the Serbian land […] have done my best, as much as it was in my power, to modestly contribute, in the time of the God-protected, Noble, Divine and Mighty sovereign and brave King Stefan Uroš […] Since I had been raised to this high and holy seat of St. Sava, the memory of the deeds and eforts of the blessed and honorable mans have always been on my mind, and even those of our teacher and tutor St. Sava do I follow in words, [and] so I have done my best to make this small contribution. I sent for [the Typikon] in the Monastery of St. John the Forerunner and Baptist in the emperor’s city, and brought to me was this Jerusalem Typikon. From the Greek tongue I have translated it to our own. his typikon was put down in the summer of year 6827, 23rd solar cycle, 6th lunar, indiction 2). he Jerusalem Typikon itself is made of three sections: the general part (fol. 11r–30v), the part with the calendar of saints (fol. 30v–123r) and the part from Triodion (fol. 123r–169v), at the end of which there is a short overview of changeable songs. he book ends with an epistle by Nicholas Gramatikos and a moral from John Chrysostom (fol. 171v–177v). On a folio which was later added, one can ind Nikodim’s Paschal’s Table (fol. 177v–179v), which pertains to the period between 6826 and 6860 since the creation of the world (1318–1352). Using the uncial non-calligraphic script from the time of King Milutin, the book was writen by an experienced scribe, the same one who participated in the making of the Sarajevo copy of St. Sava’s Nomocanon (fol. 51r). From his somewhat archaic orthography (Serbian redaction, Rascian orthography) and language mistakes he had made due to declining atention, one can tell the scribe was older. He used brown ink for the text, and cinnabar for the titles and initials. As time went by, the rulers and archbishops who had passed away, up until the time of Prince Lazar’s reign, were being noted down in the typikon, on the margins of the calendar (archbishops: Sava I, Sava II, Sava III, Arsenije, Joanikije, Jevstatije I, Jevstatije II, Jakov, Nikodim, Danilo II; patriarchs: Joanikije, Sava IV, Jefrem, Simeon the Myroblite, and emperors Dušan and Uroš). Although it is especially signiicant, the book is modestly decorated using a single cinnabar colored lag with interlaces and a cross in the centre which are found at the beginning of the typikon, above its large title (fol. 11v); the initials are simple: the larger ones are embellished with triangular decorations at the end of the leter body characteristic of the period of King Milutin’s reign; the parchment is made of rather rough leather. Literature: Даничићъ, Рукописъ архиепископа Никодима, 189–203; Мирковић, Типик архиепископа Никодима (1957) 12–19; ibidem (1958) 69–88; Сава, епископ, Први превод, 271–276; Типик архиепископа Никодима I–II; Савић, Лексичке особине; Турилов, О датировке, 43–62. Viktor Savić Peć AND KoRIšA 93 I.4. tHe lID oF PAtRIARCH MAKSIM’S SARCoPHAguS patriarchate of peć, 1680, a copy cast by Stoiša veselinović, 1971 plaster, casting, 2.20 × 0.95 m inscription: †sQ grwbq prywsvy{enÍnagw patrVarha 0 pes'kago ha/Ji kVr(q) maKVma prystavQ se 0 vq letw zr*9 m(e)s(e)ca w<k>twvrJa # 0 bUdQ emU vy;na pam(y)tq sx vasemQ pravydnQmQ amInq 0 gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_1114 Several heads of the Serbian Church have been laid to rest in the Patriarchate of Peć. Patriarch Maksim’s sarcophagus was placed along the southern wall of the Church of the Holy Mother of God Hodegetria, in front of the Church of St. Nicholas, where the porch used to be. Patriarch Maksim, born in Skopje, was the Archbishop of Peć and Serbian Patriarch between 1655 and 1674. Devoted to the afairs of the Church, he took care there was no trouble with the Turkish authorities. His contemporaries saw him as the pillar of culture and education, as he gathered around himself ‘teachers, and men of leters and books’. He took special care of the Church of St. Nicholas, the endowment of Archbishop Danilo II, which was renovated and repainted during his years of service. Following a stroke he sufered in 1669, the very sick Patriarch spent his inal years in the Patriarchate of Peć. His duties were taken over by then young Peć prior Arsenije, who was to become Patriarch Arsenije III Čarnojević. Patriarch Maksim died on October 30, 1680, to which testiies the engraving on his sarcophagus’ lid. With its shape and constituting elements, the sarcophagus is made in the tradition of 94 CAtAlogue the Peć medieval sarcophagus making. Given that in times of Patriarch Maksim old masons were no longer working, the coin has a simpler shape. he three open sides of the platform were let untouched, while the lid, fashioned as a low rounded pyramid, has a Golgotha cross with cryptograms cut into it [between the arms of the cross: I$s h$s n$i k$a; top: I(isousq) n(azaryninq) c(arq) I(}deiski), sides: carq slavy; botom: m(esto) l(obnoe) r(ai) b(Qstq), sides: * и 2, possibly: s(vytq) h(ristovq) p(rosvy{aetq) v(syhq)]. Engraved in ten lines, below the cross is the epitaph (his is the grave of reverend Patriarch of Peć hadji kyr Maksim. He went before the Lord in the summer 7189, in the month of October 30. May he rest in eternal peace with all the just. Amen) A single rosete is hewn in along each of the longer sides of the lid (northern and southern), while the western side has two, with a cross between them. he eastern side of the lid was let intact. Literature: Записи и натписи IV, 189, no. 7039; Слијепчевић, Историја СПЦ I, 362–365; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 114–120, 286, 306. Bojana Stevanović Peć AND KoRIšA 95 I.5. St. SAVA, tHe FIRSt SeRBIAN ARCHBISHoP Fresco in the church of the holy apostles in the patriarchate of peć, ca. 1260, a copy copied by dragomir Jašović, 1983 casein tempera on primed linen canvas, 2.50 × 1.00 m inscription: %s(ve)tQ sava& gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_1270 In the lowest register of the sanctuary apse, irst Serbian archbishop, in which there are vison its northern side, the image of St. Sava ible deviations from the typical iconography. was painted as the last in a series of respect- he biggest diference is the absence of tonsure ed holy bishops. A prayer of the Anaphora – a traditional mark of the Serbian priesthood in is writen out on a scroll he holds [pomne{e mediaeval art. Another image of St. Sava of Seroubo sp(a)sxnoV} si} zapov(y)dq i vxsi bQv[a bia is also to be found in the proskomedia of za nQ – ‘Remembering, therefore, this command Peć’s main church – a grey-haired holy bishop, of the Saviour and all that came to pass for our his title of the Church head omited from the sake.’] he inclusion of St. Sava of Serbia into accompanying condensed inscription. the composition depicting the Holy Liturgy he representations of the bishops in the in the Church of the Holy Apostles in Peć sanctuary are the works of two artists. he represents a signiicant novelty in the Serbian painter who did the northern part of the Ofmedieval art. he ktetor of the church, archiciating Bishops and the image of St. Sava bishop Arsenije (1233–1263), Sava’s disciple seems to have had a great interest in and and successor at the throne, was the one who knew very well the main artistic approaches honored the irst Serbian archbishop in such of the mid-13th century. He was very good at a way. With this unusual depiction of the Ofimparting a life-like quality and expressiveiciating Bishops in which the most esteemed ness to the holy igures. Serbian Church head oiciates shoulder to shoulder with the greatest Christian liturgists, expressed were the most important tenets of Literature: Бабић, Литургијски текстови, 78, ig. 2; Тодић, Најстарије зидно сликарство, 28–30, the Serbian Autocephalous Church. ig. 6; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријарhe image of St. Sava of Serbia found in the шија, 33, 51, 54, 66, ig. 11, 12, 14; Војводић, Путеви sanctuary apse of the Church of the Holy Apos- и фазе, 49–73. Marka Tomić Đurić tles belongs to a small group of portraits of the 96 CAtAlogue Peć AND KoRIšA 97 I.6. PAul tHe APoStle AND ARCHANgel MICHAel, tHe ASCeNSIoN oF CHRISt Fresco in the church of the holy apostles in the patriarchate of peć, ca. 1260, copy copied by ljubomir brajović, 1965 casein tempera on prepared linen canvas, 2.79 × 1.94 m gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_777 he igures of Paul the Apostle and Archangel Michael are part of the composition of the Ascension of Christ, located in the dome of the Church of the Holy Apostles in the Patriarchate of Peć. he calote has Jesus Christ depicted in a circular mandorla with white circles scattered across it. The light aureole around the Lord is raised up by four angels. he Christ sits in glory on a rainbow and blesses the Holy Virgin and the apostles, who are painted below him in the drum. he central place on the eastern side of the drum is occupied by the heotokos presented in a peaceful stance, with arms raised in prayer and on a precious pedestal. Beside her are archangels Michael and Gabriel, who are pointing to the miraculous sight. Unlike the Holy Virgin, the apostles positioned between the windows of the drum observe with great excitement the ascension of their teacher into heaven. he remnants of the inscription [… ]ko vide sIe … n … [a na nebo] based on the text from he Acts of the Apostles indicate that the festive scene of the Ascension is in this example also enriched with the message of the Second Coming of Christ. 98 CAtAlogue he solemn and dynamic composition of the Ascension of Christ with its artistic accomplishments represents one of the most valuable works of the oldest fresco created around 1260, during the life of the irst ktetor, Archbishop Arsenije (1233–1263). Its creation was entrusted to two of the best painters counted among the most renowned of their time. By skilful drawing, with an outstanding sense of detail, predominantly favouring tonal painting, they executed a monumental entity of classicistic style. Ater the Church of the Ascension in Žiča and the Mileševa Monastery, the fresco programme in the dome of the Church of the Holy Apostles also included the Ascension, which points to the conclusion that Archbishop Arsenije accepted the programme solutions of his teacher St. Sava in the church he had designed to be his mausoleum. Literature: Тодић, Најстарије зидно сликарство, 32–34, ig. 3; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 36, 38, 40, 41, 43–44, 48, 60–62, ig. 20–25; Војводић, Жича и Пећ, 31, 45. Marka Tomić Đurić Peć AND KoRIšA 99 I.7. HolY CHAlICe FRoM tHe lASt SuPPeR Fresco in the church of the holy apostles in the patriarchate of peć, ca. 1260, copy copied by Časlav colić, 1983 casein tempera on prepared linen canvas, 0.46 × 0.40 m gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_1277 he Holy Chalice is painted within the depiction of the Last Supper, located in the northern part of the space under the dome of the Church of the Holy Apostles in the Patriarchate of Peć and belongs to the oldest layer of frescoes. he apostles with Christ are painted around a semicircular, so-called sigma table. On the table are three bowls – in front of the apostles are small loaves of bread, while in front of Christ, who is giving his blessing, is a tall chalice illed with wine. Its foot is pyramid-shaped, the narrow yet tall stem has two circular knops, while the vessel itself into which the drink is poured is wide and rounded. Vegetables and cutlery are also painted around the chalice. Based on the gospels of Mathew (26, 27–28), Mark (14, 23–24) and Luke (22, 20), it is known that at dinner Christ ofered the apostles a chalice of wine (ποτήριον, calix), saying: Drink rom it, all of you. his is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many for the forgiveness of sins (Mt. 26, 27–28). hus the wine chalice is an important iconographic detail of the depiction of the Last Supper, which also points to its Eucharistic signiicance and symbolism. Literature: Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 36–38; Тодић, Најстарије зидно сликарство, 19, 26; Медић, Стари сликарски приручници III, 295. Marijana Marković 100 CAtAlogue I.8. FISH oN A PlATeR, tHe lASt SuPPeR Fresco in the church of the holy apostles in the patriarchate of peć, ca. 1260, copy copied by Časlav colić, 1983 casein tempera on prepared linen canvas, 0.50 × 0.70 m Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_1278 he ish on a plater was pained as part of the Last Supper scene in the northern part of the space under the dome of the Church of the Holy Apostles in the Patriarchate of Peć. On the sigma-shaped table, with the apostles and Christ, who is blessing the food and wine, two covered platers are painted, along with one twice their size containing ish. he platter has a foot, a short stem and is decorated with four S-shaped volutes. here are vegetables around the plater and a tall glass illed with wine, as well as small loaves of bread meant for the apostles. Fish was a staple of medieval nutrition, especially in monastic circles, thus artists oten painted it on frescoes. Here, besides the bread and wine, it could also have had a Eucharistic meaning, alluding to paragraphs from the gospels of Luke (24, 41–43) and John (21, 9–13). Literature: Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 36–38; Тодић, Најстарије зидно сликарство, 19, 26. Marijana Marković Peć AND KoRIšA 101 I.9. ARCHBISHoP NIKoDIM, KINg SteFAN uRoš III DeČANSKI, YouNg KINg DušAN AND St. SAVA Fresco in the church of St. demetrius in the patriarchate of peć, 1322–1324, copy copied by milutin dragojević, 1984. casein tempera on prepared linen canvas, 2.60 × 2.72 m gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_1284 he fresco depicting the historical portraits is located on the southern wall of the western bay of the Church of St. Demetrios in the Patriarchate of Peć, the endowment of Archbishop Nikodim. Alongside Saint Sava, the only one with a preserved signature [s(vy)ы сава прьвы ар(q) хеп(i)с(ko)пь], the representatives of supreme church and state authorities are depicted. he ceremonial robes and insignia they were painted with show a number of novelties or special features which will not be repeated. No models have been found for the kalyptra of Archbishop Nikodim, or for the portrait of young King Dušan, depicted in a granatza the sleeves of which fall in the back and a western-type leur-de-lis crown. he crossed loros and a characteristically shaped crown also appeared in some later depictions of King Stefan Dečanski. he changes in the portraits were the result of copying modern imperial and clerical Byzantine costume, which was un- 102 CAtAlogue dergoing changes at the time. he red background adds to the representativeness of the depiction. As a visual expression of the harmony of spiritual and state government, the portraits are part of a broader fresco programme which in the western bay demonstrate the legitimacy of King Stefan Dečanski as a ruler and emphasizes the idea of the several centuries of continuous history of Serbian church. he images of Saint Sava and Dušan are well preserved, whereas the other two have faded to their basic drawings. Classicistic moderation, careful modelling and a propensity to detail testify to the fact that the painter Jovan, who signed his name in the Greek language, was part of the best trends of painting of the Palaiologan epoch. Literature: Тодић, Српске теме, 123–140, with earlier literature. Sanja Pajić Peć AND KoRIšA 103 I.10. SeRBIAN ARCHBISHoP DANIlo II AND PRoPHet DANIel Fresco in the church of the holy virgin hodegetria in peć, 1335–1337, copy copied by dragomir Jašović, 1982 casein tempera on prepared linen canvas, 2.14 × 2.80 inscription: даниль прђѡсвещени архиепископь вьсђхь српскыхь и поморьскыхь земльь приносить црьковь прђчистђи матери божиеи ѡдигитри приводимь великимь пророкомь данилѥмь gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_1267 he fresco depicts the ktetorial composition in the Church of the Holy Virgin Hodegetria in the Patriarchate of Peć, painted between 1335 and 1337. he scene is divided into two parts, executed on a two-toned background and framed in a simple red border. To the right is the church ktetor, Serbian Archbishop Danilo II (1324–1337), who together with his namesake and protector, Prophet Daniel, ofers the Holy Virgin his endowment. In the let part of the scene is the Holy Virgin on the throne with Christ in her lap. hese two igures are depicted on the western side of the arch under the southern wall of the western bay. he botom part of the portion containing the depiction of the Holy Virgin is ruined. Next to the image of the Serbian archbishop on the fresco is a long inscription in the Serbian redaction of Old Slavonic, in white letters (Danilo, the holy archbishop of all Serbian and coastal lands ofers the church to heotokos Hodegetria Most Pure, to whom he is led by the great Prophet Daniel). he ktetor’s vestment is unusual. He is dressed in a yellow tunic, a dark blue analabos with crosses held in place by ribbons and a purple mantle decorated with loral ornaments and rivers. he ktetor’s leader, Prophet Daniel, is depicted in the usu- 104 CAtAlogue al iconographic manner. With his face turned to the ktetor, he is directing him towards the church patroness with his right hand. he depiction is characterised by a more archaic iconographic design of the ktetorial composition, characteristic of Serbian art of the 13th century, where a mediator takes the ktetor to the church patron. he distinctiveness of the Peć ktetorial composition lies in another iconographic detail – the church ktetor and his mediator are bringing the church to the Holy Virgin Hodegetria together. he ktetorial fresco in Danilo’s church dedicated to heotokos was made by the best artist of the multimember group who painted the church. He comes very close to and relies on the accomplishments of the artistic trends of the Palaiologan Renaissance. he style of this seasoned drawer is particularly characterised by large, almond-shaped eyes and the special way in which he models the the skin tones with transitions of ochre and green tones and white accents. Literature: Валтер, Значење портрета Данила II, 356; Пејић, Свети Никола Дабарски, 125; Гавриловић, Црква Богородице Одигитрије. Anđela Gavrilović Peć AND KoRIšA 105 I.11. oRIgINAl SIN AND BANISHMeNt FRoM tHe gARDeN oF eDeN Fresco in the narthex of the patriarchate of peć, 1565, copy copied by paul vincent in 1948 casein tempera on prepared linen canvas, 2.16 × 1.77 m gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_99 he fresco is located on the vault of the second northwestern bay of the narthex of the Patriarchate of Peć, painted in 1565 by the zographoi Andrija and Longin and their workshop. It takes up one quarter of the vault it shares with scenes from the Second Coming of Christ, the Parable of the Pharisee and the Tax Collector and the Parable of the Prodigal Son. he Garden of Eden is depicted as a garden surrounded by a wall with pillars. Four rivers low out through the openings in the wall, the waves of which pass into the slightly wavy lines of the landscape. Inside the garden are the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil and the Tree of Life. As in the same scene in Dečani, there is a male igure with a halo in the bough of the Tree of Knowledge, monochromatically painted and shown to the waist. he heptangular shape of the garden recalls the seven doors that lead to heaven, even though only one is painted. In the moment when Eve gives Adam the forbidden fruit, they are both wearing ceremonial clothing (‘made of light’), while Adam is also wearing a crown. he upright snake is tempting Eve, who is reaching for the tree of knowledge with one hand and giving the fruit to Adam with the other. 106 CAtAlogue On the let side of the composition is the depiction of the Banishment from the Garden of Eden. An angel with his sword raised is driving Adam away, who has already passed through the door of heaven, and Eve, who is following behind. In the banishment scene, they have already lost their clothes and, aware of their own nakedness, are covering themselves with leaves. he third scene, in the botom part of the composition, shows the consequences of the sin. Eve is next to her child in a crib, while Adam is ploughing the earth. Here the forefathers are depicted dressed, but in more modest clothing, of lesser spiritual power. With warm colours, on the edge between saturated and pastel, slight tonal gradation, its composition without pronounced dynamics in shape and movement, with an even rhythm of lines, the fresco from the narthex of the Patriarchate of Peć conveys the blissful atmosphere of the Garden of Eden. Literature: Марковић ( Ј.), Марковић (М.), Циклус Генезе, 329–330; Петковић (С.), Зидно сликарство, 96, 162–163, ig. 12; idem, О фрескама XVI века, 57–65. Nada Miletić Peć AND KoRIšA 107 I.12. PAtRIARCH JoVAN georgije mitrofanović, fresco in the church of holy apostles, patriarchate of peć, 1620, copy copied by verica marković, 1970 linen canvas, stick b, casein tempera, 1.85 × 1.26 inscription: pryws(ve){en'ni a'rhJep(i)sk(o)pq kr Jwanq gallery of Frescoes of the national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 27_1051 he portrait of Patriarch Jovan was painted by Georgije Mitrofanović in 1620 in a niche in the northern wall of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Peć. He painted it on orders from Patriarch Pajsije, who wanted to make a sort of cenotaph to immortalise the memory of his predecessor, killed and buried in Constantinople in 1614. his is indicated by the lengthy inscription, writen to the right of Jovan, penned by Pajsije himself: vq lyt(o) 7r@20 prystavi se pryws(ve){en'ni ar'hJep(i)sk(o)pq i g(o)sp(o)d(i)nq moi Jwanq  wbnovitelq s(ve)t(a)go mysta sego0 grob' /e ego bis(tq) vq c(a)rstvM}{omq ko(nq)stantine grade, bliz(q) eni kapJe, m(y)s(e)ca wk(tobrJa) då I 0 tako emM sqlM;i se po izvolenJ} b(o)/J}0 posledni pristavnik(q) velikoi cr(q)kvi i/(e) nesm(q) dws(to)inq nary{i se ar'hJep(i)sk(o)pq pasei0 W l}b'vi i MsrqdJa0 = His beatitude, the archbishop and my lord Jovan, the third to renew this holy place, did die in the summer of 7122 and his grave was made in imperial Constantine’s City, near Yeni Gate, on the 14th day of the month of October. So it came to pass by the will of God. he last keeper of the great Church, I who am not worthy to be called archbishop, Pajsije, with love and devotion. Patriarch Jovan is shown in his full igure, as a middle aged man with greying hair and beard, turned slightly to the let as he addresses the Virgin of Intercession, painted on the neigh- 108 CAtAlogue bouring pilaster. He wears the carefully depicted robes of an archiereus – a mauve sticharion with epimanikia, pink sakkos lined with green and decorated with triangular ornaments, an ochre hem trimmed with pearls and jewels, and a white omphorion with brown crosses. In his let hand, pressed to his chest, he holds a richly decorated Gospel, while his extend- son you bore that he may have mercy on my ered right hand holds an unfurled scroll with a rant and depraved soul. And receive this small conpoetic, calligraphically writen prayer to the tribution and miserable verses rom me and take Mother of God: † w pryneporo;naa g(o)spo/de them to your only son, so that I too might hear c(a)r(i)ce d(y)vo vl%a&d%Q&;%i&ce b(ogorodi)ce the blessed voice of him, the Bishop Christ – come i/e b(og)a slovo plqtJ} ro/da[i, vym%q& oubo hither you who are blessed by my Father, inhervym%q& ]ko nyst(q) bl(a)golypno ni /e dostino it the kingdom made for you since the creation of mne sJce gry[nomM i nepotrybnomM wbraz(q) the world. ;as(tq)nago tvoego zryti t(e)be pr%y&dlaga} he inely modelled igure showing certain porhod%a&taicM i m(o)l(it)v'nicM sq prydit(e);e} trait-like features, the reined colour choice for Iwannom%q& kq is(q) tebe ro/dennomM s(Q)nM ]ko the ceremonious robes, striking against the deep da m(i)l(o)stivq bMdet stran'noi i proka/en'noi blue fond, the slightly elongated proportions of moei d(ou)[i i primi maloe moe prino[enJe i the igure and the sure drawing reveal all properMbogoe penJe, i prinesi kq EdinorodnomM ti ties of the mature style of Georgije Mitrofanović s(Q)nM, ]ko da i azq sli[M bl(a)/en'na onogo and rank this work among the best portraits of gl(a)sa wt%q& v%la&d%Q&kqI h(ri)s(t)a prJidete Serbian priests from the time of Turkish rule. b(lago)sl(o)veni w(tq)ca moego naslydMite ougotovan'noe vam%q& c(a)r(q)st(v)Je wt%q& Literature: Petković, Zograf Georgije Mitrofanović, slo/enJa mirM 7 = O, most chaste Lady Empress 242; Сковран, Фреске XVII века, 345–346; КајмакоVirgin, Despoina Mother of God, who birthed the вић, Георгије Митрофановић, 96; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Word rom your body, I know, I do, neither up- Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 392–394; Јовановић right nor worthy enough am I, so sinful and small, (Т.), Књижевно дело патријарха Пајсеја, 328; Чанакto look upon your face I name you intercessor and -Медић, Тодић, Пећка патријаршија, 70–71. Zoran Rakić prayer-maker with John the Precursor before the Peć AND KoRIšA 109 I.13. CHRISt’S HeAD, A FAgMeNt Fresco from the narthex of the patriarchate of peć, 16th–17th century (?) 10.7 × 12.1 cm (20.5 × 22.6 cm) national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 26_2317 A fragment with Christ’s head, with the chin segment damaged and the halo partially preserved. here is a green ribbon in his hair. he outlines are auburn; the shadows are lightbrown, followed by light-ochre and with white highlights – the lines around the eyes and the nose. he fresco was located in the narthex, above the roof. Literature: unpublished. Aleksandra Nitić 110 CAtAlogue Peć AND KoRIšA 111 I.14. St. geoRge VITA ICoN icon from patriarchate of peć, fourth decade of the 17th century Tempera on primed canvas on board, 120 × 81 × 4 cm inscription: s(ve)tqIi gewrgJe belgrade, museum of the Serbian orthodox church he middle area with the image of enthroned St. George is separated by a rectangular, carved wooden frame ending in a Saracen arch, above which are four semispherical motifs and two Jericho roses. he saint is wearing a tunic and armor with a cloak, holding his undrawn sword with both hands. he outer parts are decorated with seventeen scenes from St. George’s Life, framed by a twisted band. he series begins in the upper let corner with the following scenes: St. George being taken before Emperor Diocletian, St. George being put in stocks, St. George being tortured on a wheel, St. George being kissed by an angel, and St. George being thrown into the ire. On the right side of the frame from up to the botom the following scenes are depicted: St. George having iron shoes put on (within which is the image of St. George in the dungeon), St. George being beaten over his mouth, St. George being beaten with a whip of ox sinew, St. George taking the poison, and St. George resurrecting a man, which is preceded by a prayer. At the let side of the frame are the following scenes: St. George being taken to a pagan temple to renounce Christianity, St. George bringing to Leontius his son, St. George being decapitated, St. George destroying the idols, and Christ bringing a wreath to St. George in the dungeon. At the very botom are the scenes of St. George reviving Glycerius’s ox and St. George baptizing the emperor’s daughter. he upper part of 112 CAtAlogue the background and the woodcarving are gilded. he wooden support and the painted layer are partly damaged. he icon is a work of one of the beter masters from a group of traveling artists rather skilled and well-gited, which on the bidding of Patriarch Pajsije painted a certain number of icons for the Patriarchate of Peć during the fourth decade of the 17th century. he same group illuminated the Belgrade Psalter – a copy of the Munich Serbian Psalter – between 1627 and 1630, and who also painted the frescoes in the Peć Church of the Holy Apostles (1633– 1634). Before that, in 1630, these painters worked on the frescoes in the monastery of St. Nicholas of Šiševo, near Skopje. What makes the Peć icon unique is the life cycle program underlining the martyrdom of St. George in numerous scenes depicting his sufering and miracles. he line is the dominant element of the author’s style, which lacks subtlety in shaping and adequately proportionating the igures. He also painted for the Patriarchate of Peć the vita icon of St. John the Forerunner, which is of somewhat smaller dimensions. Literature: Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 298, ig. 193; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Пећка патријаршија, 186–187, ig. 161; Матић, Српски иконопис, 136, 138–140, 454–455, ig. 140–142, cat. no. 201. Miljana Matić Peć AND KoRIšA 113 I.15. tHe DoRMItIoN oF St. SAVA AND tHe HolY MACCABee MARtYRS double-sided icon from patriarchate of peć, fourth decade of the 17th century Tempera on board, 44 × 33.6 × 2.5 cm inscriptions: UspenJe s(ve)tago savqJ srp(s)kIi naU;itelq5; s(ve)tqi makaveI belgrade, museum of the Serbian orthodox church he funeral service for St. Sava of Serbia (January 14/27) is shown on one side of the icon, with the inscription describing it as he Dormition of St. Sava the Serbian teacher. Over the catafalque of the deceased, the funeral service is served by the archbishop (Arsenije?), dressed in a phelonion with an omphorion, depicted as reading from the open Book of the Gospels. Next to him is Bulgarian Emperor Ivan Asen II, with a short brown beard and hair. He wears a divitision with loros and a closed crown on his head. Bishops, monks, noblemen and the people stand in the background, their faces expressing sorrow. One cleric holds a censer high up in his let arm, touching it with the other hand. On the right side the walls and roofs of a town are shown, while on the let a façade of a high ediice with a triangular pediment is depicted. he ktetorial inscription on St. Sava’s catafalque says: doroteJ polatar sJ} ikonU plati 5 (Dorotej court administrator paid for this icon). On the icon’s other side the full igures of the seven holy Maccabee martyrs – Abim, Antonius, Gurias, Eleazar, Eusebonus, Alimus and Marcellius – are depicted. hree of them stand in the irst row, and two in the second and third, respectively. hey all wear tunics and cloacks, each with a cross in right hand, and wreaths on their heads. In the upper let corner their teacher Eleazar is shown and in the let, their mother Solomonia, who perished with them. At the top of the painted surface, in a double, rhom- 114 CAtAlogue boid mandorla, Christ (Is# hs#) is shown giving blessings with both hands to the sides. In the cross in the nimbus the leters & w % (Greek ὁ ὤν– He who is, Ex 3, 14; Rev 1,4) are inscribed. he upper part of the background and the frame on both sides were gilded. he painted surface is partly damaged and destroyed. Since the making of the icon was paid by Dorotej ‘polatar,’ a senior oicial at the patriarch’s court, it is certain that it was created at the Patriarchate’s seat. he Peć icons of the Lamentation and the Dormition of the Mother of God, Nativity, he Meeting of the Lord, Resurrection of Lazarus and the Descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Apostles were also ascribed to the same author. As none of these works were signed nor was the year of their creation given, they are dated to a period between 1627 and 1634, i.e. from the time the group to which the author of the Funeral service for St. Sava and the Holy Maccabee Martyrs belonged began working on copying the miniatures from the Munich Serbian Psalter, until the painting of the walls of the Church of the Holy Apostles in the Patriarchate of Peć was completed. Literature: Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 298, ig. 196; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Пећка патријаршија, 186–188, ig. 162–163; Матић, Српски иконопис, 145–147, 164, 166–167, 303, 306–307, 365, 456, ig. 160, 188, 341, 346, cat. no. 204. Miljana Matić Peć AND KoRIšA 115 I.16. StS. CoSMAS AND DAMIAN VITA ICoN icon by painter radul from the patriarchate of peć, 1673/1674 Tempera on wood, 98.5 × 85.5 × 4 cm (including carved frame) inscription: st+qI koz'ma; st+qI damJanq belgrade, museum of Serbian orthodox church Painted in the central ield of the icon are the standing igures of Holy Anargyroi Cosmas and Damian holding medical paraphernalia. At the botom is a ktetor inscription which states that the icon was painted in 1673/1674 on an order from Patriarch Maksim, through the means of his nephew, hieromonk Visarion: sqIa ikona sapisa se povelynJem(q) pryws(ve){en'nago patrJar'ha kr(q) haNi maKima trMdomq i mazdo} Ier'monah(a) visariwna sestri:a s(ve)tago kr(q) haNi maKima b(og)q da ga prostqI v l(eto) 0zr*2 = this icon was painted on the order of his beatitude the patriarch, kyrios hadji Maksim, through the labours and gits of hieromonk Visarion, nephew to holy kyrios hadji Maksim, God’s mercy upon him, in the summer of 7182. he inscription ends with the signature of painter Radul, writen in cipher: cTZhox chpl} kclwPvPn Kn zcn[eTzl (= radMlx rMko} prostite me gre[nago = by the hand of Radul, have mercy on sinful me). he arched segment at the top of the icon features the Deesis, with the busts of Christ using both hands in a blessing, the Mother of God and St. John the Precursor. he vita of Sts. Cosmas and Damian, illustrated in 16 compositions well laid out around the central ield, is the most comprehensive cycle with these saints in Eastern Christian art according to the number of scenes shown. Radul divided the vivid account of the miracles worked by the two holy 116 CAtAlogue healers into ive thematic groups. he irst three compositions show Cosmas and Damian’s healing work. he next three scenes present the story of the conlict between the two saints. hen follow two episodes about the miraculous healing of a camel and its appearance at Damian’s funeral. Next are illustrations of two posthumous miracles worked by the holy physicians and events related to the wife of Malchus, portrayed in detail in the ive inal scenes. The Peć icon of Sts. Cosmas and Damian has a very special place in Radul’s opus. Painted in the artist’s most productive period, not only does it integrate the experience he had hitherto acquired, its artistic qualities also make it one of the most beautiful Serbian icons of the 17th century. The participants in the lively tale of the two holy physicians are drawn with a sure hand, the forms meticulously modelled, the proportions slightly elongated, the stances and motion natural. The picturesqueness of the scenes is achieved using architectural and landscape backdrops and the odd detail, like the surprisingly faithful depiction of the camel. The decorativeness of the whole is effected thanks to the warm and true colour gamut, whose hues stand out like enamel against the golden fond. The luxurious appearance of the icon is enhanced by its carved and gilded frame. Literature: Ракић, Житијна икона, 53–61; idem, Радул, 75–82, 113–114, 160–161, with older literature; Матић, Српски иконопис, 142–145, 340, 500–501. Zoran Rakić Peć AND KoRIšA 117 I.17. tHe VIRgIN WItH CHRISt icon by painter radul, patriarchate of peć, 1677 Tempera on wood, 53.7 × 41.2 × 3 cm inscription: mi#r T#u; Is# hs# belgrade, museum of Serbian orthodox church he icon of the Mother of God with Christ, together with the icon of Christ and St. Nicholas, was part of the despotic icons of the iconostasis of the Church of St. Nicholas in Peć, whose mural painting was also done by icon painter Radul in 1673/1674. he slightly sunken central ield of the icon, golden in the upper portion, dark green in the lower, shows Mother of God Eleousa (Virgin of Tenderness) holding the Christ child with her right hand and embracing him with her let, her face pressed closely to her son’s. She is dressed in an abundantly draped dark red maphorion, whose decorated hem bears the 13th verse of Psalm 45 (44): resnimi zlati wdeana preisp{rqna = with robes interwoven with gold. Christ is dressed in a blue chiton and a profusely gilded brown himation. He holds a scroll in his let hand, while his right is touching his mother’s face. he carnation of both igures is light ochre with lazure strokes of white and rosy, while the areas around the eyes and the oval of the face are in deep olive-brown shadows. Certain slips in proportion, like the disproportionally small heads or the clumsily shortened foot of Christ are made up for by the markedly emotional relationship of mother and child, and the rhythmic, inely styl- 118 CAtAlogue ised lines that, following the contours of the Virgin's head, shoulders and elongated palms, close both igures into a harmonious ellipsoid composition. he beauty of this last of Radul’s signed works is enhanced by the successful choice of colour, like in Christ’s robe, whose golden hatching and relexes stand out strikingly against the deep red background of the Virgin’s maphorion. Two inscriptions have been preserved on the icon. he longer one, in uncial leters at the bottom of the painted fields, mentions Patriarch Maksim as the person who commissioned the piece: sJe temq(p)lo i ikone sapisah(q) povelenJemq pryws(ve){enago patrJarha kr maKima = this iconostasis and icons I painted on the orders of the most sanctiied kyr Patriarch Maksim. The shorter inscription, by the Virgin’s left shoulder, provides the year when the piece was painted and the painter’s name, writen in a secret alphabet: v ly(to) 0z.r.*.5. W h(risto)va .a.h.&.7. cTZhox rMko} = in the year of 7185, 1677 rom the birth of Christ, by the hand of Radul. Literature: Ракић, Радул, 33, 119, 172, with older literature; Матић, Српски иконопис, 90–91, 343, 513. Zoran Rakić Peć AND KoRIšA 119 I.18. goSPel BooKS oF luKe AND JoHN manuscript from patriarchate of peć, end of 13th– beginning of 14th century parchment, 402 fols., 355 × 270 mm belgrade, museum of the Serbian orthodox church, Peć 1 his manuscript is chiely recognisable by its large uncial script. he leters are between 15 and 18 mm high and the pages are illed with eleven lines each and only two texts – he Gospel book of Luke (fols. 1r–230r) and he Gospel book of John (fols. 230v–402v), without introductions by heophylact of Ohrid. herefore, it is the second part of a tetraevangelion, but the fate of the irst part is unknown: there was no lack of opportunities for it to disappear or be damaged, as evident from the history of other manuscripts authored by the same scribe. Anatoly Arkadyevich Turilov has atributed the Peć manuscript to a scribe he identiied in another three books: the Tetraevangelion from the original collection of manuscripts of the National Library in Belgrade, no. 102 (now in the University and Research Library in Erfurt, Germany); the destroyed Aprakos from 1329, originally in the Monastery of St. Paul on Mount Athos, of which only a few fragments have survived, now in Moscow and London; and the irst part of the Mihanović Homiliary (Zagreb, Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, III c 19). Because the scribe 120 CAtAlogue signed himself in the Tetraevangelion from the old collection of the National Library, we know that his name was Nikola. Nikola’s Gospel books of Luke and John is aesthetically impressive, but without illumination. Only the headings and geometric initials are done in red ink and decorated with triangles and dots, which is particularly characteristic of the age of King Milutin (r. 1282–1321). he outer corners of the codex, together with most of the gathering marks, were damaged by rodents. Previously, the book was cropped and rebound, with covers made from wooden boards and lined with unornamented leather. Several folios are missing, one of which is now in the National Library of Serbia, in the new acquisitions section of the collection of manuscripts of the Department of Archaeography (Rs 704). Literature: Мошин, Рукописи, 12–13; Јовановић-Стипчевић, Средњовековно писано наслеђе, 75; Младеновић, Недељковић, О Четворојеванђељу бр. 102, 59–76; Турилов, Милешевский Панегирик, 332, n. 16; Васиљев, Два непозната слова, 421–422. Vladan Trijić Peć AND KoRIšA 121 I.19. šIšAtoVAC APoStoloS Ždrelo, above the patriarchate of peć, 1323/1324 parchment, 226 fols., 206 × 168 mm belgrade, he Library of the Serbian Orthodox Patriarchate, No. 322 he Šišatovac Apostolos is one of the oldest preserved transcriptions of a complete praxapostolos of the Serbian redaction. he data about its creation was writen down by the scribe, hieromonk Damjan, in the colophon at the very end of the manuscript (fol. 226r– 226v): sii apostolq napisa se vq dqni blagorodnago kral] stefana ouro[a tretiEga v'syhq srqbqskQihq zem'lq i pomorqskQh, povelyniEmq arhiEpiskopa v'sehq srbqskQihq zemqlq i pomorqskQihq kirq nikodima, rouko} oubogaago i mnogogry[naago ;rqnorizqca dami]na, i nedostoinaago nare[ti se nq po milosti bo/iEi Er'monaha, Emou/e W;qstvo grobq, a bogatqstvo grysi, i paraklitnikq i whtaikq ou peki, vq grady rekomymq /(d)ryly, na slavosloviE svetyi troici vq lyt(o) qw#2 ( = his Apostolos was writen down in the time of Stefan the hird, the noble king of all Serbian lands and coasts, on the order of kyr Nikodim, the Archbishop of Serbian lands and coasts, by the hand of the poor and sinful monk Damjan, unworthy of being called so, yet by the grace of God a hieromonk, whose homeland is his grave, and his sins his wealth. Paraklitikos and octoechos were put down too in the town of Ždrelo, on the Feast day of the Holy Trinity, in the year of 6832). he Apostolos was completed between September 1, 1323 and August 31, 1324, in the town of Ždrelo, above the Patriarchate of Peć compound, on the order of Archbishop Niko- 122 CAtAlogue dim, and during the reign of King Stefan Uroš III. It is not known what happened with the manuscript until the 18th century, when it emerged in the Šišatovac Monastery in Fruška Gora, probably inding its way there during one of the migrations. Ater being kept for some time in Zagreb (1939–1946), the document eventually reached the library of the Patriarchate in Belgrade, where it remains to this day. It is writen in proportional proper uncial script without calligraphic pretensions (the basic content is penned in black ink, while the numbers and initial leters are red). he work of at least one other scribe (fol. 1r–5v), in addition to hieromonk Damjan, can be detected. he damaged binding with partially gilded ornaments dates from the 19th century. he Apostolos contains a complete text of praxapostolos (fol. 1r–182v), a full calendar (fol. 182v–224r), and appropriate readings (fol. 224r–226r). The ornaments of the Šišatovac Apostolos are entirely free from teratological elements, which is characteristic of the neo-Byzantine style which had began developing as of mid13th century in Southern Slavic manuscripts. The geometric-floral design style with repetitive interlace motif was employed in the drawing of a modest lag (fol. 1r), over three hundreds initials and four simpliied illustra- tions on the margins. he basic color of the illumination is red. he simple open ended Byzantine-styled lag is made of interlaced rings interwoven with two other ribbons. he twofold interlace, taken from the main ornament, frames the header and the cross on top of the lag. he basic color of the lag is red while its outlines are brown. Similar decorations can be found in other Serbian medieval manuscripts, as well as on decorative moldings in the churches of Moravian Serbia. he most numerous are the initials embellished with litle globes set in the middle of leter bodies or triangles on the caplines and baselines. More complex solutions involve letters with loops filled out with stylized half-palmetes. Certain initials, on the other hand, consist of calligraphic double and triple interlaces. Literature: Харисијадис, Заставица и иницијали, 373–381, ig. 1–13; Шишатовачки апостол. Kristina Miloradović Peć AND KoRIšA 123 I.20. MISCellANY oF St. tHeoDoRe tHe StuDIte manuscript from patriarchate of peć, 1350–1375 paper, 160 fols., 295 × 205 mm belgrade, museum of the Serbian orthodox church, Peć 92 he Miscellany of St. heodore the Studite, from the third quarter of the 14th century, was transcribed in uncial leters in the middle of the 14th century (the original text in black ink, and headings and initials in gold and red ink). Work of three scribes can be detected. One of them, Jovan, also let an inscription on fol. 95v: pomynite pisav[ago Iw(ana) vq s(ve)tQhq si m(o)l(i)t(q)vahq i prostite me gry[nag(o) (= Mention scribe Jovan in your prayers and forgive the sinful me). The final section of the manuscript (fols. 151r–160v), writen in the half-uncial script, was added in 1525/1526 in the Monastery of Dobrun, in the time of hegoumenos Maksim, as evident from the inscriptions on the last page (fol. 160v). 124 number of small-size rectangular ornaments, at the beginning of certain teachings, illed with horizontal, broken or spiral twigs (fols. 26v, 42v, 72v). he headpice on fol. 1r is a simple interlace of four ribbons bound together like a chain, each ending in a stylized lily. he headpiece is topped by a cross composed of two ribbons. he fresh colour scheme comprising bright red and golden yellow is quite striking. he motif of interlacing circles, present in Serbian manuscripts from as early as the end of the 13th century, was diferently interpreted in the 14th and 15th centuries within the framework of the ‘Balkan’-style painted ornament prevailing at the time. he manuscript contains teachings of heodore the Studite (fols. 1r–95v) and selected readings for certain feasts (fols. 96r–160v). he leather binding of the manuscript book comes from the 16th century. It is decorated with loral motifs within concentric, rectangular interlace frames. he painted ornaments in the collection comprise three headpieces (fols. 1r, 53r, 96r), several initials of geometric-floral character, mostly with the motifs of the half-palmeto or acanthus (fols. 16r, 96r), as well as a large Literature: Вуксан, Рукописи, 185–186; Мошин, Рукописи, 119–121, no. 110; Богдановић, Инвентар ћирилских рукописа, 33, no. 271. CAtAlogue Kristina Miloradović Peć AND KoRIšA 125 I.21. MeNAIoN WItH SYNAXARIoN NotICeS FoR tHe MoNtH oF JulY manuscript from patriarchate of peć , 1400–1425 paper, 300 fols., 295 × 220 mm belgrade, he Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Peć 42 he Menaion with synaxarion notices for the Month of July is writen in late uncial script with some half-uncial elements (the body of the text is in black ink and the headings and initials in red, today substantially faded). It was evidently produced by two scribes. In addition to the usual Christian feasts, the menaion also contains some local ones related to Constantinopolitan locales (Restoration of the Church of the heotokos of the Life-Giving Spring on July 9th) and feasts that originated on Mount Athos (such as that of Saint Athanasios of Athos on July 5th). here is an interesting inscription on the back board by a certain Mihailo, writen on June 2nd, 1702, about catching eels in the village of Naglavci in Metohija. Also mentioned in it is a certain deacon Jov: † Mvi mny gry[nomM m(ih)a(i)lM ;to sagry[ihq wka]n(e)nq. ouvi m(q)ne gry[nna d(M)[e mo] pa;e vqse ;l(ovy)ka1 zs! rokM ay2 m(e)s(e)ca J}nJ] 2 dqnM po[avq[i na naglavqcy M ;iv'lMkq eda bqI ko} egMl} ouvatiw da po[lymq bracM moemM kur(q) IwvM dJakonM i drMgM iskrqnnEmM (Woe is me, sinful Mihailo, for having sinned miserably. Woe is me; my soul is more sinful than that of all men: 7210 or1702, month of June, day 2. Leaving for Naglavci to catch a few eels to send to my brother, kyr Jov, a deacon and true riend). Naglavci is a village near the White Drim River, some 126 CAtAlogue iteen kilometres east of Peć, right next to Budisavci. he painted decoration in the manuscript includes a headpiece on fol. 1r and several ordinary, red initials (some with curves at the botom of the stem). he simple, semicircular headpiece of black base colour is illed with a stylised, green half-palmeto of red contours. It rests on schematised green-red, twisted ropes from which grow twigs that end in acanthuses. At the top of the headpiece is a cross composed of two interlacing ribbons carrying the letering Is hs=. he painted decoration of the menaion is in keeping with the ‘Balkan’ style, which lourished in South Slavic manuscript books during the 14th and 15th centuries. he handwriting is completely restored, except for the irst sheet (folio 1–1v). he leather binding is also from the time of the restoration. he front board features rhombuses with palmetoes in the corners, and the back board features the same ornament of a smaller size inside a frame. Literature: Вуксан, Рукописи, 162; Мошин, Рукописи, 66–67, no. 63; Суботин-Голубовић, Календари, 175–188. Kristina Miloradović Peć AND KoRIšA 127 I.22. DIoPtA manuscript from the patriarchate of peć, 1440s paper, 185 fols., 280 × 200 mm belgrade, museum of the Serbian orthodox church, Peć 101 Dioptra (Greek διόπτρα – mirror), a religiousphilosophical work by the Byzantine hermit Philip Monotropos, writen around 1100, was very popular among monks in the Late Medieval Period. It was translated into Serbian Slavonic in the middle of the 14th century. he Peć codex is a representative copy, transcribed in rather beautiful, uniform half-uncial leters and illuminated with two sumptuous headpieces (fols. 1 and 3). he headpiece on fol. 3 is rather remarkable. he central motif of the vase, from which green branches with lowers and red twigs radiate symmetrically, is framed with green and red rectangles. Surmounting the headpiece are two realistically painted birds facing each other. he inner margin of the page is deco- 128 CAtAlogue rated with a lush, stylised branch, whereas a somewhat smaller vegetable motif descends from the headpiece on the outer margin. Below the headpiece is the title rendered in elongated uncial leters with ligatures. here is another headpiece at the beginning of the manuscript. It is rectangular and contains a red and yellow loral interlace against a green background. Literature: Вуксан, Рукописи, 133–189; Мошин, Рукописи, 128–129; Харисијадис, Раскошни византијски стил, 222, ig. 18; Гроздановић-Пајић, Станковић, Датирање, 55; Суботин-Голубовић, Диоптра Филипа Монотропа, 123–135; «Диоптра» Филиппа Монотропа; Диоптра, in: Свет српске рукописне књиге, 335–336 ( Ј. Станојловић). Jovana Stanojlović Peć AND KoRIšA 129 I.23. 130 tetAeVANgelIoN manuscript from the patriarchate of peć, end of 15th century paper, 319 fols., 310 × 210 mm belgrade, museum of the Serbian orthodox church, Peć 8 he Tetraevangelion Peć 8 is writen in narrow, calligraphic half-uncial leters with forms from the 15th and 16th centuries (the body of the text in black ink, the number and initial leters of the titlepiece in red ink, and the number and initial leter of each chapter in blue ink). twining of tendrils is also evident in the initial z. he irregularly shaped interlaces in the corners of the initial are formed from loose knots, whilst the stem of the leter is adorned with alternating curves and rings of the same bright blue colour. he sumptuous interlace painted ornament in the manuscript comprises three headpieces and three initials at the beginning of each preserved gospel (fols. 58r, 131r, 250r). he rectangular headpiece at the beginning of the Gospel of Mark (fol. 58r) is dissected by white vine tendrils which form symmetrical heart-like ornaments. Growing from the vine are shoots with bright blue ive-petal lowers and schematised lilies. he entire interlace is richly embellished with small, red circles scatered among the lowers. he ends of the vines in the outer corners of the headpiece end in unusual, stylised lowers, whilst a lily is depicted at the very top of the headpiece. he ground is of pale green and golden colours clearly separated by ornaments. he he complex painted decoration based on innumerable variants of geometric-vegetable interlaces (such as a system of interlacing circles in several rows, with a rich leafy ornament – the headpiece on fol. 131r or the interlace initial v on fol. 250r) is characteristic of the painted decoration of the neo-Byzantine style and appears in numerous Serbian, Bulgarian, Greek and Russian manuscripts from the end of the 13th to the 17th century. CAtAlogue he leather binding of the manuscript is from a later date. Literature: Вуксан, Рукописи, 145; Мошин, Орнаментика, 295–351; idem, Рукописи, 18–19, no. 9. Kristina Miloradović Peć AND KoRIšA 131 I.24. 132 tHe VIRgIN WItH CHRISt Small bronze icon from the patriarchate of peć, 13th century bronze, gilding, 5.2 × 4.2 × 0.5 cm national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 26_2261 his icon shows the Mother of God (miår Tåw sic!) with Christ on her let arm. Christ is using his right hand in a blessing and holds a rolled scroll in his let. he proportions of the igures are poor, the features of the faces and hands rough, the folds of the draping simpliied and stif. he icon has a raised, proiled ‘frame’. wall of the Church of the Holy Apostles, built and painted under the patronage of Serbian archbishops St. Sava (1219–1234) and Arsenije (1234–1263). Skillfully executed in terms of crat; judging by style and inscription probably the product of a local, provincial workshop. Found in churches, small-sized objects like this litle icon belong to the sphere of private piety. he gilded icon of the Mother of God with Christ was stored in a cavity in the Literature: Mилoшевић, Бронзана иконица, 373–383. CAtAlogue Aleksandra Nitić Peć AND KoRIšA 133 I.25. 134 eNColPIoN WItH CHRISt PANtoCAtoR AND tHe VIRgIN oANS byzantium, mount athos (?), cameo 13th century; mount 17th century green jasper, cuting technique; silver, polychromous enamel, glass cameo 4 × 3,5 cm, bond 7, 2 × 6 cm belgrade, museum of applied art, inv. no 4588 he bust of Christ Pantocrator (I$s h$s) in high relief is shown on the green jasper cameo with red accents. On the conventional iconographic image of Christ who is blessing with His right hand, and holding a book in His let hand, covered by a cloth, His elongated face is treated with more care than the rest of the image. Details such as the straight accentuated nose, almond-shaped eyes, shaded beard, hair and hair parting, and the red surfaces of stone on the face and beard, represent the main aesthetic qualities of the cameo which, as a whole, can be considered a more modest work of art. Stylistically and chronologically this cameo can be connected to the image of Christ Pantocrator in green jasper from the Museum of Novgorod, to the group of cameos from Chilandar, but primarily to two green and red jasper cameos with Christ Pantocrator, from the 13th century. here is no doubt that all the forementioned works were produced in the same workshop, but it remains uncertain whether the workshop was located in hessaloniki or on Mount Athos. decorative stones and multicoloured glass. A golden round plaque with the bust of the Virgin Orans with the Christ child on her chest is placed on the back of the mount. he image is unskillfully drawn and has inaccurate proportions. he same type of enamel decoration encircles the plaque. he technique of wired enamel had regained its popularity in the 17th century and it is not rare in postByzantine art. It can be found in workshops in northern Greece, Serbia and in the work of goldsmiths from Ćiprovci in Bulgaria. An enkolpion from the twelth-thirteenth century is kept in the Chilandar monastery. Its mount is decorated using the same technique and green/blue enamel and it belongs to the 17th century. he cameo is mounted in silver sheet. On the front of the cameo, alongside the oval opening, is a spiral vine decoration with blue and green leaves, made in the cloisonné enamel technique. Cross-like spaces were made for Literature: Literature: Радојковић, Камеја са Христом Пантократором, 283–286; Popovich, An Examination of Chilandar Cameos, 7–49; Treasures of Mount Athos, cat. no. 9.11, 9.12, 332, 333. CAtAlogue It is assumed that the cameo was was mounted and as such, gited to a Serbian church dignitary. According to its previous owner, the cameo arrived in Peć, so there is a possibility it belonged to the treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć. Mila Gajić Peć AND KoRIšA 135 I.26. uNKNoWN SAINt carved wood icon originated in patriarchate of peć, 17th century wood, woodcarving, 8.00 × 14.60 × 1.30 cm national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 25_1716 A standing relief igure of a saint clad in bish- he features of the saint’s face were executop’s vestments, with traces of his initials on ed with great knowledge of anatomy, skillfulthe let and right side of the nimbus (p$tr ge$r ly rendering the facial expression. he igure or p$r Ie$r) is presented under an arched arcade. is elongated, and the drapes of the robes are he saint is standing on square stone slabs modeled sotly and elegantly. he artist, probshown in linear perspective. he icon was cut ably a Greek, was imitating Byzantine works from a single piece of wood and is decorated of art earlier than the 14th century. he stone with small, spiraling vines in the middle and slabs in linear perspective, the decoration on the corners of the frame. he vines are con- the frame and the rectangular ield meant to nected with thin straight lines. On the lower serve as a cartouche, reveal this small wood end of the frame is a rectangular space for an carved icon as a true representative of its era inscription, decorated at the sides. he style – the Baroque. he frame decoration is in design similar to the one on the painted icon of of the cuting is exceptionally ine. Patriarch Pajsije from the irst half of the 17th he initial, carved into at an unusual place – on century, which is kept in Ravenna. he Histhe nimbus – was done by an unskilled hand, torical Museum of Serbia has its copy. probably of a later date. he hardly legible Cyrillic leters have been read in various ways so that the saint was identiied both as St. Germanus, Literature: Рашка II, 12, Pl. VIII; Ћоровић-Љуthe patriarch of Constantinople, and as Holy бинковић, Средњевековни дуборез, 129–130, Pl. ХС; Иванић, Прикупљање икона, 120, 129, cat. no. 105. prophet Jeremiah. he robes are iting for both, Branka Ivanić since prophet Jeremiah was also a high priest. 136 CAtAlogue Peć AND KoRIšA 137 I.27. ePItACHelIoN WItH ARCHANgelS, DeeSIS AND SAINtS originated in patriarchate of peć, 15th century atlas silk, silver thread, gold thread, silk thread, 128 × 26.5 cm belgrade, museum of Serbian orthodox church, inv. no. Т/1147 he time when this epitrachelion was made was marked by the fall of the medieval Serbian state and the decline of the Patriarchate of Peć. However, high-calibre art objects were encountered in this period too. he epitrachelion exhibits the stylistic characteristics of church embroidery (a combination of goldwork and silk embroidery) of the best Byzantine tradition, with centres in Constantinople and hessaloniki. here is no diference in the materials used either: red atlas silk is the base and the embroidery is of silver and gold thread, supplemented with coloured silk thread. he surface of the mounting is largely covered in goldwork, but the ornamentation areas are not. he epitrachelion is damaged in the neck area as the nape segment is missing. It is comprised of two parts. The upper part shows half-length igures of archangels Michael [ο αρχ(άγελος) Μιχ(αήλ)] and Gabriel [ο αρχ(άγελος) <Γαβριήλ>]. Below them, in arcades, are representations of the Mother of God [Μ(ήτ)ηρ Θ(εο)ύ)] and John the Precursor [ο άγ(ιος) Ιω(άννης) ο Πρ(ό)δρ(ο)μος] in the Deesis stance of prayer. Another portion is sown onto the described area, which also has eight more embroidered depictions of distinguished saints in semi-circular domed arcades with the same type of pillar. Two are shown in each row: Peter [ο άγ(ιο)ς Πέτρος] and Paul [ο άγ(ιο)ς Παύλος], Basil the Great 138 CAtAlogue [ο άγ(ιο)ς Βα(σί)λ(ει)ος)] and John Chrysostom [ο ά<γιος> Ιω(άννης) ο Χρυσόστομος], Gregory the heologian [ο άγ(ιος) Γρηγόριος ο Θεολόγος)] and Nicholas [ο άγ(ιο)ς Νικολαος)], and John the Theologian [ο άγ(ιος) Ιω(άννης) ο Θεολόγος)] and Athanasios the Anthonite [ο άγ(ιος) Αθανασιος ο εν τω <Αγιοω Ο>ρη τω(ν) Αθω(ν)]. he inscriptions are in Greek. In the corners, outside the arches of the arcades, are stylised plant scrolls. Between the irst and second row of saints there is a thin strip decorated with a plait. Below it is a wider band illed with equilateral crosses in circles, connected with smaller circles. Between them are half-palmetes. his last ornament appears again between the second and third row of saints. The entire epitrachelion is embroidered on the same dark red silk (with silk thread couching) with gilt and silver threads, which are used for the drapery and surrounding ornamentation, while the faces, hair and beards are embroidered with silk thread. he colours of the silk thread used are ochre, brown, green and red. Literature: Каталог ризнице, 13–14, Pl. IV; Стојановић, Уметнички вез, 50; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 333. Biljana Cincar Kostić Peć AND KoRIšA 139 I.28. 140 ANtIMeNSIoN oF ARCHBISHoP JoVAN PetRoVSKI patriarchate of peć, September 1514 drawing, linen canvas, colored ink, 59 × 51 cm inscription: si с(vy)тi б(o)ж(q)ств(q)ни жр%q&тв%q&никь г(ospod)а б(og)а i сп%a&са н%a&шего Iс(o)u(са) h(ri)s(t)a с(vy)щено деiствова се вь hrame с(vy)т(a)го ар%q&хiереа х(risto)ва niколi рѹкою вьсеѡсещеиаго арxхiп(i)скѹпа кѵр(q) іѡаиа петровqскаго. national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 2459 (he antimins is currently loaned to the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church) he antimension dates from the time of Archbishop Jovan Petrovski, who held ‘the throne of St. Sava’ at the beginning of the 16th century. It was found in the Church of St. George in Prizren and was purchased by the Museum of Prince Pavle in the 19th century. church of Christ’s holy bishop Nicholas by the hand of the most sanctiied archbishop kyr Jovan Petrovski. On the right side a note on when the work was created was added: вь лѣт(o) z м(e)с(e)ц(a) сек(te)мврiа 8 днь (in the year 7023, the month of September, on the 8th day). he antimension’s composition is of a simple, archaic type, with no igures. Its ornament is an uncomplicated, thin cross at the center, composed of a twofold spiraled band, which also makes its base. he usual acronyms – I$s h$s n$i k$a c$rq sla$vi – surround it. Above the cross is the inscription I(isousq) n(azaryninq) c(arq) I(}deiski), whereas below the base, at the place of the scull, writen out is the abbreviation for Golgotha – g$q. A note on the consecration was writen along the antimins’ edges, serving as a frame for the central ield: his sacred Divine Altar of Our Lord God and Our Savior Jesus Christ was consecrated in the It can be assumed that the linen is older than indicated on the note because in the background of the leters writen in black ink, faded leters done in red ink can be discerned, while behind the central cross, traces of an older cross, turned by 90 degrees, can be made out. he antimension is strengthened on the back with thicker linen. CAtAlogue Literature: Суботић, Упутство,192–214; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 158, 349, n. 23; Вуковић, Српски јерарси, 241. Biljana Cincar Kostić Peć AND KoRIšA 141 I.29. 142 SIlVeR RINg WItH CABoCHoNS originated in patriarchate of peć, 15th century Silver, casting, engraving diameter at head 1.6 cm, diameter at band 2.3 cm, height 2.9 cm, weight 16.75 g national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 26_3453 A massive cast ring made of a wide band with buton-like knob at the botom, with two elevated cabochons on the shoulders. he medallion on the spherical head has a cross-like decoration impressed into its surface. Short parallel incisions adorn the edges of the head and, which is characteristic of such rings, the band below the head as well. (inv. no. 317). It seems that, although somewhat extravagant in shape, these rings were frequently worn in the post-Nemanjid Serbia. here are several known examples which are dated to the late 14th and 15th centuries. hese are kept in the museums in Kruševac and Jagodina, and the Museum of Applied Arts in Belgrade. Now kept in the Historical Museum of Serbia, the most well-known example of rings of this kind was found in Novo Brdo and has a bull horn helmet engraved into the ring head Literature: Милошевић, Накит од XII до XV века, cat. no. 111; Иванић, Накит, cat. no. 10. CAtAlogue Branka Ivanić Peć AND KoRIšA 143 I.30. BoWl oF VuKšA originated in the patriarchate of peć, 15th century Silver, repoussage, gilding, engraving, punching height 4.5 cm; diameter 14cm inscription: † sia Ca[a vouk[ina kto te piti nom pomozi mou b(o)/e belgrade, museum of applied arts, inv. no. 11176 Fairly deep round bowl with no stem, cracked at the botom, found near Peć. he round medallion that formed the centre of the elaborate Gothic rosete is missing. he inner surface of the bowl is decorated with a row of connected arches, inside which are large curved petals. here are stylised buds at the points where the arches meet. At the top of the bowl is a wide strip without any decoration, curving slightly outward. While the entire interior is gilt, externally gilding only accentuates a strip along the edge of the bowl, which carries the following inscription: his is the cup of Vukša. God help him who drinks rom it. Round shallow vessels of this type were known in medieval Serbia under the term čaša (cup), as conirmed both by inscriptions preserved on some and by numerous mentions in documents of coastal city archives, where they are listed in the inventories and deposits of aristocratic valuables. hough few cups from the 14th and 15th century remain preserved today, all are exceptionally representative and stylistically close to the works of West European goldworking. heir use was reserved for special ceremonies, toast- 144 CAtAlogue ing and the drinking of wine. Some were sovereigns’ gits to high nobles for loyal service, while others were commissioned merely to reinforce the image representing an individual's status and wealth. he name of the proud owner could be found carved on the bowl, with the usual invocation of a blessing on him who uses it, and oten on a round plate on the botom of the vessel too, which also carried the heraldic markings of the owner. he forms and motifs of Gothic art reached Serbia via the Adriatic coast and Hungary in the 14th and 15th centuries. Bowls were commissioned from masters who worked or studied the crat in the seaside workshops of Dubrovnik, Zadar or Kotor, but also from goldsmiths from West Europe, who came to medieval Serbia travelling where their business took them. his was a time of lourishing for the goldsmith trade, which let an artistic and stylistic stamp primarily on expensive jewellery and silver bowls. Literature: Радојковић, Миловановић, Српско златарство, cat. no. 37; Гајић, Сребрне чаше, 14–16, cat. no. 12. Mila Gajić Peć AND KoRIšA 145 I.31. SIlVeR BoWl WItH FloAl oRNAMeNtS originated in the patriarchate of peć, 16th century Silver, repoussé, chasing, piercing height 13 cm; diameter 2.7 cm belgrade, museum of applied arts, inv. no. 2908 A round shallow bowl without the foot. he botom is slightly accentuated and shaped so as to form a six-petal rosete with minute sharp leaves between the petals. he surface of the central medallion is illed out with a thick loral weaving. he same motif ills the ribbon which runs around the sides of the bowl, and the four decorative medallions, placed opposite each other. Such vessels were lourishing in Serbia under the Otoman rule, when they were produced en masse in crat stores in monasteries and town and trading centers. hey owed their popularity to the living memory of the glorious days of the Serbian medieval state, when such luxurious objects, used to make toasts and drink wine, had been exclusively reserved for the royalty and the highest nobility. he renewed thriving of Serbian goldsmithing in the 16th century, along with the inluence of the decorative motifs which came with the arrival of objects and cratsmen from the Ottoman Empire, caused the merging of tradi- 146 CAtAlogue tional goldsmithery with the contemporary decorative program that had become incredibly popular, not only in Serbia of the time, but across the entire Balkan Peninsula. The motif of the playful vine with bipartite leaflets, combined with lotus flowers and buds, is a part of the legacy of the Ottoman Empire (rumi-hatayi style) which had spread to all art forms, but mostly ceramics and metalwork. he competition between Iznik’s ceramics and Balkan products led to the creation of a whole series of exquisite objects, especially in the second half of the 16th and throughout the 17th century. Successfully combining traditional forms with local interpretations of contemporary motifs, these silver bowls made on the territory of Serbia represent the most important segments of the metalwork of the period. Literature: Denny, Iznik, 36; Гајић, Сребрне чаше, 56–58, cat. no. 28. Mila Gajić Peć AND KoRIšA 147 I.32. tABle BoWl WItH A CRoSS originated in the patriarchate of peć, 14th–15th century Fired clay, sgraito, paint, glaze height 6 cm, diameter 14.3 cm national museum in belgrade, inv. no. 2563 he most important ind among other earthenware discovered in the possession of the Patriarchate of Peć is a table bowl from the 15th century. It came from a local potery workshop, whose products exhibited properties of Byzantine ceramic ware from the late Middle Ages. Hemispherical body is set on a ring foot. As the main ornamental motif is a cross, it may be concluded to have been intended for monastery use. At the botom, it is decorated with the motif of interwoven crosses, in the style of the Moravan school, while the rim is bordered with a band with run- 148 CAtAlogue ning spirals. he technique used in the ornamentation, located internally in the vessel is coloured sgraito. he colours used are yellow, green and blue. he external side was not separately decorated, there is only some green paint and glaze extending into the upper third. Literature: Средњовековна уметност, 15, 93, cat. no. 168 (mentioned as a cup); Историја примењене уметности код Срба I, 22, 24, 26 (М. Бајаловић Хаџи-Пешић); Културно благо Србије, 165. Biljana Cincar Kostić Peć AND KoRIšA 149 BANJSa II II.1. CHRYSoBull oF tHe MoNASteRY oF St. StePHeN IN BANJSa banjska monastery, 1314–1316, 1317 Parchment, 96 fols., 210 × 270 mm Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Museum (Topkapy sarayi müzesi, Gayri islami kitapliği, ? 70) With this chrysobull King Stefan Uroš II Milutin gave legal form to his renewal of the Monastery of St. Stephen in Banjska, changed its status from the eparchy seat into that of a coenobitic community and bestowed it with various gits. he king used the same document to deine the monastery’s organization and its legal status. Milutin’s decisions were conirmed on the same document by King Dragutin and Serbian Archbishop Nikodim. he manuscript is either an original, made only ater the new archbishop, Nikodim, was appointed in May 1317, based on the drat of a chrysobull prepared before the death of King Dragutin (1316), or a transcript of King Milutin’s independent chrysobull with Dragutin’s conirmation, to which Archbishop Nikodim’s conirmation was added. he chrysobull was writen in uncial script and brown ink, with 12 lines per leaf. he initials and the formal signatures of Kings Milutin and Dragutin are done in cinnabar, while Archbishop Nikodim’s signature is in blue ink. he entire document, except for folios 27 and 28, was writen by the same scribe, whom A. A. Turilov identiied as Radoslav (Georgije), 152 CAtAlogue the copyist of King Milutin’s Hilandar Gospel Book from 1315/1316 (Hil. 1). At the end of the document is a note by Stefan Crnojević, from the end of the 15th century. he manuscript was encased in red leather, using the so-called French binding, at the end of the 19th century, when the book block was also trimmed. he initial dimensions of the leaves were 230 × 290 mm. On the internal sides of the front and back covers of the old binding were three places designated for seals. he chrysobull was found in the sultan’s treasury in 1889, by Jozef Korzienowski, a member of the Hungarian Royal Academy’s commission investigating there the antiquities originating from Hungary. At the urging of Stojan Novaković, then the Serbian envoy in Constantinople, Korzienowski made a tracing paper copy of the document, which is now kept in the Archives of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, the Old Collection, No. 495. Literature: Повеља краља Милутина; Бубало, Неколико запажања, 19–33. Đorđe Bubalo BanJSa 153 II.2. tHe VIRgIN oF SoKolICA marble sculpture in high relief, banjska monastery, 1312–1316, copy Cast by Dragomir Petrović, 1969 Plaster, 1,05 × 0,71 × 0,45 m Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1013 he sculpture of the Mother of God with Christ originally belonged to the Church of St. Stephen in Banjska Monastery near Zvečan. King Milutin built the church between 1312 and 1316 as a mausoleum for himself. he sculpture was discovered in 1920 in the church of the nearby Sokolica Monastery, where it is still to be found today. Because of this it is known under the name of the Mother of God of Sokolica. It is believed that initially it stood in the lunete of the interior portal which connected the narthex with the nave, following the example of the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica, where one such sculpture was positioned above the western portal. he Mother of God is siting on a round cushion on a throne with a high, rectangular back. he throne is decorated with a vegetative ornament in low relief. Litle Christ, who is giving blessings with his right hand, while holding a rolled up scroll in his let, is siting in her lap. he sculpture was initially painted. he Mother of God and Christ are shown facing forward. 154 CAtAlogue he Church of St. Stephen in Banjska and the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica, which served as a model for King Milutin’s mausoleum, exhibit a special mixture of western, Romanesque, and eastern, Byzantine architecture characteristic of the monuments of the so-called Rascian architectural school. he motif of the enthroned Mother of God with Christ was frequently used in Romanesque style. It was represented on church portals or the capitels of columns in high relief or as statues placed on altars. It is believed that the motif of the enthroned Mother of God symbolizes the sedes sapientiae i.e. the hrone of Wisdom. he Mother of God of Sokolica is also done in Romanesque style. he igures are bulky, stocky, almost ungainly, with quite expressive faces. he folds of their clothes are stylized and executed using a stif and shallow line. Literature: Шупут, Пластична декорација, 39– 51; Максимовић, Српска средњовековна скулптура, 96–97; Sculpture of the Virgin and Child, in: Byzantium, 84–85, no. 41 (M. Šuput). Valentina Babić BanJSa 155 II.3. FAgMent of an altar Screen’S coluMn church of St. Stephen, banjska monastery, ca. 1315 Marble, 23.5 × 22 × 45.4 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_2179 A lower part of a marble, quadrilateral column is decorated with a geometrically interlaced luted band with eyelets. Vines, with double sprouts, are coming out from the band’s ends, while at the botom of the interlace lies a lily with three petals. Except on the front side, carved decoration is found on both lateral sides. On one side it consists of a narrow ribbon with a shallow, stylized geometrical-vegetative interlace running along the very external edge, and of vines on the other. he hole on the upper side of the fragment indicates a place where the column’s upper part used to be. A coarse protuberance on the fragment’s let side suggests this is where it was incorporated into the wall. On the opposite side is a shallow groove where the parapet, very likely of an altar partition, stood. As opposed to otherwise sotly modeled elements of Banjska’s sculpture, this fragment was sharply cut. Although most of Banjska’s architectural decoration is Romanic, which is a regular feature of 156 CAtAlogue the Rascian style churches, this ediice shows also the elements characteristic of Byzantine sculptural ornaments. Such are the shallowly cut fragments of parapet plates and other fragments of sculpture decorated with paste, or the back of the Mother of God’s throne, which was colored. It is, therefore, possible to assume that the iconostasis of the Church of St. Stephen was made ater the contemporaneous Byzantine stone iconostases. he similarity of Banjska’s shallowly cut reliefs with those found on the Hilandar katholikon, of which King Milutin was also the ktetor, indicates that stonecuters from the same group worked on both. Literature: Шупут, Пластична декорација, 39– 51; Максимовић, Српска средњовековна скулптура, 96–98, ig. 164–167; Шупут, Византијски пластични украс, 41–55. Dubravka Preradović BanJSa 157 II.4. FAgMent of decoAtiVe relief witH a bird church of St. Stephen, banjska monastery, ca. 1315 Marble, 39 × 48 × 30 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_2180 Within the two-stem acanthus vine with spearhead-shaped leaves is a bird whose head is missing owing to the fragment being damaged. Although similar to the birds shown amidst the foliage on the lintel of Studenica’s western portal or in the lunete of the double-light window on the church’s western façade, the bird on the Banjska fragment is less complexly sculptured and less naturalistic. Its shape and feathers were executed in sot lines without insistence on the details found in its older models. he form of the preserved fragment suggests that it was a part of an archivolt, but it cannot be said with certainty which composition of the Banjska decoration it used to belong to. Namely, very few fragments of Banjska’s decorative reliefs have been preserved. A part of 158 CAtAlogue them was incorporated in the walls during the reconstruction of the church in 1938 and 1939, whereas the others either remained in the monastery or were transferred to the National Museum in Belgrade and the Archeological Museum in Skopje. Five fragments discovered outside the archeological context were taken to Belgrade in 1935 and are kept in the National Museum. Albeit modest, the corpus of the Banjska decorative sculpture shows that the mausoleum of King Milutin was ornated by the works that were the greatest atainments of their time. Literature: Шупут, Пластична декорација, 39– 51; Максимовић, Српска средњовековна скулптура, 96–98, ig. 164–167. Dubravka Preradović BanJSa 159 II.5. ARCHIVolt FAgMent– wolf witH a SHeep church of St. Stephen, banjska monastery, ca. 1315 Marble, 31 × 64 × 48 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_2181 he igure of a wolf holding a sheep in its jaws, interwoven into a vine of a two- and threestem acanthus, is shown on this signiicantly damaged marble archivolt fragment. he piece is a citation of the same composition executed on the archivolt of Studenica’s main portal. Namely, the Church of St. Stephen in the Banjska Monastery was built, according to its ktetor King Milutin’s express wish, ‘in the likeness of the holy Mother of God of Studenica,’ the mausoleum of Stefan Nemanja, the founder of the Nemanjid dynasty. he following of the model is most conspicuous in the architectural sculpture decorating the portals, windows and friezes of the Banjska church’s blind arcades. he preserved fragments show that the stonecuters working in Banjska were closely studying Studenica’s decoration. Unfortunately, only small portions of the Banjska’s portals have been preserved, among them this one, kept in the National Museum, which, in all likelihood, was a part of the archivolt of the portal leading from the nartex into the naos. In architecture 160 CAtAlogue and decoration, the portal completely followed its Studenica model. Its lunete contained a sculpture of the Mother of God holding Christ and surrounded by angels. Today it is in the neighboring monastery of Sokolica. he fragment showing a wolf holding a sheep in its jaws indicated that the Banjska portal followed it glorious model in every detail. his scene, together with similar ones, is based on the themes and motifs from the Psalms (‘hou hast given us up like sheep to be eaten; thou hast scatered us among the nations,’ Ps. 43, 12). he way the relief of this fragment was cut and its sot stylization is telling of the dynamics and rhythm the entire Banjska architectonic decoration must have had. Masters from the Coast, skilled in working marble, were engaged to make it. Literature: Шупут, Пластична декорација, 39– 51; Максимовић, Српска средњовековна скулптура, 96–98, ig. 164–167. Dubravka Preradović BanJSa 161 II.6. ARCHIVolt FAgMent church of St. Stephen, banjska monastery, ca. 1315 Marble, 26.5 × 69 × 44.5 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_2183 A vine of a rounded, thick stem is found on a wellpreserved archivolt fragment. It forms two circular ields at the centers of which are stylized loral motifs, a rosete with pointed petals and threeand ive-fold leaves that are also ornating the vine’s ends. Two additional archivolt fragments are in the monastery itself, undoubtedly belonging to the same whole as the fragment from the National Museum in Belgrade. heir closeness to the motif on the archivolt on Studenica’s triplelight window leads to a conclusion that, in addition to Dečani, the same decoration of the altar window could also be made in Banjska. 162 CAtAlogue hese fragments feature the same stylistic tendencies shown on the fragment of the main portal’s archivolt. he Banjska sculpture, compared to its model, is mildly stylized and of less pronounced relief, but the rhythmic composition of interlace and vine makes it rather dynamic. Literature: Шупут, Пластична декорација, 39– 51; Максимовић, Српска средњовековна скулптура, 96–98, ig. 164–167. Dubravka Preradović BanJSa 163 II.7. FReSCo FAgMentS banjska monastery, 1316/1317–1321 Board 1 (33 × 35 cm) Fragment I 4 (height 11 cm, length 10.5 cm, width 3.5 cm): part of the head of a middle-aged man with brown beard and mustaches, in semi-proile, with part of the background. Fragment II 3 (height 11.5 cm, length 12.5 cm, width 8.5 cm): parts of three heads, let eye is visible on the middle one. Both fragments were discovered at the last decades of the last century. As the igures on both are of the same size and coloring, it is assumed that they used to belong to the same composition. hey are stafage igures, of the kind frequently found in scenes painted during the Palaiologan Renaissance. Board 2 (35 × 33 cm) Fragment III 10 (height 3.5 cm, length 5 cm, width 2.5 cm): part of a face, let semi-proile, nose, let eye and let cheek. Fragment III 6 (height 4.5 cm, length 5.2 cm, width 3.5 cm): part of a let eyebrow and of the forehead above it. Both fragments were discovered in 2007 during a probe along the northern side door of the church. Judging by their identical modeling, they were probably a part of the same igure. Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_ w/o no. Only fragments of the frescoes in the Banjska Monastery, built by King Milutin as his mausoleum, have been preserved. he Church of St. Stephen has just several frescoes let whole on its walls – in the side altar apses and on the inside of an arch in the naos. All were done on a golden background because of which they were held in great esteem. he anonymous author of the Karlovci Geneology (Karlovački rodoslov) from the beginning of the 16th century points to the ‘loors of the Prizren church, the Dečani church, the Peć narthex, the Banjska gold and the Resava writing’ as unique works of art. Most of the fragments were found in the church, the refectory and the entrance to the monastery during archaeological excavations conducted from 1970 to 2007. hree boxes with such fragments are kept in the Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade. here is no precise data on exactly where the fragments from two of the boxes were found, while those in the third box were discovered during the investigations in 2007 in the northern section of the temple. 164 CAtAlogue On certain fragments parts of the royal igures’ garments are shown, possibly belonging to the ktetor, Emperor Constantine and Empress Helen, other rulers, prophets or archangels in royal robes. Some of the fragments found in 2007 feature facial parts, such as a part of an angel’s head with white band, details of a right proile, or parts of several faces. Several fragments with arms and hands have also been preserved. here is one showing a right hand giving blessings. Modeling is quite clear on one of the exhibited fragments found at the northern side door of the church (III 10, Board 2). It features parts of the head of an unknown man – his nose and the part of his face below the let eye. he lesh is done in accentuated warm light ocher, gentler green underpainting and discreet light relexions. Similarities with the paintings in other King Milutin’s foundations are obvious, but the material preserved does not ofer enough data for a reliable atribution. Literature: CCРЛ, 36; Тодић, Бањско злато, 163– 174, 170; Поповић (Б.), Фрагменти фресака, 152–155. Bojan Popović BanJSa 165 II.8. RINg oF KoNStANtIN NeMANJIĆ originated in banjska monastery, beginning of the 14th century (until 1322) Gold, niello Diameter at head 1.1 cm, diameter at band 2.3cm, height 3 cm, weight 13.60 g Inscription: + к(q)то га носи помози мѹ б(o)гъ National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_342 he massive golden seal ring features a composite decoration program in three segments: on the head, on the shoulder and along the band. In the head’s circular surface is the image of a two-headed eagle whose feathers, sharp claws and collars at the stem of the necks and tail are done in very minute details. Along the shoulder runs a Cyrillic inscription (Let God help him who wears it), whose style indicates that it was ordered by a person from the Raška region, well-versed in the wording and script used in oicial documents. he ring’s protective role was rounded of by the symbolical-metaphorical meaning of the decoration on the band. In the diagonally opposed ields a lion, a wild boar, a wolf and a bear are presented, while in the triangular ields on the shoulders a sheep (lamb) is shown, with a deer and a fox standing opposite to it. A decorative vine in a leaf-like ield at the botom of the band is complemented at the sides with the same vine motif, with a palmete and a three-fold small leaf appearing at the animals’ tails. Together with the protective message, the images of the animals symbolize the batle between Good and Evil, while the loral decoration – vines, palmetes, lowers – symbolizes the Garden of Eden. he cratsman’s skill relected as much in the making of the mold and the even casting as in the minute, inal inishing, testiies that the 166 CAtAlogue ring was made by an experienced goldsmith who learned his crat in the RomanesqueGothic environment, most likely in Italy. All the ring’s features – its shape, the two-headed eagle seal, the paleographic characteristics of the inscription and the Gothic stylization of the motifs – point to it being made at the end of the 13th or the beginning of the 14th century. Since its discovery in a tomb (tomb No. 4) in the Church of St. Stephen in Banjska, the ring with the two-headed eagle has erroneously been interpreted as belonging to Queen Teodora, the mother of Emperor Stefan Dušan. Results of the most recent studies, including archeological and anthropological analyses, however, conirm beyond any doubt that in this grave a male member of the Nemanjid family was buried, who, at the time of his death, was about 40 years old. his was, very likely, Konstantin, King Milutin’s younger son and brother of Stefan Uroš III Dečanski, who died under tragic circumstances in 1322. In view of the known details from Konstantin’s life, the ordering of an impressive ring with a two-headed eagle, the symbol of the Nemanjid royal house, may serve as proof of his pretensions to the Serbian throne. Literature: Радојковић, Накит код Срба, 108–109, 173–174, ig. 46, Pl. 102; Милошевић, Накит од XII до XV века, cat. no. 77; Бикић, Прстење из Бањске, 79–92. Vesna Bikić BanJSa 167 CHuRCH oF tHe VIRgIN lJeVIša and the City of Prizren III III.1. CoDe oF tSAR DušAN the so-called prizren manuscript, 1515–1525 and 1570–1580 Paper, 165 fols., 222 × 160 mm Belgrade, National Library of Serbia, Rs 688 he Prizren manuscript of the legislation of Tsar Stefan Dušan contains texts that constituted the basis of the law of the Serbian Empire and were applied long ater its fall: a shorter redaction of the Syntagma kata stoicheion of Mathew Blastares, the canons of St. John IV Nesteutes, the so-called Code of Justinian and Code of Tsar Dušan, supplemented with the Questions and Answers about the Church of St. Basil the Great. Brief fasting rules and an epistle from Patriarch Gennadius Scholarius to the monks of Sinai were added later, in a gathering from the eighth decade of the 16th century, inserted at the end of the codex (fol. 157–165). In an efort to bring to his subjects ‘peace and quiet’, the ideal of the earthly state, Tsar Dušan passed the Code, the crowning achievement of his legislative endeavours, at the assembly held in Skopje (1349). It was later supplemented with amendments (1354). However, the oldest preserved copies date from almost half a century later. he Prizren copy holds a special place in the textologic tradition of the Code as order and stylization of the articles in it exhibit the greatest extent of concordance with the original text. In other words, this manuscript contains a text of Dušan’s Code that is closest to the original, lost version. Illumination enriches only the beginning of the text of this legal compilation. here 170 CAtAlogue is a large, lavish square vignete in front of the Syntagma of Mathew Blastares (fol. 4r), composed of interlaced tendrils symmetrically spreading from the centre toward the frame, developing into trefoils, half-palmetes and palmetes. he main interlace is not coloured, unlike the background, which is red, ochre and blue. he same foliate interlace decorative scheme is found in the initial B on fol. 4v. he same anonymous scribe copied and similarly decorated the Hilandar Psalter from the early 16th century (Hil 92). Found in the village of Dvorane, near Prizren, the book was part of the old fund of the National Library in Belgrade, No. 399. It disappeared in the course of evacuation during World War I (1915) and re-emerged in Germany. In 1934, it was returned to the country, to the Prince Paul Museum, and again became part of the manuscript fund of the National Library of Serbia in 1973. Literature: Штављанин-Ђорђевић, Гроздановић-Пајић, Цернић, Опис ћирилских рукописа, 382, with older literature; Законик цара Стефана Душана, 97–170; Душанов законик, 38–40; Станојловић, Још једна књига, 109–120; eadem, Судбина рукописних књига, 312, 313; Недељковић, Судбина несталих рукописа, 328–330. Vladan Trijić ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 171 III.2. FReSCo INSCRIPtIoN MeNtIoNINg PROTOMAISTORS NIKolA AND AStAPAS church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, 1310–1314, copy Copied by Zdenka and Branislav Živković 5.5 × 35 cm Inscription: nikoly protomaistorU0 i astrapU protom%aistorU& Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1358_1 The fresco inscription mentioning master cratsmen (protomaistors) Nikola and Astrapas, the respective chief architect and painter of the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška, is part of a text atesting to the custom of giving a portion of victuals to the poor at the entrance to the church. Monasteries were oten obliged to distribute food, mostly lour, salt and wine, to those who were in direst need. In the case of the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška, the obligation was imposed by the ktetor and restorer of the church – Serbian King Milutin. he excerpt from the now missing document was inscribed on the eastern side of the exonarthex, near the entrance to the narthex. It states the quantities of lour, wine and salt that are to be distributed in the churchyard each month. It also states that the food is to be measured out using the same vessels as those used to measure out lour, wine and salt for ‘Nikola and Astrapas, who built and frescoed the church’. he names of the two most deserving persons for the execution of the architecture of the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška and its frescoes have thus been preserved in a rather unusual context, and this church is one among 172 CAtAlogue few Serbian medieval churches whose architect and chief painter are known by name. Master cratsman Nikola was well acquainted with contemporary, Late Byzantine hessalonian churches with ive domes of the most complex type (churches of the Holy Apostles, St. Catherine, St. Panteleimon), and, by the manner in which he embellished the facades with ceramic architectural sculpture, he is being linked with Epirus, whence he had probably gone to hessaloniki to study and work. Master painter Astrapas was a member of the renowned family of artists from hessaloniki. His irst name was probably Michael. Judging from the works he signed and those atributed to him on the basis of style, he went on to stay in Serbia in the following years and work in the endowments of King Milutin (Staro Nagoričino, King’s Church at Studenica, Gračanica, St. Niketas near Skopje). Literature: Панић, Бабић, Богородица Љевишка; Живковић (Б.), Богородица Љевишка, 52–53; Todić, Serbian Medieval Painting; Davidov Temerinski, he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 173 III.3. DoCuMeNt BY NoMIKoS NIKolA oF PRIzReN prizren, 1346–1371, facsimile Parchment, 215/220 × 280/286mm he original is lost. It was owned by historian Miloš S. Milojević (1840–1897). he document certiies that Dobroslava, daugh- in front of the names of the seller, her relater of Karos, with her two sons and a daughter, tives and neighbors. he name of the buyer is selling a 200 square meter lot in Prizren, to – Mano, brother of Dragica – is noted on the Mano, brother of Dragica, for eight liters of sil- document’s back. ver. he seller’s relatives and neighbors have renounced their pre-emption rights, and 17 wit- Visiting Old Serbia in the summer of 1870, nesses atended the signing of the agreement. Miloš Milojević discovered the document in According to the signature, the document was the atic of the Church of St. George Runović writen by ‘Nomik Nikola from the Prizren in Prizren and took it to Belgrade. It can be Mother of God,’ a notary public belonging to assumed that being the Serbian Learned Sothe clerics of the Prizren metropolitanate, seat- ciety member, he handed it over to that ined in the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška. stitution. he irst publisher, Janko Šafarik, however, says that Milojević ‘showed goodThe document was written on ‘beautiful, ness’ in giving it to him ‘for publication in our strong parchment’, 215–220 mm wide and Journal. ’ his indicates that Milojević kept the 280–286 mm long (if the facsimile truthfully document. He published the document himrelects the original’s size), in an untidy curself in 1877. Aleksandar Solovyev claimed in sive script, in black (?) ink and had 25 lines, including the signature. he dimensions vary 1927 that he does not know ‘where the origas the parchment’s edges are damaged, be- inal is now.’ his document was not found cause of which in some lines several leters among the manuscripts from Milojević’s legand even whole words are missing. Accord- acy discovered ater World War I and puring to Janko Šafarik, the document was used chased by the Serbian Royal Academy in to bind the covers of a book, but it could still 1929. Only a very good facsimile accompabe discerned that ‘initially it was folded as a nying Janko Šafarik’s publication remains. leter.’ It is not dated, has no seal nor shows any signs of having been sealed. he casual- Literature: Шафарик, Србска исправа, 119–124; ly executed, long cross at its beginning does Бубало, Српски номици; idem, Nicolaus notarius, 231–241. not stand for a symbolic invocation, but rather the irst in the series of crosses (signatures) Đorđe Bubalo 174 CAtAlogue ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 175 III.4. toMB INSCRIPtIoN oF toDoR SoN oF ŽEgAR ThE NOMiKOS church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, 1387, copy Cast by Miroljub Stamenković, 1980 Plaster cast, 108 × 59 mm Inscription: po;tw divite se w ;l(o)veci zr(y){e mene n(Q)n] vq groby le/e{a Uv(e)dite ]ko i vi tlynni Este ]ko/e i azq i n(Q)n] m(o)l} vi w(t)ci i brati] pomynete me vq m(o)litvah(q) va[ih(q) i r(e)cyte vy;na ti pametq 0 m(esy)ca avgous(ta) vq k$z prystavi se tod(o)rq s(Q)nq /ygra nomika i se grob(q) ego i vy;na] mU pametq vq lyt(o) qw)5 Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1249 he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška, erected on the foundations of an earlier Byzantine basilica from the 10th–11th century, is an endowment of King Milutin. Its construction started around 1306/1307, during the tenures of the Prizren Bishop Damjan and his successor, Sava, as atested by an inscription on the facade. It was certainly completed by 1310. Inside the church loor, in front of a pillar bearing inscriptions commemorating the deaths of Metropolitan Venijamin and Bishop Mihailo, is a sepulchral slab with a nine-line inscription. It starts with words of warning in the spirit of the typical medieval reminder of death (memento mori), followed by basic information about the deceased and his demise: As you stand wondering, O people, who are now looking at me lying in the grave, know that you are also as perishable as I. Now I beg you, my fa- 176 CAtAlogue thers and brethren, mention me in your prayers and say, ‘may his memory live forever’. On August 27, Todor son of Žegar the nomikos presented himself, and this is his grave, may his memory live forever, in the summer of the year 6895. It has been surmised that Žegar was a public notary (nomikos) at Prizren in the second quarter and the middle of the 14th century. He is most probably mentioned in the Prizren (Virgin Ljeviška) Memorial Book, on fol. 44r, where, below Žegar’s name, a certain Teodor, possibly the son of nomikos, is also mentioned. Literature: Записи и натписи I, 51, no. 158; Ненадовић, Богородица Љевишка, 29–30, ig. 12; Томовић, Морфологија ћирилских натписа, 86–87, ig. 77; Бубало, Српски номици, 27, 33, 36, 107, 116–119. Bojana Stevanović ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 177 III.5. VIRgIN eleouSA WItH CHRISt tHe gIVeR oF FooD Fresco from the church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, the third or fourth decade of the 13th century, copy Copied by Zdenka Živković, 1988 Canvas, tempera, 1.54 × 1.05 m Inscription: <m$ir T$u> <Ele>ousa ; <I$s> h$s krqmitel(q) Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1329 he composition of the Virgin Eleousa with Christ the Giver of Food, how the inscription refers to the litle Jesus, was painted in the third or fourth decade of the 13th century on the column of the southern nave of the Virgin Ljeviška Church. he fresco had been walled during the restoration of the church under King Milutin, and was uncovered mid-last century while the architectural investigations were taking place. It is a part of the painted program produced ater the Serbs were taking over Prizren from Byzantines and the bishopric of Prizren, i.e. the Virgin Ljeviška Church, from the Archbishopric of Ohrid (1220). his fresco is the only one of the 13th century painting that can be seen in the church today. Jesus child is in his mother’s arms, reaching out for the woven basket containing the food with which he is to feed the poor. Both of them are semi-turned toward the neighboring column where the other half of the now destroyed composition, once stood. he latter showed the group of poor to whom Christ is ofering spiritual food, the image alluding to the comparison of the Messiah made in the theological writings and liturgical hymns to the ‘bread of life,’ i.e. his sacriice for the salvation of mankind. he Mother of God is holding her child with her right arm, raising the basket with the 178 CAtAlogue other. She is wearing a blue dress and a purple maphorion with gold embroidered edges. he Christ igure is slightly turned as he extends his right arm toward the neighboring column where a group of poor was once painted, in all likelihood blessing them. he part of the fresco with the hand, however, has been destroyed. When Christ the child is represented with his legs crossed and bare, so that their position is visible, such image – as is the case with this painting – is alluding to his future sufering. Here, litle Jesus is wearing a chiton and ocher himation. he creases of the sot, lushly folded fabric carefully follow the covered parts of the body. hey are telling of the stylistic tendencies of the author who followed the linear stylization of the Komnenian style, which by this time had been mostly replaced with the so-called plastic or monumental style. His archaic form classiies him as provincial, yet skilful painter, who, despite not being versed in the latest trends, was gited enough to develop his own, distinctive personal style. he outer corners of the Mother of God’s eyes are lowered, giving her a melancholic look which can be interpreted as an expression of sadness for her son’s future sufering. She was given an unusually long and narrow nose and large eyes. he child’s face is proportional, with a gentle gaze. Brown locks fall down his neck. Both igures have identical mouths, pink and somewhat fuller. he cross within Christ’s nimbus was painted twice using red and blue, and a third time only using red. he image of the Virgin Eleousa with Christ the Giver of Food on the column of the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška is important because of its iconography which speaks of the sacriice and salvation in its sophisticated way, alluding to the liturgical service and Eucharist, and even more so because of the time it was created. For, a very small number of painted testimonies dating from the irst half of the 13th century, the time of the Latin occupation of Constantinople (1204–1261), has been preserved in the Eastern Christian world. In March 2004, Albanian extremists tried to burn the entire church to the ground, severely damaging its mural paintings and this particular fresco the most. It was reconstructed in 2012 from the preserved remains that partly fell of the column. Literature: Панић, Бабић, Богородица Љевишка, Pl. LI; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Богородица Љевишка, 32–35; Davidov Temerinski, he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 179 III.6. HeAlINg oF tHe BlIND YouNg MAN Fresco in the church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, third or fourth decade of the 13th century 135 × 236 cm Inscription: I$s h$s prosvy... National Museum in Belgrade, w/o inv. no. he fresco, made during the restoration of the church in the irst half of the 13th century, after the Serbian takeover of the Diocese of Prizren (1220), was found underneath the paintings dating from the time of King Milutin (1310–1313). Following its discovery in the middle of the last century, it was taken down and moved to the National Museum in Belgrade. Approximately half of the composition depicting Christ with his arm outstretched, touching the blind youth’s right eye in healing, was preserved. Only the head with his eyes closed and hands in a gesture of prayer remained of the image of the blind boy. he right side of the fresco is destroyed. Apostles Peter and John, and a third one standing behind the two with only his halo visible, are following Christ, witnessing the miracle. he previous fresco on the let side it preserved only by its right part, showing a group of young people standing before a city gate. he Healing of the Blind depicts Christ caught in an energetic movement, his right hand healing, a red scroll in the other. As his followers and personalities of less importance, the three apostles are pressed together. Peter’s right arm is folded on his chest as he is blessing the blind, while he and John are holding a scroll of the 180 CAtAlogue Gospel. Judging by the preserved piece it can be concluded this was the typical iconographic way of depicting the theme in question. he portraits of the apostles have the usual typological traits: Peter is older, his hair cropped and grey and his beard rounded, while John is young, brown-haired and beardless. he speciique ‘realistic’ depiction of the eye which seems to be protruding from the face, something which is found in the Wedding at Cana composition as well, was used for the characters whose portraits were executed in the three-quarter view. Cold, dull colors of robes prevail: blue, yellow, and light purple. he intermingling of the linear and stylized motifs: the creases at the botom of Christ’s and Peter’s chitons, and Peter’s haircut with the characteristic locks of hair on his forehead, with the wide boldly outlined surfaces of not particularly monumentally depicted igures and voluminous faces, all conirm the impression that the stylistic characteristics of the Komnenos era and those of the new age were being interwoven. Literature: Djurić, Byzantinische Fresken, 37; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Богородица Љевишка, 32–35; Davidov Temerinski, he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski cHUrcH oF tHe virgin LjeviŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 181 III.7. WeDDINg At CANA, DetAIl Fresco from the church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, the third or fourth decade of the 13th century 74 × 92 × 5.5 cm National Museum in Belgrade, w/o inv. no. his fragment of the scene of the Wedding at Cana with the preserved busts of Christ, the Mother of God, and the groom, belongs to the fresco program painted during the irst Serbian restoration of the episcopal seat of Prizren which took place in the third or fourth decade of the 13th century. he scene, along with he Healing of the Blind Young Man, is what remains of Christ’s Miracle Cycle. he fragment was discovered midlast century, during architectural investigations, underneath 14th century frescoes in the southern nave, ater which it was taken down and moved to the National Museum in Belgrade for safekeeping. he fragment shows Christ and the Mother of God in conversation. Her raised right arm is indicating talk, while Jesus is blessing those present by his rigt hand. he Mother of God is asking her son to help the host (the groom) who ran out of wine during the wedding celebration. he groom has found out he needs to ill with water the containers for ritual hand washing. his water shall be turned into wine – Christ’s irst miracle. Behind the Mother of God, the groom is leaning forward, thus, his head is painted over her nimbus. 182 CAtAlogue Of the three, the image of Christ is best preserved, followed by the not so well preserved Mother of God, while the groom’s figure is more worn out. Jesus’ eyes are large and brown, with perfect eyebrows above them. His hair is long, with locks falling down his neck, his beard of medium length. When the igures are in three-quarter view, the painter, using the most common method of the time, has one eye painted to seem like it is protruding from the head. he artist’s inclination toward a certain degree of mimetic, realistic portraiture is also evident from the way he painted the nose. Judging by the remains, a plastic style prevails in this work in the clearly emphasized volume accomplished with half-tone modeling, unlike the striking playful line of the Komnenos period one can see in the composition of he Eleousa with Christ the Giver of Food. he transition from one style to another, while keeping the idiosyncrasies of both, makes this author’s work recognizable. Literature: Djurić, Byzantinische Fresken, 37; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Богородица Љевишка, 32–35; Davidov Temerinski, he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 183 III.8. SIMeoN NeMANJA Fresco from the church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, 1310–1314, copy Copied by Šime Perić, 1961 Casein paint on prepared linen canvas, 1.60 × 1.82 m Inscription: <st$R sime>onq nemany vodivR gospodU vsy sr(q)p(s)kie zem<lE> htitore Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_665 he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška (Greek Ελεούσα, Merciful), the old seat of the bishopric of Prizren, was erected on the ruins of a Byzantine basilica (10th–11th c.), under which may have existed an even older building from the Early Byzantine Period. Following the Serbian conquest of Prizren, the basilica was partially rebuilt in the third or fourth decade of the 13th century, whereas the present church, by the order of King Milutin, was built by 1309 and frescoed by 1314. he frescoes in the church narthex gloriies the dynasty and the actual ruler – ktetor. he founder of the dynasty, Simeon Nemanja, depicted down to his waist on the western wall, above the entrance, is surrounded by the select members of the family. Nemanja’s sons Stefan the First-crowned, the irst king of the Nemanjid dynasty, and Saint Sava, the irst Serbian archbishop, stand, depicted in full igure, on the let and right sides of their father as the creators of state and church independence, respectively. Standing next to Stefan the First Crowned are Stefan Dečanski and an unknown archpriest, with only the green cushion under his feet having survived. On the eastern wall, let and right of the entrance to the naos are standing igures of King Milutin and his father, King Uroš, respectively, whilst Christ, depicted down to his waist, blesses them with his arms wide spread. 184 CAtAlogue he position of Simeon Nemanja above the entrance, as well as his waist-up depiction, make this portrait in the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška to be a unique phenomenon in Serbian medieval art. he founder of the dynasty, wearing the vestments of a monk, with his arms in the orans position, prays for mercy on Judgment Day to Christ, who is painted on the opposite wall and ‘responds’ by blessing all the persons depicted in the narthex. he image of Simeon Nemanja is captioned: Simeon Nemanja leads to the Lord the ktetors of all Serbian land. In all likelihood, this implies the eschatological aspect of donorship. he portrait of Simeon Nemanja was produced by a master painter from the hessalonian Astrapas family, familiar with the latest artistic trends of the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century. It may have been Michael Astrapas, who subsequently frescoed several endowments of King Milutin in the spirit of the so-called Palaiologan Rennaissance or Classicism. he idealised portrait depicts an old man with sunken cheeks, penetrating eyes, a focused gaze, the nose a litle curved at the top, and a long, grey beard tapering towards the end. Skilful drawing is brought to life by modelation produced with green shading around the contours of the face and around the eyes, with ochre colour on larger facial surfaces with white accents of light on the fore- head and cheekbones, and reddish-brown lines representing deep wrinkles on the cheeks and forehead, and between the grey eyebrows. White and ochre are used to render the carefully groomed grey beard, which divides into small tendrils. He wears vestments of a monk, a grey cassock and a deep purple cape, with a black hood on the head. Even though the vestments are rendered as typical, the folds on them follow the motions of the body. In March 2004, Albanian extremists tried to burn the entire church to the ground, severely damaging its mural paintings including the portraits of the Nemanjid dynasty. Literature: Панић, Бабић, Богородица Љевишка; Живковић (Б.), Богородица Љевишка, 52–53; Todić, Serbian Medieval Painting; Davidov Temerinski, he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 185 III.9. KINg SteFAN uRoš II MIlutIN, DetAIl Fresco from the church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, 1310–1314, copy Copied by Zdenka Živković, 1964 Casein paint on prepared linen canvas, 0.50 × 0.70 m Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_720 he portrait of King Stefan Uroš II Milutin, the ktetor of the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška in Prizren, was painted on the eastern wall of the narthex, on the let side of the entrance to the naos. Standing on his right was his father, King Uroš, but only the inscription has survived. Above them was a waist-up depiction of Christ blessing them. All three igures were depicted frontally, against a red background. he inscription referring to King Milutin describes him as the ktetor, even though, atypically, he does not hold the model of the church in his hands. The king is depicted in full regalia, wearing a black sakkos embellished with broad stripes sewn onto it and embroidered with gold thread and numerous blue and red precious stones and pearls. he dome-shaped crown, stemma, embellished in the same manner as the sakkos, is complemented with prependoulia, pendants hanging from both sides and each adorned with pearls. he insignia of his royal authority ‒ the crown, the scepter he holds in his right hand and the akakia in his let, as well as his royal vestments – are no longer diferent from the Byzantine signs of imperial authority. Moreover, the imperial impression of this image is further enhanced by its red background. he image of Milutin was rendered in great detail, with thin brushes. His face is elongated, 186 CAtAlogue with melancholic expression, sunken cheeks and a long, thin nose, whilst his brown eyebrows and baggy eyes are slanted, which, in all likelihood, was a realistic feature of Milutin’s, as it is present in all portraits of him. It should be borne in mind, however, that such a mien is also found in portraiture of elderly persons. Sketchy drawing in brown colour is complemented with ine modelation with ochre of various shades, depending on how much a particular part of the face is illuminated. he depiction of King Milutin at Prizren, portrayed in his mature years and without latering, represents one of the most beautiful royal portraits of the medieval times in Serbia. It was probably produced by the hessalonian painter Michael Astrapas, who, in all likelihood worked for the king and portrayed him to the end of his life (Staro Nagoričino, King’s Church at Studenica, and Gračanica). In March 2004, Albanian extremists tried to burn the entire church to the ground, severely damaging its mural paintings including the portraits of the Nemanjid dynasty. Literature: Панић, Бабић, Богородица Љевишка; Живковић (Б.), Богородица Љевишка, 52–53; Todić, Serbian Medieval Painting; Davidov Temerinski, he Church of the Virgin Ljeviška. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 187 III.10. SAINt BARBAA, DETAiL Fresco in the church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, 1310–1314, copy Copied by Zdenka and Branislav Živković, 1962? 100 × 70 cm Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1358 here are among the standing igures in the irst zone in the naos six portraits of young and beautiful holy women. hree of them ‘surround’ Christ, the Guardian of Prizren, painted on the southern pillar. One of them is Saint Barbara of Nikomedeia (273–306). he holy women in the group including Saint Barbara are described in liturgical poetry as ‘brides of Christ’. Verses praise their readiness for sacriice and their depictions on pillars may be linked with the symbolism of ‘the pillars of the church’, based on the martyrdom of those who sufered it in the irst centuries of Christianity. Such a large number of women martyrs as depicted in the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška, the Prizren cathedral church, atended by women as much as by men, will remain an isolated case among surviving programmes of decoration in medieval Serbia. According to tradition, the saint was born into a nobleman’s family. Her father, Dioscuros, who held a high position in society, beheaded her personally because she had refused to renounce her faith in Christ. Because of her origin, Saint Barbara is depicted in an 188 CAtAlogue aristocratic outit, albeit not an outit from her time, but rather a contemporary one, the same as the rest of the women martyrs. The richly decorated dress with precious stones sewn onto it and with goldwork is covered by a purple cape. here is a white scarf around her neck and a thin, brown-red one on her head. Her sumptuous clothes are complemented with a crown, inside which is a semicircular white cap, and strings of pearls and precious stones hanging on the let and right sides. he large earrings, called obotse, are made from red stone and trimmed with pearls. With her inely modelled, oval face, whose contours are skirted by deep green shadows, of regular features, and with shaded, penetrating eyes, surmounted by long, regular eyebrows, with a typical long, thin nose and a small red mouth, she represents a prototype of female beauty according to the Byzantine canon, far removed from any sensuality. Literature: Радовановић, Невесте Христове, 115–134. Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski cHUrcH oF tHe virgin LjeviŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 189 III.11. eCuMeNICAl CouNCIl, A FAgMENT Fresco from the church of the virgin ljeviška in prizren, 1310–1314 Fresco, 32 × 20.5 cm (45.5 × 35.5cm) National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_2513 Depicted in one section of the composition of the Ecumenical Council is an archpriest with a grey, square beard, holding a closed book in his right hand. he igure has partly survived, i.e. from the head to the waist. he garments are white and the bracelet is ochre. To the right of the igure is a preserved part of the head and chest of another archpriest. he undertone of the lesh colour is dark green, painted over by ochre. he drawing was executed in brown colour. Two fragments of the fresco, which were subsequently joined together, were discovered 190 CAtAlogue in a rubble heap in the courtyard of the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška in Prizren in 1951. Ecumenical councils are depicted in the upper tier on the northern wall and the vault above it in the southern, outside nave of the church. hey have been atributed to assistants of the master painter Michael Astrapas. Literature: Панић, Бабић, Богородица Љевишка, 22–27, 65–66, 86, 93, 130. Aleksandra Nitić cHUrcH oF tHe virgin LjeviŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 191 III.12. FouNDeR’S INSCRIPtIoN oF KINg MARKo church of the presentation of the virgin in prizren, 1370/1371, copy Cast by Dragan Petrović and Stoiša Veselinović, 1970 Plaster cast, 1.40 × 0.20 × 0.70 Inscription: 9 izvwlEnIem w(tq)ca  i vqplq{eniEmq s(Q)na 0 i blagodyti} s(vy)t(a)go d(U)ha1 sIi s(vy)tQ i boжqstv(q)nQ hramq pr(y);(q)stJe vl(a)d(Q;i)ce na[e b(ogoro)d(i)ce  vqhoda Ee sqzda se J popIsa  pwvylynJemq J sq wtkUpwmq g(ospo)d(i)na mlad(a)go krala marka  lyt(o) pwo$T indik(t)iwn(q) 9. Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1062 The founder’s inscription of Young King Marko is incised in two rows with exceptional calligraphic skills into a dressed stone measuring 130 × 30 × 35 cm. his representative inscription was discovered in 1966, in the immediate vicinity of the partially preserved Prizren Church of St. Kyriaki. It was originally located above its western entrance. he text of the inscription provides information on the ktetor, dedication, year of construction and fresco decoration of the church (Вy the will of the Father and the embodiment of the Son and the grace of the Holy Spirit, this holy and God’s church of the most pure ruler, our heotokos, and of her entry into the temple, was built and decorated at the bequest and with the funds provided by the young master and king, Marko, in the year 6879, indiction 9). he epigraphic monument from the Prizren church is the only surviving source wherein Marko is mentioned as bearing the title of the heir to the Serbian throne, shared by his father, King Vukašin (r. 1365–1371) and Emperor Uroš (r. 1355–1371). From 1365, Vukašin, as a co-ruler with Emperor Uroš, was recognised as king of the southwestern territories of 192 CAtAlogue the Serbian Empire, which encompssed Prizren, Priština, Novo Brdo, Skopje, Prilep and Ohrid. During his father’s life, Marko, as a Young King, ruled Prizren and its vicinity. Buried in King Marko’s endowment that same year was Struja, the widow of čelnik Manko. The tombstone of this noblewoman, who took monastic vows and a new name, Marta, was found in the loor of the Prizren Church of St. Kyriaki, right in front of the altar screen. he position of the grave, the architecture of the church and fresco fragments are indicative of the possibility that the noble couple with close ties to the Mrnjavčević family may have played a part in the undertaking project of patronage of Young Serbian King. he original appearance of the single-nave church with dome was reconstructed between 1995 and 1997. Literature: Ивановић, Натпис младог краља Марка, 20–21; Томовић, Морфологија ћириличних натписа, 76; Ђорђевић, Средњовековне црквене задужбине, 511–512; Михаљчић, Титуле Краљевића Марка, 31–42. Marka Tomić Đurić ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 193 III.13. tHe VIRgIN PelAgoNItISSA AND tHe BAPtISM oF CHRISt processional icon originated in prizren, middle or third quarter of the 14th century Tempera on impregnated canvas on wood, 122.5 × 79.4 × 4 cm Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani Depicted on one side of this processional icon, which was in the cathedral church of St. George at Prizren until recently, is the heotokos Pelagonitissa with infant Christ, who is shown as rising and propping himself against his mother’s lap with his right foot, wearing a himation wrapped around his leg and hanging. His face is pressed against her cheek, which he also touches with his hand. He wears a sindon with a belt and is barefoot. he maphorion worn by the heotokos is adorned with gilt motifs: a star on the forehead and one shoulder, respectively, tassels and the text rU… on the seam below the shoulder. he background was also gilt, but the gold has survived only in traces, mostly along the edges of the central ield. he composition Baptism, found on the other side of the icon, has been largely destroyed. In its centre is the igure of Christ, standing naked in a river, with John the Forerunner and a group of angels with covered hands depicted on its banks. Personiications of the Jordan and the Sea are in the water. In the botom part of the painted ield are partially visible igures of people engaged in diferent activities. Depicted in the top let corner is the episode of the Encounter of Jesus [… hs#] and Saint John the Forerunner, who holds in his right hand an open scroll that has the following six lines of text: azq trybU} wtq 194 CAtAlogue teb<e> kr(q)stiti s<e> a ti li kq mne gryde[(q) = I have need to be baptised of thee and comest thou to me? (Mt 3:14). At the top of the painted ield is a semicircular section of the sky with open gates of heaven whence a hand of God comes out and blesses sending the ray of light with the dove of the Holy Spirit descending towards Jesus. Visible in the surviving gilt background are remains of the name of the feast: <kr>{e<nie>. here is a groove at the botom of the icon, indicating it had a processional purpose. Its wooden support is damaged along the edges, and even burned in several places, whereas the painted layer has sporadically worn out or faded. he Prizren icon of the heotokos Pelagonitissa is ranked among the oldest surviving replicas of the prototype icon that existed in one of the medieval churches in the town of Bitola. It relects a spread of the cult of the heotokos Pelagonitissa to Metohija in the north. It belongs to the iconographic type of the heotokos Eleousa, sub-type Vzygranie (Playful). A nimbus used to adorn the silver frame, but was removed during conservation together with a subsequently painted layer. When painting the icon of the heotokos Pelagonitissa for the Prizren church, the anonymous master painter presented the Mother of God in an expressive manner, emphasising her eyes with the intent to stress her motherly sorrow and love for Christ Child, who rises in her arms and presses his face to that of his mother’s as a foreboding of his sufering in the future. Even though the painted layer in the depiction of the Baptism on the other side of the Prizren icon has been substantially damaged, what has remained testiies to the high quality of mature artistic expression of the artist, who chose to depict a developed iconographic variant of the theme with accompanying el- ements of the genre and the episode of the Encounter of Christ with John the Forerunner in the wilderness, with his ine drawing and sot modelling of the lesh colour of the characters depicted, which is particularly evident in the depictions of the angels. Literature: Pajkić, Malo poznate zbirke, 282, 284 ig. 5; Средњовековна уметност, 51–52, cat. no. 47; Милошевић, Уметност, 31 cat. no. 25; Weitzmann et al., he Icon, 141, 187; Миљковић, Хиландарска икона, 327–328, n. 41, ig. 12. Miljana Matić ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 195 III.14. tHe VIRgIN WItH CHRISt CHIlD icon originated in the church of St. nicholas (rajko’s) at prizren wooden board, plaster, tempera, last third of the 16th century, 74.2 × 44.5 × 3.7 cm Inscriptions: Μ(ήτ)ηρ Θ(εο)ῦ, Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς Χ(ριστό)ς Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church he heotokos is depicted down to her waist, turned to the right, with her head slightly leaning towards the Christ Child, whom she holds with her let hand as her right hand is raised towards him in prayer. Christ has lited his head and right hand towards his mother, blessing her, and holds a rolled-up scroll in his let hand. he heotokos wears a dark blue dress and a brown maphorion, whereas Christ wears a light green chiton with an orange clavus and an ochre-coloured himation. he background of the icon is painted in a somewhat darker ochre colour. Like the scroll, the inscriptions are rendered in red, the same colour as that used to highlight the outer edge of the frame. here are candle burn marks in several places on the icon. Infrared relectography has revealed that there is no older layer under the visible painted one. By its visual and typological characteristics, the Prizren icon is related to the Serbian 196 CAtAlogue painted works from the second half, or last quarter, of the 16th century. his is also unambiguously indicated by the palaeographic characteristics of the accompanying inscriptions. Unfortunately, the latter are severely damage, but some of the surviving leters are rather typical and therefore chronologically suiciently telling. he most interesting leter is the theta from the inscription related to the heotokos, as it is pointed at the botom and the horizontal bar is substantially below the middle. By its drawing, painting procedure, details and typology of the images of the heotokos and Christ, the Prizren icon is very similar to some of the works produced by the Peć group of painters, formed at the time of the restoration of the Patriarchate of Peć. Literature: Војводић, Богородичина икона, 95– 114, with the older literature. Dragan Vojvodić ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 197 III.15. BeNeDICtIoN CRoSS originated in the church of St. nicholas in prizren, 1566/1567 Olive wood, carved Height 29.4 cm, width 11 cm, depth 2.6cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_1559 Until 1885, the cross was kept in the Prizren Church of St. Nicholas, an endowment of Dragoslav and Bela Tutić from the 14th century. hat year it was taken by the Russian consul I. S. Yastrebov and handed over to the National Museum in Belgrade. It is a hand cross with two crossbars on which the compositional and iconographic solutions were applied in the manner of vernacular art. Depicted on the front is the scene of the Ascension, rendered following a model from Early Christian iconography. Christ enthroned within a mandorla is elevated by four angels. Inscription: вазнесение г(ospoda)а на%…&. he cross is omited from the central scene of the Cruciixion, whereas a young, beardless Christ, wearing a loincloth, stands with his arms wide spread. Next to him, at chest level, are the heotokos and John the heologian, and at his feet are Nikodimos and Mary Magdalene. Inscription: назаранинь ц(a)рь їѹдєиски. Below the Cruciixion are waist-up depictions of Jesus Christ (ісхс) and the evangelists Matthew (мате), Mark (марк), Luke (lука) and John (іѡан). On the back of the cross, on the upper crossbar, within a heart-shaped frame is the scene of the Annunciation [благѡвещте(nie)]: 198 CAtAlogue Archangel Gabriel and, opposite him, the heotokos [маир тѹ]. he central scene on the back of the cross is that of the Nativity [рѡждьствѡ г(ospoda)а нашег(o)], depicted following an Early Byzantine model, but with well known episodes omited. he heotokos is reclining on a bed. Opposite her are two women – one holding the swaddled Child and the other watching on. Above them is a star. Next to this scene is the scene of the Presentation: the heotokos holds Christ in her arms, with the old man Simeon siting before them. Inscription: сретене. In the central part is the scene of the Baptism (бѡгѡавlение). A slightly stooping John the Baptist extends his right arm towards Christ. he igures have oversized hands. The last scene on the back is that of the Dormition of the Virgin [ѹспение прес(ve)тие б(ogorodi)це нашe]. he heotokos lies on her bier, with seven igures standing next to it. he central igure is that of Christ, who holds the soul of the heotokos with his bare hands. Standing above the head of the heotokos is John the Baptist, and Apostle Paul, holding a scroll, is at her feet. he other igures are those of Apostle Peter and three holy bishops: Dionysius the Areopagite, Hierotheos and Timothy. Engraved on the side of the cross is the date: иоїс lѣ(to) zoе (year 7075). tical bar using angular forms and decorated the edges of the cross with a zigzag ornament. A folk artist carved the cross following the standards of his own aesthetics – with iconographic and compositional freedom, stylised igures, schematised faces and omiting certain atributes of saints. He shaped the ver- Literature: Јастребов, Додатак мојим белешкама, 53–66; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 102, 130, cat. 107; eadem, Крстови из збирки Народног музеја, 12, 15, 24–25, 56–57, cat. 4. Nataša Cerović cHUrcH oF tHe virgin LjeviŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 199 III.16. CHRYSoBull oF tHe MoNASteRY oF HolY ARCHANgelS NeAR PRIzReN monastery of holy archangels near prizren, around 1350 Parchment, 91 fols. Lost manuscript, collection of old National Library in Belgrade (before World War I) With this chrysobull, Tsar Stefan Dušan founded the Monastery of the Holy Archangels near Prizren and bestowed upon it numerous gits, establishing an estate and providing regular income. He granted it villages, katuns, the fort of Višegrad as a safe haven, churches, mountains, apiaries, tracts of land, houses, mills, individuals or small groups with particular professions and income (salt, wine, silk, oil; money from the Prizren customs tarifs and fairs.) he tsar also arranged the organisation of the monastery, its legal position, the rights and obligations of the superiors and the brethren, and the obligations of the dependent population. he original or contemporary copy was a handwriten parchment book, penned in a large uncial. For a long time, the manuscript was unbound, its leaves scatered and out of order. During the last binding, using board covers encased in red leather, multiple leaves were found to be missing – at least one from the beginning, and several from the end and from the middle. he remaining gatherings and individual leaves were bound in the sequence in which they were discovered. In this binding, the manuscript had 91 folios. he monastery of St. Mark in Koriša kept a large collection of manuscripts that originat- 200 CAtAlogue ed at the Monastery of the Holy Archangels. Part of this collection, including the chrysobull, was taken for safekeeping by the descendants of a certain priest Partenije, who was reported to have restored the Monastery of St. Mark to life in 1779. Sima Andrejević Igumanov belonged to this family of clergymen of the village of Dvorane near Prizren. Nikola Musulin, a teacher in Prizren, took the Holy Archangels chrysobull from him in 1858, and took it to Belgrade the next year. he manuscript was coniscated from him and turned over to the National Museum and Library for preservation ater he made a failed attempt to sell it to the Society of Serbian Letters. In 1861, Sima Andrejević asked that the manuscript be returned to him, but his request was not met. Finally, his son Stojan donated the manuscript to the National Museum and Library late in 1879. he chrysobull disappeared in World War I. Its contents are known from a copy by Janko Šafarik from 1860, made for the purposes of publication in the Bulletin of the Society of Serbian Leters. Literature: Радојичић, Призренски рукопис, 53– 58; Мишић, Суботин-Голубовић, Светоарханђеловска хрисовуља; Младеновић, Недељковић, Хрисовуља, 39–142. Đorđe Bubalo ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 201 III.17. gAVE iNSCRiPTiON OF STACiMiR BALŠiĆ monastery of the holy archangels near prizren, 1371/1372, copy Cast by Miroljub Stamenković, 1979 Plaster, cast, 68 × 72 cm Inscription: dnq prystavi sE <mona>hq sava a mirskimq <z>ovomq stracimirq balq[ik i ve;na emU pametq v let(o) pw* National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_27_1242 (original is at the Museum of Macedonia, Kursumli An, Skopje, B IB 8) he inscription is carved on the gravestone of a grave found by the southern wall of the katholikon of the Monastery of the Holy Archangels near Prizren, on the external side, by the tomb of Tsar Dušan. he gravestone is of motled, grey-reddish marble, damaged in the upper and lower register. he inscription, writen in four lines, reads: (…day, Monk Sava whose lay name was Stracimir Balšić, passed away. May his memory be eternal. In the year 6880). Radoslav Grujić was instrumental in uncovering not just the tomb of the ktetor of the Holy Archangels monastery, Tsar Dušan, but also the tomb whose stone carries the quot- 202 CAtAlogue ed inscription. he tomb was made from the same material and in the same manner as the ktetor’s. Grujić believed this was the tomb of the tsar’s nobleman Bratoslav, whose mother gave the village of Pločice to the tsar’s endowment in exchange for the grave, as noted in the tsar’s charter to the Holy Archangels. Some time later, Stracimir Balšić, lord of Zeta, who later became Sava the monk, was also buried in this grave. Literature: Грујић, Откопавање Светих Арханђела код Призрена, 265–266; Ненадовић, Душанова задужбина, 9; Томовић, Морфологија ћириличких натписа, 78, ig. 64. Bojana Stevanović ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 203 III.18. gRIFFIN Floor of the katholikon of the holy archangels monastery near prizren, detail, mid-14th century. Stone, violet breccia, 77 × 80 cm × 20.5 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 26_5882 he Church of the Holy Archangels, the endowment and mausoleum of Emperor Stefan Dušan, was built in the period between 1343 and 1352. It was a ive-domed cross-in-square structure, with a three-part altar space and a shallow narthex, modelled ater the south church of the Monastery of Christ Pantokrator in Constantinople. Upon the arrival of the Otoman Turks in 1455, the entire monastery complex (katholikon, Parekklesion of St. Nicholas, refectory, residential buildings, kellia, hospital, and utility buildings) was almost completely destroyed, and in 1615 the stone from the demolished monastery was used as material for the construction of the Sinan Pasha Mosque in Prizren. Four centuries later, in 1927, the foundations of the complex, parts of the church walls, parekklesion and refectory, relief fragments of the stone decoration, fragments of frescoes, and remnants of the loor were discovered, which testify to the monastery’s exceptional artistic importance. he triangular loor fragment decorated with a shallow relief depiction of a griin with its wings spread and head raised and turned backwards, was done in violet breccia relief, while the empty space around the igure was 204 CAtAlogue illed with a mosaic of multicoloured tesserae, mainly green. Narrow strips framed this plate. Together with the other plates depicting animals (lions, birds, griins, and dragons) from a frontal perspective, it constituted a part of the loor decoration under the central dome of the church nave. Aleksandar Deroko drew a plan for the reconstruction of the whole loor in 1953, following instructions from Radoslav Grujić. he rest of the loor parts discovered were kept at the Museum of Macedonia in Skopje (Kuršumli Han), the church in the village of Ljubižda, near Prizren, and at the Dečani Monastery. It is assumed that the loor of the Church of the Holy Archangels was modelled ater the loor of the Constantinopolitan Church of Christ Pantokrator. he question of its maker remains open, although it is believed that he belonged to the Byzantine workshop of the time. Literature: CCРЛ, 34–36, no. 22; Грујић, Откопавање Светих Арханђела код Призрена, 259–260, 271–272; Дероко, Монументална и декоративна архитектура, 101–103; Ненадовић, Душанова задужбина, 57–65, ig. 346; Задужбине Косова, 161–162 (Л. Трифуновић); Кораћ, Свети Арханђели, 191–200. Branka Vranešević ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 205 III.19. SCeNe WItH HuMAN FIguReS, DetAIl Fresco fragment from the church of the holy archangels near prizren, mid-14th century 10 × 14 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_74 Two heads are partially preserved: the one on the let is shown frontally, the one on the right in proile. he carnation, tonally modelled, is dark green in shadow and white in lit and accented areas. he drawing was done in a few strokes, with thicker brown and ine black lines. Despite the small size, the fragment is suicient to reveal a talented painter. 206 CAtAlogue he painting in the Holy Archangels has survived only in fragments, most of which are kept at the Museum of Macedonia in Skopje (Kuršumli Han). Literature: Литература: Расколоска-Николовска, Фрагменти фресака, 389–397. Aleksandra Nitić ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 207 III.20. ANNuNCIAtIoN AND MeetINg oF JoACHIM AND ANNe double-sided icon originated in ljubižda near prizren, mid-14th century Tempera on wood, 29 × 20 × 2.6 cm Inscription: bl(a)gove{jniF ; celovanij ioakima i ~ni National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_5547 On one side of the icon is the Annunciation on the other a depiction of the Meeting of Joachim and Anne. he Annunciation shows archangel Gabriel [o ar(hangelq) gav()riil] walking, facing the Virgin (m$ir T$u). His right hand is lited in blessing and he holds a staf in his let. he Virgin stands in front of her seat holding red yarn. In the upper portion of the composition there is a section of sky and in it a dove, representing the Holy Spirit. he Meeting of Joachim and Anne shows the igures of the Virgin’s parents, Anne and Joachim, moving in an embrace. Characteristic of both compositions, painted on white background, is detailed painted architecture with veils. It is conjectured that this small double-sided icon originally had its place among the 208 CAtAlogue icons of the choros of Dušan’s Holy Archangels, near Prizren. It is atributed to one of the artists who painted the church. It exhibits a gentle and serene style, with graceful igures of elongated proportions and elaborate painted architecture. he shapes and proportions of the faces are not classical, and movement is emphasised with airy drapery. he icon belongs to the progressive direction of Byzantine painting, around the mid-14th century, accentuating movement, volume and pathos. Literature: Weitzmann et al., he Icon, 141, 184– 185 (G. Babić); Ивановић, Љубижданска двојна икона, 19–23; Расколоска-Николовска, Фрагменти фресака, 389–397. Aleksandra Nitić ChURCh OF ThE ViRgiN LjEViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 209 III.21. PRIzReN tetAEVANgELiON, MARK ThE EVANgELiST origin unknown, late 13th century Parchment, 141 fols., folio-format (4°) Destroyed manuscript, old National Library in Belgrade, No. 297 he Prizren tetraevangelion was catalogued under the number 297 in the former National Library in Belgrade, where it burned with the library in early April of 1941. Written on parchment, it consisted of 141 folios. he beginning and ending were missing, as were some leaves within the book. his was its condition around 1880, when it was acquired from hajji Jordan from Skopje. It was previously kept in the Church of St. George in Gornja Bitinija near Štrpce (zhupas of Sirinić), where a number of spolia from the Church of the Holy Archangels near Prizren have survived. he painter of the miniatures of the Prizren tetraevangelion followed diverse models, notably ancient paterns from the Christian East, particularly Egypt. Mark the Evangelist (fol. 31v) is depicted seated and writing. his is a customary representation of the authors of the gospels. Unusually, however, he is not dressed in the typical chiton and himation, but has on wide pants, tight around the ankles, and there is a lion, his symbol, visible beside him. Figures in oriental pants are encountered exceptionally rarely in the miniatures of Christian manuscripts. hey are seen mostly in illuminated books made in far eastern areas, but even then the evangelists do not wear trousers. On the oth- 210 CAtAlogue er hand, symbols placed next to the writers of the gospels are scientiically usually tied to West Christian art. hey have, however, appeared in depictions in manuscripts made in Orthodox areas too, and in certain parts of the Christian East. Miniatures showing evangelists with symbols are found in many Greek and Armenian manuscripts. hey are rarely encountered in ancient Slav books. he only preserved examples are in three Russian gospels, the oldest of which is from the mid11th century. All miniatures of the Prizren tetraevangelion are executed in an unskilled and naive manner, and look like coloured drawings. he visages are composed crudely and simply, the facial features reduced to the drawing. Not even the ruddy spots on the cheeks give an impression of plasticity. he igures are irregular in proportion and unnatural in movement. he bodies are covered in fabric whose folds are executed as parallel lines coloured in diferent hues, making them appear like decorative ribbons. Literature: Задужбине Косова, 423; Максимовић, Српске средњовековне минијатуре, 25–28, 30, 34, 35, 92, 96–97, 115; Стародубцев, Питања уметничких утицаја, 56–68. Tatjana Starodubcev cHurcH of tHe Virgin ljeViŠa AND ThE CiTy OF PRizREN 211 gačanica and novo Brdo IV IVa.1. cHrYSoBULL oF THE cHUrcH oF Gačanica, TanScriPTion Fresco in the katholikon of the monastery of gračanica, 1321, copy Copied by Branislav Živković, 1976 Linen canvas, stik-b, casein tempera 1.85 × 1.55 mm Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1179 In accordance with the practise that can, in medieval Serbia, be traced from the beginning of the 13th century, king Milutin eternalised his founder's charter of the monastery of Gračanica by ordering that its text be copied in fresco technique in the katholikon of the monastery. he charter was copied onto the west wall of the diakonikon (south parekklesion), in 53 lines, above the passage to the nave. It was copied with a certain reduction in comparison to the lost original document. he text is writen in half-uncial script, and the orthography is Rascian. he body of the act is composed of the arenga, exposition, disposition, spiritual sanction and eschatocol containing the ktetor`s subscription and the date. It is mentioned in the exposition that the king rebuilt and decorated ‘the destroyed Church of the Virgin of Gračanica’, that is, the cathedral of the Lipljan eparchy. hen, an extensive list of properties donated to the Church of Gračanica is given in the exposition, ater which old properties, donated by the king's ‘parents and forefathers’ (king Stefan the first-Crowned and king Uroš I), are conirmed and new ones are contributed. he eparchy’s feudal possesions included 17 villages and hamlets, mainly in Kosovo, especially in the area of Priština. Some of the villages were given in exchange for the monastery of Banjska which the king excluded earlier from the Lipljan bishop’s rule. Gračanica’s estates in further regions (Binačka Morava, Vranje, Zletovo, Upper and Lower Polog), that were in its possesion since the creation of the Autochephal Serbian Church, 214 caTaLoGUE were also conirmed. Apart from the villages and hamlets with their lands and people, the king donated a few more mills, ishponds, beehives, two small churches with their possesions and 31 families of vlahs-shepherds in Polimlje, to his foundation. He insured the return of the people who formerly belonged to the bishop of Lipljan, but were usurped in the meantime by the neighbouring nobility. he obligations of the dependant people, working at the estates of the Lipljan eparchy and the punishments for their unfulillment are mentioned in the section of the chrysobull named ‘he Old Law for Serbs’, and placed before the sanction. he year 6830 and the ith indicton are mentioned in the date, which probably means that the original chrysobull was writen between the beginning of the year 6830 (September 1st 1321) and the death of king Milutin (October 29th 1321), while the transcript on the wall was conducted shortly ater the original was produced, sometime before or ater the king’s death. However, there are assumtions that the date refers to the transcribing of the chrysobull on the wall and that the original chrysobull on parchment was created earlier. Literature: Павловић, Грачаничка повеља, 105–141; Грујић, Епархијска властелинства, 116–122; Мошин, Повеље краља Милутина, 53–86; Задужбине Косова, 323– 325; Тодић, Грачаница, 63–68, сл. 5, црт. I, Т. XVI; Грачаничка повеља; Марковић, Хостетер, Прилог хронологији, 207, 208, сл. 4–5; Živković, Bojanin, Petrović, Selected charters, 69–81; Зборник повеља I, 499–504, бр. 137. Miodrag Marković Gačanica анд ново брдо 215 IVa.2. KinG MiLUTin Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, ca. 1320, copy Copied by Olga Tiran, 1964 Casein tempera on primed linen canvas, 3.51 × 1.22 = 4.282 m Inscription: стефань оурошь х(ri)s(t)оу б(og)oу вѣрьнь м(i)l(o)стию б(o)/ию крал(q) самодрьжьць всѣхь срьпьскихь земль и поморьскихь и хтиторь Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_701 he portrait of King Milutin, ktetor of the Gračanica, was painted at a prominent place in the Church of the Annunciation, in the lower zone of the southern side of the passage connecting the nartex and the naos. Milutin’s portrait makes a whole with the picture of his wife, Queen Simonis, painted opposite him, on the northern side of the same passageway. his fresco displays the iconographic formula of the ruler’s Divine Investiture, taken from Byzantine art. he idea was illustrated by the representation of Christ surrounded by cherubs, at the top of the soit of the vault, at the moment when he blesses Milutin and, simultaneously, sends a crown to the Serbian king through angels. In this way the heavenly origin of Milutin’s authority and its legitimacy were underlined. he inscription next to the igure of the king-ktetor contains his full title: Stefan Uroš, faithful to Christ God, by the mercy of God sovereign king of all Serbian lands and the litoral, and ktetor. In Gračanica, King Milutin is represented facing forward, with a nimbus around his head and holding a model of his foundation. He is wearing a crown dec- 216 caTaLoGUE orated with pearls and precious stones, with prependoulia – strings of pearls falling from the edges of the crown. he Serbian ruler is presented as an old man, with impressive features, a long narrow nose, and long gray hair falling in locks to his shoulders. He also has a long, thin mustaches and a long gray beard divided in the middle in two locks. His face, damaged at the place where his let eye was painted, was done in light ochre with reddish and brown shades around the eyes, and with sotly lighted and blushed cheeks. King Milutin is dressed in a black sakkos, with a loros which falls over his let hand. he loros, as well as the maniakion, peribrachia and the epimanikia, is decorated with precious stones and pearls. It is believed that hessalonian zographos Michael, the son of Eutychios, who painted Gračanica’s frescoes with his workshop, did Milutin’s portrait at the very end of the king’s life, ca. 1320. Literature: Тодић, Грачаница, 108, 170–171, 206, Pl. XVII, ig. 106; idem, Serbian Medieval Painting, 56–57, 254, 333, ig. 21. Dragana Pavlović Gačanica анд ново брдо 217 IVa.3. QUEEn SiMoniS Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, ca. 1320, copy Copied by Olga Tiran, 1964 Casein tempera on primed linen canvas, 3.57 × 1.22 = 4.355 m Inscription: симонида кралица и палеологина дьщи ц(a)rя андроника палеѡлога Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_702 Queen Simonis, the wife of Serbian King Milutin and daughter of Byzantine Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos, was painted in the lower zone of the northern side of the passageway connecting the narthex and the naos in the Church of the Annunciation in Gračanica. Her portrait makes a whole with the portrait of King Milutin, painted on the opposite, southern side of the passageway. Next to her image is an inscription saying she is from the famous Byzantine family of Palaiologos: Simonis, the Queen Palaiologina, daughter of Emperor Andronikos Palaiologos. he Byzantine princess and Serbian queen, Simonis is represented facing forward, with a nimbus around her head. She holds a sceptre in her right hand, while her let hand is raised in prayer. She is depicted as a young woman, with oval face and arched eyebrows, with a long and narrow nose and small mouth. She is wearing a high open, jagged crown decorated with pearls and precious 218 caTaLoGUE stones. As in the portrait of her husband, the crown is placed on her head by Christ, through angels. Below the crown is a kerchief covering her hair and falling on her shoulders. Simonis’s idealized, lovely and noble face was executed with great care in light-pinkish ochre and framed with a red-brown contour. She is wearing big, rounded earrings with pearls. he queen is dressed in a granatza – a long, red dress with wide sleeves, and a cloak placed over it. he dress has rhomboid ields with loral motifs. he maniakion is decorated with pearls and precious stones. Her portrait, as well as the other frescoes in Church of the Annunciation, is ascribed to Michael, the son of Eutychios, hessalonian artist who painted the Gračanica cathedral with his workshop ca. 1320. Literature: Тодић, Грачаница, 108, 170–171, 206, Pl. XVIII, ig. 105; idem, Serbian Medieval Painting, 56–57, 254, 333, ig. 20. Dragana Pavlović Gačanica анд ново брдо 219 IVa.4. SainT Sava, FirST SErBian arcHBiSHoP Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, ca. 1320, copy Copied by Časlav Colić, 1983 Casein tempera on primed linen canvas 2.00 × 0.71 m Inscription: s(ve)ti sava arhiEп(isko)pq Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1280 he portrait of St. Sava, the irst Serbian archbishop, was painted in the Church of the Annunciation in Gračanica monastery, in the lower zone on the western wall of the naos. he inscription next to his image describes him as ‘St. Sava the Archbishop.’ he irst Serbian ecclesiastical leader is painted representatively, facing forward, with a nimbus around his head. he portrait’s iconography is common for all posthumous presentations of the irst Serbian archbishop. St. Sava is portrayed as a middle-aged man, with short, dark and slightly graying hair, and a long beard separated into two locks. His features are done in pale ocher with greenish shadows around the eyes and on the edges of the face and brow. He has a tonsure, which is characteristic of almost all his portraits. St. Sava is wearing a sticharion, over which is a white sakkos with 220 caTaLoGUE big dark crosses. he side borders of the sakkos as well as the ends of the short sleeves have a golden hem decorated with crosses enclosed in medallions. Here, the archbishop of the Serbian autocephalous church was shown for the irst time holding a handkerchief and a cross decorated with pearls and precious stones in his right hand, and the closed Book of Gospel in his let. Protomaster Michael, the son of Eutychios, who, with his workshop, painted the frescoes in Gračanica, also did this portrait of Serbian Archbishop Sava I. Literature: Тодић, Грачаница, 98, 177–178, Pl. XIV, ig. 79; idem, Serbian Medieval Painting, 82, 167, 332, ig. 19; idem, Репрезентативни портрети светог Саве, 236–239, ig. 6; Стародубцев, Сакос црквених достојанственика, 526, 534; Војводић, Путеви и фазе, 71. Dragana Pavlović Gačanica анд ново брдо 221 IVa.5. 222 cHriST caLMinG THE STorM Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, ca. 1320 Copied by Časlav Colić, 1978 Linen canvas, stick-b, casein tempera 2.26 × 2.60 m Inscription: h(ristos)q v(q) korabi povel]vaEtq vytrU da oumlq;itq Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1206 Works on the renewal and the painting of frescoes in Gračanica, the foundation of King Milutin (1282–1321), began in cooperation with Lipljan bishop Ignjatije during the inal years of the king’s life. According to a chrysobull whose text is presented on the western wall of the southern parekklesion, the painting of the naos and the internal narthex was completed before the beginning of autumn 1321. As in most of Gračanica’s frescoes, a red border frames the picture deining it as a uniied whole. To beter explain the story, the author paid special atention to the scenery. All igures are slender and their faces of the same type, with only the igure of Christ being modeled with greater care. he painter’s drawing is precise and with ine gradations, and he skillfully harmonizes the warm and cold tones. he image of Christ calming the storm in the sea was painted on the southern wall of the parekklesion dedicated to the Mother of God. he iconographic solution follows the paterns inherited from the previous epochs of Byzantine art. At the centre of the composition is a boat sailing over a rough sea; the frightened apostles are pulling the sail’s ropes, while Peter is waking up the sleeping Christ; Christ, again shown in the middle of the boat, is chastising the apostles for having litle faith and is calming the sea. he fresco carries an inscription explaining the pictured event. According to their stylistic and iconographic characteristics, the Gračanica frescoes are a typical example of the so-called Palaiologan Renaissance. Although the signatures of the artists have not been preserved, the similarities of the Gračanica works with fresco compositions reliably ascribed to the workshop of Michael, son of Eutychios conirm that they too were done by the same group of painters. caTaLoGUE Literature: Тодић, Грачаница; idem, Serbian Medieval Painting, 255; idem, Српски сликари II, 24. Emilija Vuković Gačanica анд ново брдо 223 IVa.6. ProPHET ELiJaH in THE dESErT Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, ca. 1320, copy Copied by Dušan Mihajlović, 1961 Casein tempera on primed linen canvass, 1.90 × 1.90 m Inscription: pр(o)рkq ili] Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_639 he monumental composition Prophet Elijah in the Desert was painted on the western wall of Gračanica’s southern parekklesion dedicated to the Mother of God. he fresco shows the prophet in deep contemplation while a raven is lying towards him with a piece of bread in his beak. It is framed with a painted band and has an inscription in the upper part. In theological teachings, the Old Testament story about the prophet, from the First Book of Kings, carried Eucharistic symbolism. As the prefiguration of the New Testament Eucharist, the story was usually painted on either the altar or close to it – that is why the fresco is found in the south parekklesion of Gračanica. 224 caTaLoGUE he Gračanica artist had demonstrated his skills with a precise drawing and harmony of colors. he plasticity in modeling the igure was achieved using green shading on the edges of the form, while the facial features are accentuated with warm red. he rocky landscape, deprived of ornaments, lends monumentality to the composition. Judging by its style, the fresco is the work of one of the best Gračanica artists. It is ascribed to the workshop of Michael Astrapas, which took part in painting other foundations of King Milutin as well. Literature: Тодић, Грачаница, 93, 108, 134, 146, T. XXV; idem, Serbian Medieval Painting, 255, Т. XXXII; idem, Српски сликари II, 24. Emilija Vuković Gačanica анд ново брдо 225 IVa.7. ST. UrBan and THE MiacLE oF arcHanGEL MicHaEL in cHonaE (menologion, illustration for September 6) Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, ca. 1320, copy Copied by Časlav Colić, 1978 Linen canvass, stick-b, casein tempera, 1.60 × 1.12 m Inscription: s(ve)ti ourvanq i/e s nimq / ;}do arhiotratiga i/e vq honehq Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1211 The calendar cycle, i.e. the Мenologion, makes a transition from miniature and icon painting to the wall paintings during the era of Palaiologoi, at the beginning of the 14th century. In the Gračanica monastery’s katholikon, the cycle is subdivided into several spatially diferentiated wholes. Iconographically akin to the Menologion cycle from the Church of St. George in Staro Nagoričino (ca. 1317), in general it replicates the constantinopolitan synaxarion thematically. he illustration for September 6 is located on the western side of the northeastern column of the main dome. St. Urban and his fellow martyrs, the constantinopolitan Christians who drowned at sea in 370, are depicted in the composition’s upper zone. Archangel Michael is shown in its lower part holding a sphere in his let hand and a spear in his right, with the monk Archippos addressing him in a prayer. he mural illustrates an event 226 caTaLoGUE in Christian history when the Archangel answered the hoisos monk’s prayer by saving his temple in Chonae (in Phrygia, Asia Minor) from destruction by onrushing waters. he artistic values of Gračanica’s Menologion are in full harmony with the classicistic and narrative features of the Palaiologan rennaisance. Although the painters’ signatures on the Gračanica frescoes have not been preserved, its intricate drating, diversiied physiognomies, dynamism of movement, and the choice of hues all point to the masters from Michale Astrapas’s workshop, who executed the wall paintings in other King Milutin’s endowments as well. Literature: Petković, La peinture serbe, Pl. LXX; Мијовић, Менолог, 286; Тодић, Грачаница, 100, 124– 125; Габелић, Циклус арханђела, 103–111; Тодић, Serbian Medieval Painting, 332–334. Kristina Miloradović Gačanica анд ново брдо 227 IVa.8. Todor BanKoviĆ, Son oF GEorGE BanKoviĆ and irEnE anTaKoUzEnE Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, shortly before September 11, 1429, copy Copied by Petar Balabanović, Ljubomir Brajović, 1969 Linen canvas, stick-b, casein tempera, 1.42 × 0.62 cm Inscription: molenie ra<ba b/$i]> todora s(Q)na b<…> i h(ri)s(t)ol(U)biva<go> <…> g}rga i <…> Erin<e> Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_976 he portrait of Todor Branković, the eldest son of George Branković and Irene Kantakouzene, was painted, probably in the summer of 1429, in the diakonikon of the Gračanica monastery’s main church, on the southern side of the niche in the western wall, made ater the passage from the diakonikon into the naos was walled of. he youth’s prayer is inscibed next to his image (he prayer of God’s servant Todor, the son […] and Christ-loving […] George and […] Irene). he portrait was probably made in remembrance of a git which he, possibly together with his parents, bestowed to the monastery. It is believed to have been a votive git ofered in the hope that the young Todor, born probably in 1415, will overpower his grave illness (he died before September 11, 1429). he fresco was discovered during conservation works in the autumn of 1962. Young Todor is shown in full igure, turned towards the east, slender and slightly bent, his hands folded in prayer. His face is oval and beardless, his hair brown and combed back behind the ears, his eyebrows thin and brown 228 caTaLoGUE eyes downward-slanted at the outer corners, his nose long and hooked, and his small lips pressed together. He is wearing a red royal garment (divitision) adorned with pearls, with a maniakion around the neck, peribrachia on the upper arms, bracelets and hems decorated with gold, pearls and precious stones, and a crossed band (loros) thrown over his right hand. Wearing red shoes, he is standing on a large red cushion with yellow bands featuring embroidered loral motifs. He has no halo, nor a crown or wreath on his head. he picture was made by a very gited artist who managed to render his features well. he lesh is executed in ine gradations of warm hues, the facial features are done in minute details, and the slender igure displays slow and noble movements. Literature: Вуловић, Портрет Тодора, 1–12; Тодић, Грачаница, 239–241; Цветковић, Портрет Тодора Бранковића, 75–88; Стародубцев, Српско зидно сликарство II, 179–182. Tatjana Starodubcev Gačanica анд ново брдо 229 IVa.9. BUriaL oF Gačanica METroPoLiTan dioniSiJE Fresco from the katholikon of gračanica monastery, 1569/1570, copy Copied by Dragomir Jašović, 1979 Stick-b, casein tempera, 2.35 × 2.19 m Inscription: … mitropolita gra;anici kr(q) dJwnisJa …<prystavi> se 5 d(a)nq0 vq let(o) 07&80 vy;naa emU pametq5 Gallery of Frescos of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1234 A historical composition titled he Burial of Gračanica Metropolitan Dionisije from 1569/1570 is located in the southwestern part of the outer narthex in the katholikon of Gračanica monastery. In addition to the year in which the Novo Brdo metropolitan passed away, the writing on the fresco also gives the exact date of his burial. Of the inscription only two leters of the day, but not the month, have been preserved (…Gračanica Metropolitan lord Dionisije…passed away on the ith day, in the year 7078, may his memory be eternal). Patriarch Makarije Sokolović and his nephew Antonije, metropolitan of Herzegovina, were the ktetors of the frescoes in the exonarthex. 230 he patriarch is holding an open book in his let hand, while blessing the deceased with his right. Behind them is a group of bishops, priests and monks, among whom is Herzegovina metropolitan Antonije, painted with a nimbus, but with no accompanying inscription. In front of the group of mourners on the right side of the composition a monk stands out. He is reading above the catafalque from an open book the initial lines of David’s Psalm 118, cathisma 17, ‘Blessed are whose ways are blameless,’ which is read during a requiem [bl(a)/eni neporo;ni vq pUtq hode{ei vq zakone g(o)s(pod)nQ0 <bl(a)>/eni <i>spita}{ei s<ve>denJa Ego = Blessed are the blameless in the way, who walk in the law of the Lord. Blessed are they that search out His testimonies]. he story of the metropolitan’s burial was told in extenso, with a gallery of over thirty igures painted in the foreground. Beyond doubt, a certain number of them are authentic portraits of the prominent personalities of the renewed Patriarchate with Patriarch Makarije at the head, which gives this composition a great historical value. At Metropolitan Dionisije’s feet a group of laymen is standing, dressed in the garments of the period. At the top of the fresco an angel is depicted taking the metropolitan’s soul to the heavens. Metropolitan Dionisije on the catafalque, clad in his formal robes, is shown with a mitre behind his head and the Gospel Book on his chest. Above him are standing a diacon with a censer and patriarch Makarije [pryws(ve){enJi patrJarhq k฀r(q) mak(a)rJe = the most sanctiied patriarch lord Makarije]. Literature: Петковић (С.), Зидно сликарство, 90, 126; idem, Сликарство спољашње припрате Грачанице, 201–211; Тодић, Грачаница, 249, 254–258, 261–263. caTaLoGUE he picture is characterized by a conident composition and light color tones. Ana Radovanović Gačanica анд ново брдо 231 IVa.10. aPoSTLE MaTHEW icon from gračanica monastery, second half of the 16th century Tempera on board, 59.5 × 23.5 × 2.5 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_3291 Saint Mathew the apostle, in full igure, is painted on an elongated and narrow board. He is wearing a chiton and chimation, and is standing in a three-quarter position. He is holding a closed Gospel Book in his let hand, and his right hand, raised up, is covered by the chimation’s edge. he upper part of the background and the icon’s frame are gilded. here are no traces of an inscription. he author of the icon was probably a Greek. His style is closer to the 14th century painting: the lesh is dark, and his modeling is achieved by a carefully executed color nuances and shades. His palete ranges from light, ocher tones used for illumination accents to dark black in the deepest shadow. he icon of the apostle and evangelist Matthew used to be on the old Gračanica icon- 232 caTaLoGUE ostasis, and was a part of the Deesis row, of which the icons of Christ, St. Peter, St. Luke and a youthful apostle (homas or Bartholomew) were also preserved. he icon of the Mother of God, once also part of the Deesis, the Gračanica administration had given as a git to King Milan Obrenović as a sign of gratitude for his assistance in renewing the monastery and building a new guest house, but it was lost in mid-20th century. he icon of apostle Mathew was given as a git to Ivan Ivanić, the Serbian consul in Priština. Literature: Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Неколико сачуваних икона, 135–152 ig. 3; Средњовековна уметност, 56, cat. no. 60; Weitzmann et al., he Icon, 308, 349; Тодић, Грачаница, 271, ig. 135. Miljana Matić Gačanica анд ново брдо 233 IVa.11. ocToEcHoS oF Gačanica, ModE 5–8 gračanica monastery, 1538/1539 Paper, folio format (2º), 32 × 21.5 cm, approximately 224 fols. Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, inv. no. ОРГ 273 he Octoechos, mode 5–8 is the sole publication of the Gračanica printing house. According to the preface, the book was printed by rab (‘servant’) Dimitrije at the order of the metropolitan of Novo Brdo, Nikanor. Relative to the octoechos books published earlier – the one from Cetinje and Vuković’s – the Gračanica Octoechos, mode 5–8 features certain diferences in redaction, relected not only in the structure of the text, rather in certain translation solutions, too. he most outstanding visual and graphic decoration of the book is a xylographic illustration on fol. 1v. In the upper portion of its arched carved wood frame is a depiction of the church of the Gračanica Monastery, with the inscription above reading: mitropolJa grad(q);anica (the Gračanica Metropolitanate). In the lower part of the illustration are the igures of three church poets – St. Cosmas[s(ve)tQ kwsma tvorac], St. John Damascene [s(ve)tQ Iwan(q) damaskunx] and St. Joseph [s(ve)tQi IwsIfx]. All three hymnographers are represented while writing down their hymns on unfolded scrolls. he inscription: smyrenJi nikanwr(x) novobrdxskQ mitr(o)polit(x) – Modest Nikanor Metropolitan of Novo Brdo, is engraved in the botom part of the frame. Despite the fact that the three hymnographers were modelled directly according to the historiated in- 234 caTaLoGUE itial from the eponymous book by Božidar Vuković from 1537, the entire composition with the hymnographers and the depiction of the monastery church repeats the structure established back in the Cetinje Octoechos, mode 5–8. It was determined, however, that the depiction of the three hymnographers had been added at a later time, whereas initially in their place there had most likely been an engraved depiction of Metropolitan Nikanor – whose name is writen on the frame – ofering the book to the Holy Virgin. Besides this illustration, the graphic decoration of the book also includes a plain intertwined vignete and a historiated initial, as well as three framed initials – Ч, П and С (Č, P and S). Unlike the intertwined initials Ч and П, which had no models in the books printed until then, the initial C was directly modelled according to the template from the Cetinje publications, in the form of a weave on a black background. Literature: Грујић, Прва штампарија, 81–96; Медаковић, Графика српских штампаних књига; Радојичић, Карактер и главни моменти, 255–270; Љубинковић, Две грачаничке иконе, 130; Петковић (С.), Несачувани портрет, 71–86; Пешикан, Лексикон српскословенског штампарства, 98–101, 160–161. Miroslav Lazić Gačanica анд ново брдо 235 IVa.12. TETaEvanGELion FroM ŠaŠKovac HErMiTaGE Šaškovac hermitage near gračanica monastery (?), irst third of the 16th century Paper, 256 fols., 300 × 190 mm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Peć 13 Based on the watermarks the manuscript is dated to the irst third of the 16th century. According to the preserved note on fol. 255v from January 1624, it is then that patriarch Pajsije found the tetraevangelion in the Šaškovac Hermitage. Just next to Gračanica monastery, Šaškovac used to be a setlement of Janjevo miners, and in the 17th century its monastic cell was an important scriptorium. In the said note Pajsije is demanding that this Gospel Book be used for the services in the hermitage and that it belongs to Gračanica monastery: † SJ} s(ve)tU} knig(U), zovwm(q)0 ;etvoroglavx, eu(a)n'gelJe. obrytoh(q) vx :elJi [a[kova;koi nepwd(q)pisano, i povylyh(q) da Es(tq) na slU/(q)bU vx sei kelJi i da nikqIm(q) nestx wtemlEma da nystx bl(ago)s(lo)v(e)no, nq da Es(tq) cr(q)kvi gra;(a)n(i)ci lipl]n'skoi, i pod(q)pisah(q) svoe} rUko} az(q) smyr(e)n'nqI i mno(go)gry[nqI pasei bivJi togda ar'hJep(i)sk(o)px srxb'ski, lyt(a), zr$l20 m(y)s(e)ca gen(ara). 05, In'(di)kti 060 U [a[kovcU (his holy book, called tetraevangelion, I have found in the cell in Šaškovac, unsigned, and have ordered that it be used for the service in this cell, and forbade its removal, which would be unsanctiied, for it should belong to the church of Gračanica of the Lipljan eparchy. With my own hand I do sign this, I, humble and sinful Pajsije, then the archbishop of Serbia, in the summer of 7132, month of January 5, indiction 6th, in Šaškovac). 236 caTaLoGUE he manuscript illuminations consist of headpieces (fol. 3, 72v, 119, 190, 243) and initials which, like the headpieces, are mostly found at the beginning of each of the Gospels. he beginning of the Gospel of John ( fol. 190) is decorated with a headpiece which occupies one-third of the page. Having its own unique cascading structure, the headpiece deviates from the standard headpiece form which is rectangular, i.e. circular. his one consists of rosetes, each made of a white in- terlaced ribbon outlined with loral decorations. Ocher, green, red and dark blue colors were used. By coloring the insides of the rosetes with dark colors and their rims with ocher, the author made the white of the ribbons stand out. he initial B is located below the title and it takes some 7 to 8 lines of text. It too is made of a white interlaced ribbon, just like the headpiece. he ribbon is forming geometri- cal paterns, and the inner ields are red, green, ocher and blue. he manuscript is in decent condition, although its irst three leaves and the one from the beginning of the Gospel of Mark have been ripped out. Literature: Мошин, Рукописи,20–21; Задужбине Косова, 546; Задужбине Косова, 546; Ракић, Српска минијатура XVI и XVII века, 35. Kristina Pešić Gačanica анд ново брдо 237 IVa.13. Hand cEnSEr Janjevo, second half of the 14th century Open-cast bronze Length 30.3 cm; width 12.5 cm; height 11 cm. Belgrade, Museum of Applied Art, inv. no. 161 he censer belongs to the type of horizontal censer with a handle (Gk. katzi or katzion) and is among the rare censers of this type preserved to the present day. It consists of a shallow bowl for embers, extending into a lavishly decorated ield, with decoration done in the open-cast technique, and a simple lat handle ending with a circular ornament at the top. Stability is provided by the low round foot of the bowl and a simple stem cast under the joint of the decorative ield and the handle. he lid is shaped like a dome topped by a crudely cast tower with a cross. he dome has holes imitating windows: in the botom row they are in the form of a keyhole, while in the top row they are round, vaulted by semicircular arches. he holes in the tower were not pierced, rather simply marked by a line of semicircles. he decorative bronze ‘lace’ making up the central part of the censer was done fully in the spirit of Byzantine art. he well-known wandering vine motif, with leaves in the form of lilies and two pairs of birds, ills the entire area in a perfectly symmetrical rhythm. he symbolism of the depiction of the Tree of Life and the birds in part serves the purpose of the item and certain church rituals in which it was used, but serves even more 238 caTaLoGUE the purpose of an overall extremely decorative appearance, additionally accentuated by details along the outer rim – swirling leaves or a line of toothed motifs. We ind a direct parallel on a nearly identical hand censer from Markov Manastir, which leads us to the conclusion that they were either made in the same workshop or at least cast from an identical mould. he same group includes the censer from the Simonopetra Monastery on Mount Athos and the censer from Mystras. here is a visible discrepancy between the general appearance of the censer’s body and its lid, which points to diferent stylistic models. We ind the typical keyhole motif on the lids of several bronze censers, but only of the hanging type (Žiča, Novo Brdo, Namasija Monastery), which indicates that the local masters looked to the works of western European art, such as the bronze censers and reliquaries from Limoges or Germany dated to the 13th century. Literature: Мирковић, Татић, Марков манастир, ig. 27; Милошевић, Бронзана кадионица, 283–288; Радојковић, Миловановић, Српско златарство, cat. no. 43, 26; Ивковић, Кадионице, 103–116; Treasures of Mount Athos, cat. no. 9.27, 353; Athos, cat. no. 5.3, 319, 320. Mila Gajić Gačanica анд ново брдо 239 IVa.14. WoMEn’S adiaL EarrinGS Janjevo, 17th century Silver, casting, torsion and granulation techniques, diameter 4 cm. Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1470/1,2 Radial earrings were initially part of aristocratic jewellery, and sometime later began to be worn by common people, too. heir decorative appearance made them a favourite among women’s jewellery. hey were made of silver, copper and gilding, with the use of casting, torsion, iligree, granulation, and etching techniques, and decorated with coloured glass particles. Aside from the decorative purpose, they also had magical properties, i.e. protected the wearer. he circle symbolised eternity and durability, while the decorative details resembling barley kernels symbolised fertility. 240 caTaLoGUE hese earrings date back to the late 17th century and are the work of Janjevo masters, modelled ater the majestic medieval Novo Brdo earrings. he body of the earring is circular, with a protrusion in the form of a stylised iligree rosete in the central part. Small berries are radially positioned around the rosete, with an ornament in the form of spirally wound silver wire on the join between the rosete and the pin. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 359, no. 1368 Mina Darmanović Gačanica анд ново брдо 241 IVa.15. SiLvEr rinG WiTH caBocHonS Janjevo, 14th century Silver, casting, etching Diameter at head 1.5 cm, diameter at hoop 2 cm, height 2.5 cm, weight 14.62 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 26_5667 A massive cast ring with a round hoop and head. Its distinctiveness lies in the decoration on the hoop in the form of cabochons, placed in a regular rhythm along the hoop. he shoulders of the ring are decorated with etched palmetes drawn in a somewhat unsteady manner. on the head, the medallion bears a quatrefoil rosete surrounded by six curling branches with a leaf here and there, very skilfully cut, stylised as volutes and positioned in a highly harmonious composition. rings with relief protuberances along the hoop are not part of the standard production of the 14th and 15th century. hey oten have heraldic motifs on the head, whereas the decorated ields also include Byzantine ornaments of the period, such as vines, palmetes, and rosetes. his type, the same as the majority of rings in the territory of the former Roman and Byzantine empires, follows antique and early Byzantine models and, to a lesser extent, the production of the 9th and 10th century. he diference is in the fact that on antique rings precious stones or pearls were incorporated in these relief protrusions, or there were tiny compositions, mostly from Christological cycles, between those points. Apart from the aforementioned protuberances, another resemblance of this 242 caTaLoGUE group of medieval rings to the old models is the shape of the hoop, which thanks to those thicker parts gains an irregular, approximately octagonal shape. A group of rings with cabochons on the hoop may be distinguished. he inventory of the Museum of Applied Art in Belgrade contains two rings whose shape continues the antique and Byzantine traditions, both found in the Priština area and dating to the mid-14th century. hey are joined by three other rings, one of which originated in Novo Brdo, from the National Museum in Belgrade. No examples in bronze have been detected. It appears that, ater the Middle Ages, this hoop shape was no longer used in ring making. he Janjevo example draws atention back to this mining and artisanal city, from which a large number of rings of various shapes, types and decoration originated. his diversity and solid work were maintained in the making of consumer jewellery in Janjevo throughout Turkish rule. Literature: Милошевић, Накит од ХII до ХV века, cat. no. 89; Зечевић, Један сребни прстен, 431– 440; Иванић, Прстен са представом светих Kонстантина и Jелене, 379–386. Branka Ivanić Gačanica анд ново брдо 243 IVa.16. SiLvEr rinG WiTH ocTaGonaL HEad Janjevo, 14th century Silver, casting, etching, niello Head 1 × 1.5 cm, diameter at hoop 2.3 cm, height 3.2 cm, weight 12 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 26_5665 he massively cast ring is decorated with relief and niello across its entire surface. he hoop is complex. Circular in the botom part, on ribbed shoulders, it expands towards the neck in three triangular segments which meet on both sides, thereby forming the octagonal head of the ring. Volutes with six-petal rosetes on their opposite ends were done in niello on the segments. he botom part of the hoop is also decorated with niello imitating a small branch with buds. he igure of a troting, almost running lion, with its head turned back is etched inside a double octagon. his ring is a representative of a big group which, at the peak of popularity of this type of ring, between the second half of the 14th and second half of the 15th century, reached a large number of specimens, rarely gold, more silver and even more bronze ones. It was made in two versions: like this example from Janjevo with an octagonal head blending into a raised neck, which then has one to three ribs in the middle of the hoop, or with umbellate expansions in the same place, in which case the octagonal head of the ring is thin, is not raised and is clearly separated from the hoop. Tied to a greater inluence of western culture, this sort of ring is also called a ‘gothic’ ring. On its head it most oten bears the depiction of an animal or bird, in deep relief 244 caTaLoGUE with a possible heraldic mark. Where bronze rings are concerned, this kind of ring, descriptively also called a ‘ring with a raised octagonal head,’ has a much bigger number of deeply etched animals with heraldic features on the head than any other type of bronze ring. he ring originated in Janjevo, one of the oldest and most developed mining and artisanal squares in direct proximity to Novo Brdo and Priština, which was, like several other neighbouring villages and towns, inhabited by descendants of Latin setlers, initially bearers and subsequently participants in the mining and processing of metals and in the production and trade of metal objects. Along with the famous gold ring from Janjevo in the Museum of Applied Art, this may represent the highest reach of the crat of Janjevo goldsmiths, whose works are kept in museum collections in Belgrade, Zagreb, Sarajevo, and Osijek. Nearly identical to the Janjevo ring from the National Museum, which is quite rare in the great collection of preserved Serbian medieval rings, is the specimen from the National Museum in Sarajevo. Only the depictions of the lion on the head difer. Literature: Милошевић, Накит од ХII до ХV века, cat. no. 166. Branka Ivanić Gačanica анд ново брдо 245 IVa.17. LEad PiTcHEr Janjevo, 16th–17th century Lead, mould casting Height 30.5 cm, diameter at rim 21 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_1743 Ater the fall under Turkish rule, goldsmith workshops in Kosovo and Metohija besides jewellery made also church vessels and special purpose household items. One of such items is the pitcher for sanctiied water and wine from Janjevo. It was made of lead, with a lared rim, an elongated funnel neck and a biconical body. hicker annular strips rhythmically alternate along the neck, while the part between the shoulder and the neck is decorated with a curved line of zigzag ornaments. full cast angular handles, decorated with diferently modelled dragon heads, are positioned between the rim and the shoulder. Their beginnings are shaped like opposed schematised heads the jaws of which dive into the rim, while two more heads with open jaws emerge from the necks. he body of the pitcher was formed by the joining of two calote-shaped parts decorated with medallions depicting the Eucharist, on which the fountain of life motif is shown as a double chalice pouring water. Birds facing one another are drinking from the smaller chal- 246 caTaLoGUE ice, while to the sides of the bigger chalice are two adossed lions. Toothed-shape reinforcements on both sides of the vessel follow the circular form of the body. he space between them and the medallions is illed with circular bands with a curved line of zigzag ornaments. he vessel sits on four striped slant notched feet decorated with stylised lilies. he symbolism of the combined decorative motifs – lions and birds imbibing from the chalices, plastic dragon head decorations and lily motifs on the feet – represents a palete of Christian symbolism, which spread out from the Byzantine cultural circle and was enriched by local inluences. Several lead pitchers of the same shape and decoration were found in the village of Ugljare (Gnjilane), Ravanica Monastery, in the Kraljevo area, and in southern Albania. Literature: Радојковић, Кондир, 27–41, ig. 1–3; Радојковић, Српско златарство; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 105, 130, cat. 118. Nataša Cerović Gačanica анд ново брдо 247 IVa.18. MiScELLanY. inScriPTion on THE MarBLE PiLLar in KoSovo monastery of the holy archangels near medveđa (?) ,1573–1578 Paper, 200 fols., 204 ×140 mm Belgrade, Library of the Serbian Patriarchate, No.167 Known to science since the beginning of the fourth decade of the 19th century, this code atracted the atention of both domestic and international researchers, especially with its interesting and very genre-diverse content. Most of the compositions are on the subject of worshipping St. Nicholas, and a particularly important text is the one of the inscription on the Marble Pillar in Kosovo, of Despotes Stefan Lazarević. he text occupies three pages of the Miscellany (fols. 193r, 193v, 194r), under the headline: sJe ry;i pis(a)nQ bQ[e na stlqpU mramorynU na kws(o)vU (hese Words Were Inscribed on the Marble Pillar in Kosovo). It is the sole preserved copy of the inscription, which is current not only for literary and historical research, but also for historical science, as it provides accurate and exact data on the time of the Batle of Kosovo. he text of the inscription was irst carved into a marble pillar, erected in the irst years of the 15th century by Despotes Stefan Lazarević on the site of the Batle of Kosovo as a victory trophy dedicated to his father, Prince Lazar, and the Serbian warriors fallen in the fateful clash with the Turkish army. Although it has been known to the scientiic world for more than a century and a half and was even published several times, this unique poetic work of original Serbian literature was reviewed as a whole only in the mid-20th century, which 248 caTaLoGUE enabled the identiication of authorship and the correct interpretation of the inscription itself. Certain stylistic details characteristic of the writing of Despotes Stefan Lazarević were added to the earlier recognised erudition and extensive knowledge of warrior skills of the inscription’s author. Like an anthropomorphic being, the pillar directly addresses the passenger (a note of antique tradition), and then with a rhythmic speech and exceptional expression presents to them the moral and Christian character of Prince Lazar, the spiritual and physical characteristics of the Kosovo warriors, describes the batle, the death of the prince and the great feat of his army: hou who set foot on Serbian land, whether thou be foreign or native, whoever or whatever thou may be, when thou come to this ield, which is called Kosovo, thou shalt likely see many bones of the dead, and with them a stony landscape, me thou shalt see as a cross and as a banner, standing upright in the midst of the ield. do not pass and overlook, as something futile and vile, but please come closer and come to me, оh beloved one, and hear the words that i convey to thee, and from them thou shalt understand for what reason and how and why i stand here, for i tell thee the truth, none less than the living one, that i shall tell unto thee all that happened in actuality. Gačanica анд ново брдо 249 here was once here a great autocrat, an earthly wonder and Serbian lord, called Lazar, the great prince, an unbending pillar of piousness, the ocean of reason and the depth of wisdom, a iery mind and protector of strangers, provider for the hungry and caresser of the meek, caresser of the custodians and comforter, who loves all who desire christ, whom he goes to of his own free will, with all of his kind, the countless multitude, as much as is under his hand. Husbands good, husbands bold, husbands truly in words and deeds, who glow like shining stars, as the land with colourful lowers, dressed in gold and adorned in precious stones; many horses chosen and saddled in gold, all-wonderful and beautiful their horsemen. all-noble and glorious like a good shepherd and guardian, he wisely fetches the spiritual lambs, that they may come to be well in christ, and receive the wreath of anguish and partake in higher glory. and such a united countless multitude together with a gracious and great lord, a good soul and most irm faith, like a stunning hall and foods of many smells they rushed the enemy and they crushed the true serpent and they put to death the wild beast and great opponent and the ruse of insatiable hell, the great Murad and his son, the ofspring of the asp and the adder, the pup of the lion and the basilisk, and along with them quite a many others. oh, the miracles of God’s fates, the courageous martyr was caught by the lawless hand of the inidel and he took well the end of the sufering and christ’s martyr became the great Prince Lazar. But he was cut down by none other, oh beloved one, than the hand of that murderer, the son of Murad. and all that was said here ended in the year 6897 (1389), indiction 12, month of June 15, on a Tuesday, and the hour was the sixth or the seventh, i do not know, the Lord knows. 250 caTaLoGUE The solid and well-designed composition of the work also suggests the appearance of the pillar. Since three even parts of the text can be distinguished, Đorđe Trifunović assumed that the inscription could have been carved into three sides of the pillar. Đorđe Sp. Radojičić believed that the text had been put together ater the Batle of Angora (1402), and had been carved into the marble pillar at the site of the batle, a few kilometers northwest of Priština, in the spring or summer of 1404, during the Despotes’s stay in Kosovo. he original pillar with the Despotes’s text had already been destroyed in the time of the writing of the Miscellany, but was rebuilt as a monolithic white marble pillar, on the occasion of marking the 600th anniversary of the Batle of Kosovo, on St. Vitus Day in 1989. It was erected in direct proximity to the monument dedicated to the heroes of Kosovo, built in Gazimestan near Priština (region of village Mazgit) in 1953, according to a design by Aleksandar Deroko. he Miscellany was probably compiled for the bishop of Niš Makarije (1570–1587) in the Monastery of the Holy Archangels near Medveđa (inscription on fol. 180v). An inscription on the inner side of the back cover provides evidence that the book was still in the same monastery in 1640. Literature: Радојичић, Световна похвала кнезу Лазару, 127–143; Мирковић, Шта значи мраморни стуб, 1–18; Трифуновић, Списи о кнезу Лазару, 270–291, with earlier literature; Јерковић, Натпис на мраморном стубу, 137–146 (with a publication of the text of the Inscription); Деспот Стефан Лазаревић. Књижевни радови, 101, 145–146, 158–163, 195– 198; Задужбине Косова, 477; Ранковић, Вукашиновић, Станковић, Инвентар рукописа, 45, no. 163. Milanka Ubiparip Gačanica анд ново брдо 251 IV b.1. THE MininG codE oF dESPoTES STEFan LazarEvić kratovo (?), ca. 1580 paper, 27 fols., 280 ×100 mm Belgrade, Archives SASA, no. 465 he manuscript is a copy of the Law on Mines and contains excerpts from the Statute of Novo Brdo, which Despotes Stefan Lazarević ordered to be drated in 1412. Both texts are related to the life, rights and work of miners at Novo Brdo, the most important Serbian mine at the time. Based on the ductus and stylistic features of the illuminations, the text has been atributed to Priest Jovan of Kratovo. His painted decoration comprises a miniature depicting the miners’ college of judges (fol. 2v), headpieces in the form of an arabesque illed with interlaced chickpea tendrils (fol. 4), interlace headpieces in the form of a rope (fol. 19), and initials done in gold and dark blue colours. he title and parts of the text are writen in gold, dark blue and cinnabar colours. On each page, the text is framed by a golden line. he book has leather-bound covers with a lap, which are adorned with gold arabesques. he articles of the Code are preceded by an introduction by Despotes Stefan and followed by an inscription, transcribed from the original and titled Predislovie cara Stefana (A Preface by Emperor Stefan), which states the year when the Law on Mines was formulated. Depicted at the start of the book, over an entire page, as a kind of a group portrait of the authors – probably following the original from the time of the Despotate – are the twenty members of the Miners’ College of Judges (the authors of 252 caTaLoGUE the Mining Code), lined up in four rows of ive, siting on benches with high backs. hey are of various ages and physiognomies and the monotony of their ranks is broken by ine variations in the positions of their bodies, heads and arms, with which they gesticulate animatedly. he members of the Council wear long robes, cloaks and lively hats of green, ochre, brown and blue colours. heir lesh colour is painted in ochre, which blends with brown in shaded surfaces. he style of painting, albeit conforming to the trends of the late 16th century, also follows the exemplar from the time of Despotes Stefan. It is owing to such a model that the drawing, done in dark brown ink and thereater illed with watercolour paint, does not show any signs of an unsteady hand. he picturesqueness and solemn character of the miniature are further highlighted with gilt, applied to the ground and parts of the atire worn by the judges. Other elements of the manuscript design – the elongated format, binding with an Oriental lap and ornaments – belie the penetration of a strong Islamic inluence into the work of the Kratovo calligrapher. Literature: Novo Brdo Mining Law, in: Byzantium, 54–56 (Đ. Trifunović); Ракић, Српска минијатура XVI и XVII века, 128, 130–131, 224–225, with earlier literature; Рударски законик, in: Свет српске руко­ писне књиге, 371–373 (З. Ракић). Zoran Rakić GačANICA анд ново брдо 253 IV b.2. 254 WindoW FaME LUNETE WITH INSCRIPTION cathedral of novo brdo, last quarter of 14th century 16 × 12.5 × 25.5 cm Inscription:  по м(и)л(о)сти … протомаист(о)рь National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_ 4840 his fragment of the let half of a semicircular lunete of a single window frame was found in 1958, in construction rubble during archaeological excavation of the cathedral of Novo Brdo. It atracts particular atention from researchers with its inscription by the builder of the church, the master or proto-master. his piece is made of sandstone and has no decoration. It belonged to the frame of a single window whose opening inished in a semicircular arch with a rounded lancet peak, as seen in buildings from the Moravian period. he window itself was located in the older, western part of the monumental Novo Brdo cathedral, whose construction by all accounts began in the mid-14th century. he ductus of the painstakingly carved leters, equal in height, and the discovered pieces of stone sculpture with characteristic interlace ornamentation place the origination time of these fragments in the last quarter of the 14th century. the inscription, the word master is believed to have been preceded by the preix proto, which would indicate that this had been the location of the signature of the chief builder of the Novo Brdo cathedral church. he only hypothesis expounded to date about the identity of the architect of Novo Brdo is that he was the celebrated builder of Ljubostinja, Rade Borović, who has been memorialised in folk poetry. he signature of the master, in a formula without divine invocation, carved into the threshold of the Ljubostinja church, exhibits signiicant similarities of form with the inscription from Novo Brdo. his circumstance, together with the identical geometric patern of a characteristic two-ribbon interlace found in the stone decoration of both churches, has contributed to the hypothesis that this builder worked in the construction of the cathedral in Novo Brdo before Ljubostinja. As only one half of the lunete has survived, the name of the master remains unknown. According to a proposed reconstruction of Literature: Bošković, Stari Bar, 247–248; Jovanović (V. S.), Novo Brdo, 120–122. caTaLoGUE Dubravka Preradović GačANICA анд ново брдо 255 IV b.3. FaGMENTS OF ARCHIVOLT cathedral of novo brdo, last quarter of 14th century Sandstone, 101.5 × 29 × 21 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_4841, 24_4846, 24_4847 he three connecting fragments make up part of the let half of an archivolt originating from the Novo Brdo cathedral church. he pieces are made of sandstone and decorated with a supericially carved double-ribbon interlace motif. At the foot of the arch, on the least preserved fragment, there is a carved inscription which is based on the well-known verse from the Book of Revelation (Rv 21:6, 22:13): h$s za<;alo> i kon<qcq> (Christ, the Beginning and the End). As the fragments were discovered in secondary use, it is impossible to determine their original place in the church’s façades. hough it has been suggested that the archivolt is from a window frame, in light of the angle of the arch that the fragments form, it may be conceived that this was an archivolt of a greater radius, indicating that it could came from a blind arcade arch, which decorated the church’s façade. he sotly and shallowly carved ornamentation found on these and on other pieces of stone sculpture of the Novo Brdo cathedral church belongs to the repertoire of motifs of Moravian sculptural decoration. he archivolt is embellished with a series of cruciform paterns, formed by crossing horizontal and vertical double eights, executed in dou- 256 caTaLoGUE ble ribbons. A patern of crossed eights, albeit single ones, decorates some archivolts of Lazarica and the monumental rosete wreath of Ravanica, while at Naupara, a patern of double eights, like in the example from Novo Brdo, adorns the central frame of the large rosete of the front façade and the archivolts of the lower drum area; all are from the time of Knez Lazar. Enhanced by palmetes, the same motif is carved in the archivolt of the mullioned window in the southern wall of the narthex of the church of Kalenić, erected in the time of the independent rule of Despotes Stefan (1410–1427). Known data about the time of the construction of the older part of the Novo Brdo cathedral and the absence of vegetal motifs on the discovered fragments point to the origination time of this decorative stonework of the church being the last quarter of the 14th century. Literature: Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Значај Но­ вог Брда, 131–133; Катанић, Декоративна камена пластика, 238; Jovanović (V. S.), Novo Brdo, 114– 120; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 96. Dubravka Preradović GačANICA анд ново брдо 257 IV b.4. cHriST and UnKnoWn SainT Small double-sided pectoral icon, novo brdo, 14th century Wood (pear), woodcut Width 2.9 cm, height 3.7 cm, thickness 0.8 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 24_5180 A double-sided small icon worn on the chest, decorated identically on both sides. On the front is a waist-length depiction of Jesus Christ with his right hand raised in blessing and his let holding a closed book of gospel. Parallel beams of vertical and slanted lines schematically depict the folds of the dress, while the frame is in the form of a two-part relief braid. On the back is the waist-length igure of a saint, possibly Saint Nicholas, in the same position and with the same atribute. he relief is shallow, strictly two-dimensional, but done with a sense of value of the lines and surfaces. It belongs to a group of icons that were made of various materials – stone, semi-precious stones, mother-of-pearl, wood, or metal – and worn around the neck. he miniature ones repeat the contemporary iconographic schemes of depictions of certain saints both on the front and back side and belong to artistic crat of varying quality. Although some elements of monumentality can be identiied in the treatment of Christ’s bust, the stylisation of the entire igure appears quite rustic and is close to stone sculpting, thus it is assumed that the model used by the master was a stone relief. he twisted ornament itself on the icon’s frame relects a stylistic relation to the stone reliefs of contemporary Morava architectural decorative plastics, the likes of which were also discovered in the ruins of the Novo Brdo cathedral church. 258 caTaLoGUE he information found in writen sources testiies to the use of such icons in medieval Serbia certainly in the late 12th and early 13th century, but there are no preserved specimens from that period, hence the Novo Brdo icon would be among the oldest ones. It was discovered in grave number 752, damaged by the laying of the foundations of the new south outer wall of the cathedral church, erected ater the expansion of the churchyard and levelling of the terrain for the construction of the big church (phase one), which reliably dates it to the period before the end of the 14th century. It was found in the part under the skeleton’s pelvis, thus it may be assumed that it was placed between the deceased person’s hands. he location of the subsequently pierced small hole through which a string or chain for carrying was inserted indicates that it probably initially had a silver (?) iting with a hoop for hanging, which along with the quality of workmanship and good knowledge of the ruling artistic work points to a master, i.e. workshop capable both in terms of crat and organisation to make luxury items by order of the wealthier clientele, probably in Novo Brdo itself. Literature: Томић, Белешке, 281–288, ig. 1, 1a– b; Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Значај Новог Брда, 135, ig. 7; Радојковић, Ситна пластика, 15–16, ig. 21; Косово и Метохија, 98, cat. no. 104 (Н. Церовић). Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 259 IV b.5. IMAGO PIETATIS Small double-sided pectoral icon, novo brdo, end of the 14th–irst decades of the 15th century Wood, carved Width 2 cm, height 3.4 cm, depth 0.7 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_4932 A small pectoral two-sided icon with a loop at the top for hanging made as one with it. he depictions on both sided have lost much of their plasticity and are damaged, but a rather rustically produced Imago Pietatis can still be discerned on one side, whilst a depiction of a cross with lared bars is on the other. It is a generally known fact that older Byzantine two-sided pectoral icons were intensely copied from as early as the 13th century in all areas inhabited by Orthodox believers and that small wooden architectural sculpture was more common among the Serbs than that made from stone. he fact that it is similar in artistic expression to stone carving has led to the belief that in the 14th–15th century one and the same cratsman could produce objects from wood, bone or metal. For this reason, stylistic similarities are found both in older and contemporaneous icons made from stone and metal. he free surface was worked in the same manner as that on another small icon from Novo Brdo (IVb. 4), but there is evident diference in the quality, i.e. skill with which the igures and details were done and it can therefore be said that they were not produced by the same cratsman, nor that stylistically related exemplars were followed. Both by its rou- 260 caTaLoGUE tine workmanship and visual forms it is of a generally much lower quality than the other icon, whose artistic values cannot be denied. he most important fact related to its dating is that it was discovered in the rubble layer at the level of the shallow graves found in the southern part of the yard of the Novo Brdo cathedral church in the course of digging a drainage canal, together with a denarius minted by Sigismund of Luxembourg (1387–1437). It is obvious that both small icons from Novo Brdo were in use at the same time, which doesn’t mean they were also produced at the same time, as the worn out surfaces and reliefs in this icon are indicative of its long use. he mention of the village of Drvodelja in the vicinity of Novo Brdo and the names of two wood carvers (master cratsman Radovan and Radosav Jelisavčić) on a list of debtors in the trade ledger kept by Mihailo Lukarević, a trader who did business at Novo Brdo between 1432 and 1438, clearly indicates that wood carving was well developed at Novo Brdo and that it is safe to say that the Novo Brdo icons are homemade products. Literature: Томић, Белешке, 282–284, ig. 2; Радојковић, Ситна пластика, 16; Церовић, Археоло­ шка сведочанства, 98, cat. no. 103. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 261 IV b.6. GoLd rinG WiTH MoUnTinG For STonE originated in italy or central europe (?), late 14th to mid–15th century Gold, cast Diameter at band 2.1 cm, height 2.5 cm, weight 3.11 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_3382 Very inely made gold ring, with a thin circular band and relief decoration on the shoulders in the design of a fantastic animal – a dragon. Toward the head of the ring, the band becomes thicker to support the lower part of the deep octagonal mounting of the head, which probably held a semiprecious stone (gem?), now missing. he ring was found in a tomb 50 dug into rock in the central part of the nave of the cathedral church in Novo Brdo, closed with older Turkish looring and the base of the minbar of the mosque erected on the site of the church (1466), so it may be dated with considerable certainty to the period when the church served as a Christian cult structure. Namely, it was discovered along with the only intact skeleton at the botom of this multi-skeletal burial tomb, with remains of fabric and numerous butons from the clothes of the deceased, but also with fragments of frescoes, ceramics and Mehmed II’s mangir (forged, 1451– 1481?) in the upper layers of the grave. Its presence among the jewellery of Novo Brdo should be understood in the context of the emergence of imported jewellery, or it may possibly be categorised among pieces made on commission, either by foreign goldsmiths or under their inluence through jewellers from the coastal region known as Pomorje. Typologically and morphologically, it is closest to the gold ring with an octagonal lower-like crown head, also missing its stone, found in a depository discovered nearby 262 caTaLoGUE in the so-called Saxon Church (Santa Maria in Nouamonte de Dogni Targ in Dubrovnik sources from the 15th century). his was the main parochial church of the Catholic population, irst miners and later also Kotor and Dubrovnik natives, merchants, cratsmen or customs duty collectors, temporarily or permanently setled in the town. Among the rings discovered at the digs of these two Novo Brdo churches, the most numerous is a group varying in cratsmanship and artistic inish, with bezels in the form of lower heads, most oten set with a semiprecious stone, antique intaglio or glass. he same type of ring was favoured in medieval jewellery of Central and West Europe. he ine cratsmanship, elegant form and stylisation of the dragon head give rise to a direct analogy to the highly luxurious sapphire-set rings found in the collections of European museums and galleries, from the period from the mid-13th to the late 15-th century, i.e. from the time when the way of life in this Serbian town was close to European traditions. Documents in the archives of Dubrovnik conirm that such sumptuous rings were worn by members of the high aristocracy, but also by wealthier townspeople. Literature: Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Археолошка ископавања, 330–331, ig. 18; Марјановић-Вујовић, Томић, Накит на тлу Србије, cat. no. 480; Зечевић, На­ кит Новог Брда, 113, cat. no. 83, with earlier literature. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 263 IV b.7. GoLd rinG WiTH THin Band origin undetermined, late 14th to irst half of 15th century Gold, casting, hammering Diameter at band 1.9 cm, height 2.5 cm, weight 2.61 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_3644 hin band decorated with ine hammering in the upper, expanded portion. he shoulders are sharply proiled, cast of a piece with the head, which is in the form of a half-circle whose tips, turned upward, are connected with a tubular crossbar (forming a stirrup). he unusual shape of the head has led researchers to postulate a utilitarian purpose for this ring (‘needlewoman’s ring’), but it is more probable that the ring had a semiprecious stone bead that fell away. here is no typological parallel among known jewellery from Serbian or surrounding territory. his ring difers in all aspects from the rings that may be considered the work of Novo Brdo goldsmiths. he highly precise and high-quality technical treatment and the meticulousness with which the band was decorated point to a shop, that is, a master, from a developed crat centre. hough no direct analogies have been found in jewellery from central areas of the Byzantine Empire either, or in the fund of jewellery from Central and West Europe, where late 14th-century fashions were under the inluence of the East, typologically and technically it is closer to the luxurious gold rings set with some kind of precious or semiprecious stone from this period in the West. Domestic goldsmiths are known to have worked at this time under the inluence of goldworking masters from the West (who were invited to or setled in Novo Brdo), even manufacturing for export. Still, this ring is in all likelihood an imported piece. It 264 caTaLoGUE cannot be ruled out that it was made by a foreign goldsmith on commission. he documents of the Dubrovnik archives testify to the active work of travelling goldsmiths and the engagement of foreign goldsmiths, primarily in Dubrovnik, but also to the manufacture of jewellery for Serbian lands in Kotor, Dubrovnik or Venice late in the 14th and in the irst half of the 15th century. It was found on the let hand of a woman buried in the family tomb in the nave of the cathedral church in Novo Brdo, where three skeletons were discovered in situ (grave 97). he grave is recessed in rock in an area where the looring of the mosque erected by Turks in 1466 was not preserved. he mosque was built on the crumbling remains of the largest (Orthodox) church soon ater the conquest of Novo Brdo in 1455. he tomb was looted and closed with a layer of rubble which levelled the church's nave area to allow for the installation of looring of the new, Muslim religious structure, hence the discovery of the jewellery with the two female deceased (IVb.10) and the location of the grave lead to the conclusion that it was the burial place of members of a distinguished and wealthy Serbian family from the irst half of the 15th century. Literature: Љубинковић (М.), Ново Брдо, 286; Зечевић, Накит Новог Брда, 113–115, cat. no. 92, with earlier literature; eadem, Novo Brdo, 157, ig. 6. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 265 IV b.8. carnELian rinG novo brdo, late 14th to irst half of 15th century Carnelian, carved Diameter at band 2 cm, height 2.4 cm, weight 2.2 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_4966 Small ring made entirely of carnelian, whose band is proiled in the upper portion, toward the shoulder, and has a knob-like protuberance at the botom. he head is lat and unadorned topside, ellipsoid in shape, with pointed ends. Given the hoop, in the shape of so-called light verkantung, and the plastic knob at the bottom, it bears the basic elements of typologically numerous rings, chiely pieces fully cast in silver, with or without ornamentation on the head and the band, found on wider Serbian territory, including here, in Novo Brdo, but also in Bosnia and Macedonia, and dated to the late 14th and the 15th century. he decoration of these rings (geometric, plant, animal) may be very complex and lavish, and they sometimes serve as seals, as they may carry heraldic markings or inscriptions. Yet the Novo Brdo ring inds direct analogy in shape in two pieces from the 15th century, one carnelian, with an unknown discovery site, and another, made of agate, with a later (?) engraved inscription in Turkish, from Bosnian territory. Two other rings from our parts, made completely out of carnelian and opal, with octagonal heads and unknown dis- 266 caTaLoGUE covery sites, are classiied among late medieval exemplars, and so are some pieces from foreign collections, certain of which are attributed to the Islamic East and the Timurid period. An identical type of ring is present among Roman rings from the 2nd to 3rd century, carved in carnelian in east Mediterranean workshops and spreading thence in multiple directions; this fact is interpreted as an example of direct adoption of an antique form and material for jewellery of the medieval period. he ring was discovered in a layer of rubble in the southern part of the churchyard of the Novo Brdo cathedral, above the calcareous levelling substrate along the remains of the wall of an older structure at the site, which closed the oldest grave horizon. hese circumstances place it among other inds from layers, i.e. graves, later than the very end of the 14th century. Literature: Моравска Србија, cat. no. 124; Зечевић, Накит Новог Брда, 98–99, cat. no. 72, with earlier literature; Popović (I.), he splendour of Roman ornaments, 87, ig. 43б. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 267 IV b.9. SiLvEr rinG WiTH LazarEviĆ COAT OF ARMS novo brdo, irst half of 15th century Silver, gilding, niello, cast, engraved Diameter at band 2.2 cm, height 2.3 cm, weight 6.3 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_5045 he circular band of the ring bears a low lat octagonal head, engraved with the (incomplete) Lazarević coat of arms, a helmet with ox horns above the shield. he upper part of the band, toward the shoulder, shows graduated proiling and engraved decoration in the design of a mask (?), while the lower part of the band is embellished with a barely visible stylised vine design. he incised areas are illed with niello. A large group of many cast rings clearly reveals the spirit of the new times, stemming from the atitudes of a society caught up in chivalry while facing the danger of the Turks, in the proiling of the ring, the heraldic insignia on the head, but most of all in the ornamentation, which exhibits typically Gothic stylisation. Going by certain elements of shape and decoration, analogies have been found for this Novo Brdo ring in pieces from the late 14th and the 15th century from outside Serbian territory too. he design of a helmet with ox horns, an emblem directly linked to Western inluence, points to the period of the State of Serbian Despotai (a two-headed eagle is missing for the coat of arms to be complete), but does not allow the atribution of the piece to any deinite individual from the court of the Lazarević ruling family. he circumstances of the discovery (grave 650) indicate the same time frame, in view of the position of 268 caTaLoGUE this grave in a group of densely placed sepulchres dug to varying depths in a row before the southern part of the western wall of the narthex of the Novo Brdo cathedral; among the deepest is a grave bisected by the foundation of the western wall of the narthex with the dinar of Jakov (around 1380–1395), vassal to Vuk Branković, which categorises grave 650 in the horizon of burials performed ater the building of the great town church. Goldwork fabric preserved in the neck area, on the right arm, around the spine and against the breastbone, a bronze wedding band on the right hand and several preserved beads are part of the dress of the deceased woman, who is postulated to have owned the ring as a valuable piece of family jewellery that would point to a connection with the Lazarević dynasty. he helmet with two ox horns turned to the right is also depicted on several types of Despotes Stefan’s obol, coin made primarily in the Novo Brdo mint, two pieces of which were found in graves around the cathedral church and the so-called Saxon Church in the Novo Brdo suburb. Literature: Моравска Србија, cat. no. 126; Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Представе грбова, 176, ig. 12; Зечевић, Накит Новог Брда, 100–105, cat. no. 75, with earlier literature; Церовић, Археолошка сведо­ чанства, cat. no. 133. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 269 IV b.10. EarrinGS, Pair Serbia (?), late 14th–irst half of 15th century Gold, casting, hammering Height 1.9 cm, weight 2.72 and 2.94 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_3645 Pair of small earrings with massive hoops, circular in cross-section, bent into a horseshoe shape. he lower part of the earring, of the same shape, is made of a broader strip with a groove along the middle, decorated with three equidistant tubules of thin gold sheet, subsequently soldered. he closure clasp is hinged. his piece belongs to a distinctive variety of earring, rarely preserved on Serbian soil, whose more luxurious iteration is known only from the example of one contemporaneous surviving gold earring from Smederevo, decorated with 15 pearls, one sapphire and one ruby. Adopted from Byzantium, this type of earring appears, also sporadically, in diferent variations during the late Middle Ages, found on the territories of neighbouring lands (Bosnia, Bulgaria), though pieces from Bulgarian necropolises are dated to the late 13th and 14th century. Typologically and morphologically, they are related to the so-called Kurbinovo type of earring, speciic to the territory of southern Macedonia, which is considered a product of domestic masters from the same period – late 14th and 15th century - but made of bad silver or bronze. he Novo Brdo earrings were found to the let and right of the head of a child buried in the same grave with two adults, male and 270 caTaLoGUE female. he grave is recessed in rock in the southern nave of the cathedral of Novo Brdo (grave 97) and, like most sepulchres in the church, was looted before it was illed with rubble to level the ground for the looring of a mosque (1466). However, the skeletal remains are preserved in situ, as are most of the objects that are part of the atire and personal jewellery of the deceased from this family tomb. In addition to the earrings, a small gilded silver ring was found on the litle girl's hand, as were four butons with the remains of lace from clothing in the neck area. he presence of two luxury pieces of children's jewellery, doubtlessly made on commission, for the youngest member in this family tomb (together with a ring of Western origin by the skeleton of the female adult, IVb. 7) is more proof of the high social standing this family enjoyed in the town, but also of the fact that the earrings were crated under direct inluence of Byzantine art and that rings are the most expressive exponent of Western inluence in jewellery among Serbs in the late 14th and the 15th century. Literature: Љубинковић (М.), Ново Брдо, 286; Моравска Србија, cat. no. 96; Jovanović (V. S.), Novo Brdo, 206–207, ig. 19; Зечевић, Накит Новог Брда, 47–49, cat. no. 22, with earlier literature. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 271 IV b.11. EarrinG in THE SHaPE oF a QUESTion MarK novo brdo (?), late 14th–early 15th century Silver, gilding, casting, iligree wire, granulation Height 3.5 cm, weight 3.07 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 24_3661 he earring is shaped like a question mark formed by a circularly bent hoop, extending into the lower plane and a vertical part decorated with a iligree wire thread and a granulated knuckle. At the top of the lower part is a cone made up of four granules. It represents a more luxurious type of question mark-shaped earring, made of silver with the application of the well-known combination of the iligree and granulation techniques, which are known in Serbia only through four specimens discovered in Novo Brdo and the surrounding area. In chronological and typological terms, it follows a much larger group of earrings of the same type made of bronze or silver, decorated with a clump of spirally wound wire or a hollow strawberry, or a combination thereof on the more or less elongated lower vertical part, sometimes with an added pendant. hese earrings, dated mostly to the 13th and 14th century, appear as archaeological inds in a wide area from the land between the Sava and Danube rivers to the lower Danube basin and Moldova, in northern parts of Bulgaria and in Macedonia. Among the aforementioned Novo Brdo specimens, three earrings were found in the tombs in the churchyard, i.e. in the narthex and nave of the cathedral church. he most luxurious specimen is this one, from grave number 68, 272 caTaLoGUE cut into a rock. he grave was robbed, while the remains of the deceased’s bones were disordered and partially gathered in a pile. Besides the earring, the only preserved parts of the dress, i.e. jewellery of the, most likely female, person buried there were a belt (?) hoop, two butons and remnants of textile. he other inds from the grave hole, including two copper coins, one of which was among the coins minted during the rule of Mehmed II (1453), strictly deine the time of the grave’s devastation, and along with the position of the grave show that this type of earring was in use in the last years of the 14th and the irst half of the 15th century. Apart from a silver, also gilded specimen of an earring of the same kind, discovered in the north of Bulgaria and dated to the 14th century, there are no other direct analogies for the time being, which may support the local making of the Novo Brdo specimens. Another subtype of these kinds of earings, decorated with multiple rows of small beaded wreaths that create diferent geometric forms on the lower vertical part, with or without a large bead at its end, had appeared at the same time and in approximately the same area. Literature: Марјановић-Вујовић, Томић, На­ кит на тлу Србије, cat. no. 491; Зечевић, Накит, 206, ig. 22; eadem, Накит Новог Брда, 42–43, cat. no. 17. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 273 IV b.12. candLESTicK SHaPEd LiKE a HUMan FiGUrE WiTH a SWord on THE HEad novo brdo, 15th century Bronze, casting, height, 10.8 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_5723 he table candlestick is made in the shape of a stocky, crouched human igure of underdeveloped limbs and siting. he facial features and hair are depicted in a reduced and sketchy manner, but the eyes are rather prominent. he head of the igurine features a sword-like spike to which a candle is secured. he igurine probably had some kind of pedestal, which is now missing, as it cannot be set upright now. he missing element cannot have been part of the candlestick, as there is no damage that would indicate that something is missing. 274 caTaLoGUE his is a rare example of a candlestick whose inds in Serbia are neither frequent, nor numerous. There are also three cast bronze chandeliers, a fragmented figurine with spread arms, several candle cups or other parts of complex candelabra, all supposedly produced by Flemish or South German workshops in the 15th and 16th centuries. A candlestick from Bulgaria is almost identical to the igurine with the sword. Literature: unpublished. Branka Ivanić GačANICA анд ново брдо 275 IV b.13. GLaSS BEaKEr originated in murano (?), before the 1390s Glass, mould-blown glass, applied decoration Diameter at rim 9.4 cm, diameter at botom 5 cm, height 4.1 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_3639 An almost completely preserved shallow beaker with a rounded, conical receptacle decorated with vertical ribs in relief. he neck of the vessel is decorated with a thick, applied thread of dark blue colour that separates it from the receptacle. Applied along the rim of the botom is a serrated cord (ghirlanda). he glass is partly transparent, almost colourless, of a pale brown hue and greyish blue patina. he circumstances of the ind indicate that this is one of the rare examples of depositing a glass vessel in a grave at the Novo Brdo cathedral church. Fragments of the vessel were found scatered, but it is clear from the information supplied by the excavator that it lay next to the head of the deceased person in Grave 285, which, by the depth of the burial and its position in relation to a later pit and its contents (which contained fragments of the beaker among other things), as well as by remains of an older masoned structure, belongs to the earliest burial horizon in this cemetery. he variety of glassware types, as well as the large quantity and the context of the inds of Novo Brdo glass largely in layers (outside graves), along with the fact that vari- 276 caTaLoGUE ous vessel shapes have been atested archaeologically as being grave goods in medieval necropolises in the Central Balkan, all indicate that, in addition to the beaker, other vessels used either as grave goods or as part of the burial ceremony and customs related to the cult of the dead should also be counted on. he characteristic features (applied threads, ghirlanda and ribs) found on other Novo Brdo and, particularly, Bosnian glass vessels, can be recognised among the products of Murano artisans of the 13th-14th century, who utilised the experience of older Byzantine and East Mediterranean glass-making centres. On the other hand, the archaeological context of the ind of this vessel, along with the data on the reliably established the uppermost date of burial, which preceded the construction of the big church at Novo Brdo, indicate that this goblet should be dated shortly before the 1390s. Literature: Ćorović-Ljubinković, Fragments de verres, 244а, ig. 1a–b; Милошевић, Уметност, cat. no. 152, with earlier literature; Zečević, Glass of Novo Brdo, 417, ig. 1b. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 277 IV b.14. KAUTSTRUNK BEaKEr originated in murano (?), end of the 14th–mid-15th century Glass, free-blown, applied decoration Diameter at rim 6.1 cm, diameter at botom 4.5 cm, height 9.8 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_4054 A beaker of the krautstrunk type – of an elongated, slightly curved body, decorated with large, flat prunts, with a convex bottom along whose edge a serrated cord called ghirlanda has been added. Applied to the neck is a thread of the same colour as the glass. The glass is thick, semi-transparent and almost colourless, with brownish-green hues and full of large bubbles. The beaker has been reconstructed. Fragments of the beaker were found in a pit with soot, and some even around it, in the northwestern part of the narthex of the Novo Brdo cathedral church, along with numerous potsherds and nearly whole ceramic vessels, whose glazed pieces were used to pave the area around the pit. he place and the context of the ind indicate that the beaker was made before the church was turned into a mosque in 1466, with the lowermost date at the end of the 14th century. Namely, inds of coins minted by Serbian rulers in the graves located in the narthex atest that burials were performed there from the time of Prince Lazar to the fall of Novo Brdo (1455), and notwithstanding the fact that the function of this part of the narthex without the mosque loor bricks has not been established, inds from the thick layer of rubble that covered the graves, that is, the loor level, indicate that the layer has been dug up several times and that the lower zones contain material similar to that found in the pit. Given that beakers of this type have been found in burials throughout the central and western Balkans, it is not unlikely that this beaker could also have been part of 278 caTaLoGUE the inventory of a destroyed grave. Archaeological inds of glass vessels, along with writen sources and fresco paintings point to two more facts: irst, the exceptionally large quantity of diverse glass vessels at a cemetery, such as has been the case here, should be viewed in the context of the purpose of the same type of vessel in the cult of the dead (which is why they were let in the cemetery), and, second, this particular type of beaker was part of tableware in everyday use in monastic and secular ambience in the Late Middle Ages. he krautstrunk type of beaker was considered to be a typical product of crat centres in western and central Europe, most notably in the Rhine area (Germany), where it was particularly developed in the 16th century, but it is evident today that, in the 15th century, beakers adorned with large prunts were also produced in Murano workshops (goti gropolosi or cieti gropolosi), which supplied the German market, among others. Already in the early 16th century, beakers designated as gropolosus were also manufactured in Dubrovnik. herefore, the krautstrunk beakers from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia are predominantly considered to be of Murano and Dubrovnik provenance. Archaeologically reliable dates of these glasses relate to the period between the second half of the 14th and the 16th century. Literature: Zečević, Glass of Novo Brdo, 415, ig. 2b; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 97, cat. no. 121. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 279 IV b.15. JUG WiTH STYLiSEd TrEE oF LiFE novo brdo (?), 1380s–mid-15th c. Baked earth, engobe, glazing, sgraito Diameter at rim 10 cm, diameter at botom 8 cm, height 19.3 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_4293 A jug with a prominently convex belly on a ringshaped foot, a strip handle, and a circular mouth with a beak-like spout. he light coloured upper part of the belly is decorated with alternating incised bands of vertical lines and a stylised leafshaped Tree of Life, highlighted with a glazing of brown and green colours of various shades. he edges of the rim and ield with sgraito ornaments, under a colourless glazing, are highlighted with lines of green and brown hues. Owing to its harmonious proportions, arrangement of motifs and colour scheme, it belongs to the most beautiful representatives of its kind. Jugs decorated in this manner represent the production style of the late 14th and the 15th century within Moravan Serbia, that is, tableware produced by artisans in the spirit of Late Byzantine cratsmanship, also known from numerous items of potery discovered in fortiied Serbian towns and setlements. here are opinions that this jug may have been produced by a workshop in the area of the town of Stalać, as the closest analogies of its decoration and shape are found among Stalać water and wine containers, which, by their variety of types and quantity, are indicative of high quality local serial production. However, our knowledge about the Novo Brdo tableware with sgraito decoration is virtually based on only two systematically investigated church complexes and yet characteristic forms and decoration that imply highly developed technological skills and cratsmanship 280 caTaLoGUE have been observed in such a small number of artefacts. With the already observed diference in the treatment of the paints under the glazing, more speciically among the potery atributed to the production zones around Novo Brdo, Stalać and Kruševac, as well as the large number of sources of raw materials (clay and pigments) and the possibility of systematically organising the production of potery within the largest Serbian urban setlement of the time, specialised production of luxury sgraito potery in the area of Novo Brdo should be regarded as extremely likely. he jug was discovered in one of several ‘cultic’ pits with potery that did not disturb the graves around the Novo Brdo cathedral church (Pit V). he pit was located among the ruins of the walls of structures erected next to an older wall that surrounded the yard on the western side of the church, and partly intersected one of them, so that the botom limit of burial pit has to be dated to the 1380s. he pit, whose walls are plastered with clay, was illed with soot and potsherds, including fragments of three nearly intact decorated pots deposited in a niche in the older wall together with this jug. Literature: Моравска Србија, cat. no. 74; Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Значај Новог Брда, 136, fig. 12; Крстић, Величковић, Марјановић-Вујовић, Археолошко благо Србије, cat. no. 114; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, cat. no. 111. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 281 IV b.16. 282 SMaLL TUrQUoiSE vESSEL (INKPot?) unknown provenance, end of the 14th – mid-15th century Baked earth, glaze Diameter at rim 2.5 cm, diameter at botom 4 cm, height 3.8 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_3354 A small vessel with a tiny opening of the receptacle, of a prominently spherical shape, with a small ring-shaped base. A glazing of turquoise blue covers the entire surface of the vessel except the base. of its provenance and the circumstances under which it appeared at Novo Brdo requires more thorough analyses, as does the supposition that it served as an inkpot, as its shape and dimensions might suggest. It is considered to be one of the more prominent luxury vessels discovered at Novo Brdo and is the only one of its kind unearthed during the excavation of the Novo Brdo cathedral church. here are opinions that, unless it was imported, it was probably made following some old models, speciically those inluenced by the Chinese thang style (Tang dynasty porcelain), when the irst true celadon – porcelain of a unique green colour – was being made. Because of its characteristic turquoise blue colour of the glaze, it should actually be linked with the category of the medieval Islamic monochrome glazed ceramics with slip decoration (fritware/stonepaste) produced in Old Persia between the 12th and 14th centuries, which were strongly inluenced by ine porcelain imported from China. he turquoise glaze is one of the trademarks of this decoration technique and the manner in which it was applied on the small Novo Brdo vessel could be indicative of the 12th–13th century production of ceramics in central Iran (Kashan). Nevertheless, the issue It was discovered in one of the masoned tombs in the northeastern section of the naos of the Novo Brdo cathedral church (Tomb 6), which was looted and then illed with rubble. he tomb was found below the level of the intact portion of the loor of the older mosque, thus the vessel most certainly belongs to the medieval inds from before the mid-15th century but later than the very end of the 14th, given the position of the grave in the church. Fragments of the vessel were found at diferent depths in the ill. Discovered in the rubble, next to the scatered bones of the deceased in the looted tomb, were fragments of a ribbon woven from gold thread that was part of the outit of the deceased, evidently an important personage in the city, judging by the place of his interrment. caTaLoGUE Literature: Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Археоло­ шка ископавања, 329, ig. 10; eadem, Српска сред­ њовековна глеђосана керамика, 174, 176, Pl. III/2; Jovanović (V. S.), Novo Brdo, 132, 134–135, ig. 67. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 283 IV b.17. canTEEn novo brdo, second half of the 14th–15th century Baked earth, engobe, glaze, painted decoration, sgraito Diameter at rim 5 cm, height 33 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_5714 A canteen with a lat body composed of two spherical halves joined by a broad lateral strip, with a narrow opening and mouth, two massive, twined handles placed opposite each other starting from the lips, and a pair of low П-shaped feet. he decoration is executed in the style of coloured sgraito. A comb-like instrument was used on the light ochre-green ground to incise concentric circles and zigzag lines that together, one inside the other, form a lower-shaped ornament, and are separated from each other with lines of slip ribs along the edges of the body. Some of the surfaces between the lines are illed with comb-like, wavy lines. he green and brown subglaze colours were casually applied in the form of blots and the entire surface of the vessel was coated with colourless glaze. he canteen belongs among the vessels that were rarely part of the medieval tableware inventory and mostly survived as fragments, for which reason this Novo Brdo artefact has a special value. Besides the use which such vessels still have today to, atached to the waist or shoulder, quench the thirst of a traveller with the liquid contained in its receptacle, the canteen also had another purpose, that of serving drinks at the table, a fact indicated by its feet. Namely, fragments of canteens of the type adapted to standing upright on a table, all dated 284 caTaLoGUE to the 14th and the beginning of the 15th century, were also found within the conines of monastic complexes (St. Nicholas at Kuršumlija, Studenica, Mileševa, Banjska, Holy Archangels near Prizren) and fortiied setlements (Stalać, Novo Brdo), and each of them bears unique decoration based on Byzantine models. It is believed that the use of ceramic canteens in everyday life of medieval Serbian settlements could be linked with the inds of metal canteens. Having originated in Antiquity, it was used during the Migration period and later, during the 13th and 14th centuries, in an altered form throughout Europe and the Balkans, and, as a lat container with feet, in the traditional Serbian folk potery until the 20th century. Stylistically, like the other decorative Novo Brdo potery, the canteen not only belongs to the Serbian cultural circle, but also to a group of rare objects discovered in the area of the citadel (in the ill of a medieval well in the Upper City) during systematic excavations at Novo Brdo carried out in the middle of the last century. Literature: Крстић, Величковић, Марјановић-Вујовић, Археолошко благо Србије, cat. no. 119; Jovanović (V. S.), Novo Brdo, 136–137, ig. 70; Церовић, Археоло­ шка сведочанства, cat. no. 119. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 285 IV b.18. PoT WiTH onE HandLE novo brdo, end of the 14th–mid-15th c. Baked earth, engobe, glaze, painted decoration Diameter at rim 14 cm, diameter at botom 9 cm, height 20.9 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_4255 In addition to a highly broad spectrum of shapes and applied decoration and colour schemes, Novo Brdo ceramic vessels are also interesting on account of the presence of serially produced types of vessel in one of its local workshops. his group includes a type of pot with one handle, a wide opening and a convex shape similar to that of a jug. It comes in various dimensions and its decoration is always executed in the same manner. Painted decoration in the form of imaginative combinations of spirals, circles and other geometric motifs was applied on the ground of a ired vessel, in the upper section of the vessel and on the handles, with strokes of a brush dipped into engobe, under a pale olive or yellow colour glaze. his type of decoration makes fragments of these pots easily recognisable among the material from other sites. However, what makes these forms of tableware special is their presence in large groups of mostly fragmented but nearly wholly preserved vessels in pits of various purposes dug next to the walls of houses and among the graves at the Novo Brdo cathedral church. he pot under discussion was found in one such pit (Pit III). he round-shaped Pit III was discovered in the southeastern part next to the new wall that encloses the churchyard and the edge of a plastered structure. It was buried next to a rock and disturbed an old grave. As the mass of the potsherds in the pit contained fragments of several, seemingly unused vessels that could be recon- 286 caTaLoGUE structed, including the pot under discussion, it has been surmised that this and several other pits in the graveyard were dug and prepared specially for the deposition of fragmented or intact vessels brought to the cemetery for funerals or obsequies and wakes (following which the vessels were not returned home). he contents of the pit indicate that this was a pit dug specially for depositing not only ‘whole’ vessels, but also waste (lots of potsherds, some fragmented glass, and also two thimbles and one appliqué). Even though this is still an insuiciently researched phenomenon in medieval funerary practices, the supposition on the cultic purpose of vessels deposited in the pits, also based on similar phenomena in several other medieval necropolises, should not be discarded. Given that no part of the Novo Brdo setlement has been systematically investigated, the dilemma remains of whether some batches of these vessels were made to be used during services for the deceased, or the same, glazed and painted, potery was used both at the graveyard and in the homes of the town inhabitants. In any case, the context of the inds places the digging of the pit in the irst half of the 15th century. Literature: Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Српска сред­ њовековна глеђосана керамика, 172–173, Pl. III/1, Pl. VI/1; Jovanović (V. S.), Novo Brdo, 136–137, ig. 68; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, cat. no. 113. Emina Zečević GačANICA анд ново брдо 287 IV b.19. cYLindricaL vESSEL WiTH Lid novo brdo, irst half of the 15th century Baked earth, glaze Diameter at rim 4.2 cm, diameter at botom 4.9 cm, height 23 cm (without lid 20.2 cm) National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 24_3715 A narrow cylindrical vessel alongside which a small calote-shaped lid with a knob-like handle has survived. A green glaze was applied over a white coat of paint on the outside surface of the vessel. It is one of three vessels of identical shape found at Novo Brdo, which are unique among medieval ceramics on Serbian soil. Some researchers believe they are apothecary vessels, having found analogies to them in visual sources (frescoes, miniatures) depicting pharmaceutical vessels for keeping pills (pillolieri), which are akin to the most widespread type of medicinal vessel among European ceramics in the 15th century (albarello, used for holding ointments and other semi-solid preparations). By its shape, the later, used until the end of the 18th century, is closer to the Novo Brdo items, but shows substantial differences in the proiles of the rim and base and the middle part of its receptacle, which is concave in order to facilitate holding. he major diference, however, is in its workmanship (majolica) and exceptionally rich decoration (loral or igural, oten with a label describing the contents of the jar). Besides, the three vessels on the chest of the saint depicted on the stone icon from Stalać, on account of which he was identiied as Saint Panteleimon, the protector of physicians and healers, are described as ‘cylindrical apothecary vessels with conical lids’. However, the interpre- 288 caTaLoGUE tation of the function of the vessels as apoth- two other intact, ‘unused’ vessels of identiecary does not explain their presence at a cal shape, and, furthermore, in a cemetery, in cemetery. An exception in this regard is the the upper layers that had been disturbed by opinion that they were brought to the ceme- digging, prompted M. Ćorović-Ljubinković tery as part of paying respect to the deceased to regard them as having a cultic function – who served as physicians or pharmacists. Nev- they were used for holding liquids and were ertheless, as various types of vessels, either ce- most probably procured to bring an ofering ramic or made from glass, were found in the to a grave, most commonly wine, which was graves, this opinion is not acceptable. Albe- poured on the grave. An explanation of why it not too common, the custom of depositing there are not more such vessels should pervessels in graves as part of Late Medieval fu- haps be sought in the fact that town cemenerary practices in the Serbian lands is viewed teries of this size (970 graves) from that time in the context of the pagan custom of provid- have not been investigated in Serbia. ing the deceased with food and drinks for his journey to the next world, a custom that has Literature: Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Српска средњо­ survived until the present day. In the case of вековна глеђосана керамика, 173, Pl. I/2; Bajalovićinds of whole vessels next to graves, these are -Hadži-Pešić, Keramika u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji, 73–74, ig. related to the ritual that accompanies a buri- 86; Крстић, Величковић, Марјановић-Вујовић, Архе­ al or obsequies (wake). he fact that the ves- олошко благо Србије, cat. no. 118. Emina Zečević sel under discussion was discovered next to GačANICA анд ново брдо 289 IV b.20. KTEToriaL inScriPTion oF noBLEMan daBiŽIV church of the mother of god in vaganeš near novo brdo, mid-14th century, copy Cast by Dragan Petrović and Stoiša Veselinović, 1971 Plaster, casting, 0.47 × 0.43 Inscription: € si hramq s(ve)tie b(ogorodi)ce postavi dabi/ivq drobnakovq MnMkq z bratomx si sx hranomq i z bogoemq i sq w(tq)cemq kalMgeromq i sq materi} sq vi[nomq dabi/ivq pisa samq vq d(q)ni c(a)ra Stepana. Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1103 Above this ktetorial inscription located immediately over the entrance to the naos of the Church of the Mother of God, another inscription in stone was placed, of a similar content, somewhat shorter, but featuring the year 6863 from the creation of the world according to the Byzantine calendar (1354/1355). hese two inscriptions, both in the Serbo-Slavonic language, say that Dabiživ, a grandson of one Drobnjak, erected the church in question with his brothers Hrana and Bogoje, as well as his father, a monk, and his mother Višnja, during the rule of Emperor Stefan Dušan. Morphological analysis shows that the two inscriptions were not done by the same hand. he lower inscription was made by Dabiživ himself, which he underlined in the text: his church of the Holy Mother of God was set up by Dabiživ, Drobnjak’s grandson, with his brothers 290 caTaLoGUE Hrana and Bogoje, with his father, a monk, and his mother Višnja. Dabiživ wrote this himself in the Emperor Stefan era. For several reasons, his note cannot refer to the painting of the church. Among other, in the fresco ktetorial inscription on the western wall of the church Dabiživ stresses that he had built and painted the church with his brother Hrana. For the time being it is not possible to determine why two almost identical ktetorial inscriptions were placed on the same façade wall. Still, it is certain that both plates were put up at the same time, during the building of the small Vaganeš church, and before the construction of the narthex that was added later. Literature: Војводић, Српски властеоски пор­ трети, 1–21, with earlier literature. Dragan Vojvodić GačANICA анд ново брдо 291 IV b.21. FESTaL MEnaion For MarcH ubožac Monastery in Kriva Reka near Novo Brdo (?), 1443 Paper, 181 fols., 29 × 21 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Peć 32 The menaion is written in the half-uncial script of the Resava orthography. Most of the text, which has eighteen rows on each page, is done in black ink. he beginning of each singing, i.e. the name of the saint or the festival to which it is dedicated, is done in red ink, while the initial leter of each new chapter takes the space of two, and sometimes even three rows. Moreover, the irst leter of each sentence following the title is also accentuated in red. The manuscript’s binding consists of two boards covered with leather. Both covers have the same decoration – a modest geometrical motif. Except for an unpretentious headpiece on its irst page, above the beginning of the irst reading dedicated to St. Eudokia, the manuscript has not been decorated. he said headpiece consists of a narrow red and white braid, with an undulating black line passing through it. he manuscript was made in 1443, according to a note on its last folio (181). he same folio also contains a note made by Patriarch Pajsije, which is important not only for the history of 292 caTaLoGUE the manuscript but also for the history of the monastery it belonged to. he note says that the patriarch visited the monastery of Ubožac on October 11, 1623, on which occasion he returned the book to the monastery brethren, strongly warning them against taking the book out of the monastery ever again. Although the note ofers no other historically relevant data, in a way it sheds some light on the history of Ubožac, which, according to most recent investigations, has been founded sometime in the irst half of the 16th century. he manuscript also testiies to Pajsije’s close links to the monastery, and his care for the preservation of monastery libraries and literacy. When the monastery was deserted ca. 1690, the menaion, like many other manuscripts, was taken to the Patriarchate of Peć. Literature: Вуксан, Рукописи, 158–159; Мошин, Рукописи, 60; Задужбине Косова, 484–485, 537; Тодић, Манастир Убожац, 67–88; Патријарх Пајсије, сабрани списи, 9–30, 125. Dragana Aćimović GačANICA анд ново брдо 293 IV b.22. SiLvEr rinG WiTH ocTaGonaL HEad gnjilane, mid-14th century Silver, casting, engraving, niello Head 1.5 × 1 cm, height 2.8 cm, weight 12.29 go National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_3454 he ring’s band is lat and wide towards the head and is slightly jagged at the botom and in the middle. he entire surface is covered in lotus lowers done in a particularly ine niello technique. he octagonal, slightly deformed head features an engraved image of a moving lion with wide open mouth. he unusual jagged berries positioned at the very edge of the band are believed to stand in for the pearls that used to be inserted on the same spot on Byzantine and Late Antiquity rings. Such execution of the band in the Middle Ages is almost completely unknown and only one similar example can be mentioned – a bronze ring from Ohrid, now kept in the National Museum in Belgrade (inv. no. 3110). he band of the Gnjilane ring has another unusual decoration. Geometrically reduced lotus petals were etched in a extremely thin layer of the niello paste, giving the impression that the entire surface had actually been coated with a thin ilm, although in this technique the niello does not ill the depressions but only the lat surfaces. Such work is found only in two other rings, both from Priština, dating from the second half of the 14th century. One is kept in the Museum in Priština and the other in the Museum of Applied Arts in Belgrade (inv. no. 4398). It may well be said 294 caTaLoGUE that this elaborate work marks the climax of the Serbian medieval goldsmithery. he two rings displayed at this exhibition originate from the same location – the town of Morava, which for the irst time was mentioned under the name of Gnivljani in a document from 1394–1402. When comparing the two, however, a signiicant diference in their execution is noticed. Firstly, there are typological and stylistic diferences between the ring with the round head, which is seen as an example of the Byzantine and Serbian type of ring (IVb. 23), and the one with the octagonal head, which is seen as representing the Gothic goldsmithery. Secondly, the technology used to make the rounded-head ring is on a much lower level. he diferences in question point to a wide scale of products and services Gnjilane was able to ofer in the art of ring-making in the 14th century. Yet another ring of great value was found in the same area. It is made of silver, with an inscription in Serbian, done in niello technique with a big carnelian intaglio showing the siting goddess Athena with a helmet on her head and a shield beside her. Literature: Радојковић, Накит код Срба, 110, 175, Т. 38; Милошевић, Накит од ХII до ХV века, cat. no. 110; Иванић, Прстење српске властеле, 13, ig. 13. Branka Ivanić GačANICA анд ново брдо 295 IV b.23. SiLvEr rinG WiTH a Lion gnjilane, second half of 14th century Silver, casting, engraving, gilding, niello Diameter at head 1.4 cm, diameter at band 2.1 cm, height 2.9 cm, weight 19.10 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_2547 Massively cast gilded silver ring with ellipsoid band. he ring is lavishly decorated across its entire surface. Volutes, foliate vines and rosetes are distributed in quadrangular curved ields on the shoulders and the botom of the band. he decoration of the neck of the ring recalls a meander. A walking lion with a star between the front legs is engraved on the head. In shape, this piece most resembles a ring found in Banjska and atributed to Queen heodora (II.8). Other than in type, similarity is visible in the distribution and shape of the facing ields on the shoulders, here illed with plant ornamentation instead of the depictions of animals found on the abovenoted ring. In the spirit of the contemporary interpretation of loral motifs and plant designs in general in medieval art, this ornamentation may be taken to recall the garden of paradise. Visual representation of the lion as an atribute is most oten associated with dignity and authority. hough a frequent motif on rings, in 14th-century Serbia and in neighbouring regions it was widespread in a large number of iterations, varying in appearance, the position of the igure of the lion and the style in which it was executed, most oten lacking suicient elements to be categorised more deinitely as heraldic insignia. he cratsmanship is inferior to other exemplars with preserved niello technique. Other 296 caTaLoGUE than the already mentioned ring from Banjska, examples of this technique may be seen in a ring from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the National Museum in Belgrade (inv. no. 2170), a ring from the Archaeological Museum of Zagreb and three other examples from collections of the Belgrade Museum of Applied Art (inv. no. 681), from a private collection and from the museum in Priština. In the listed examples, the niello paste rests in the same plane against the edges of the cells it ills. It may be observed on the Gnjilane ring that the niello was either applied in a very thin layer or that it rubbed of over time, while closer examination reveals a certain roughness of cratsmanship, similar to that of the well-known ring from the Pope site, whose original shape and soundly designed decorative system is marred by the poor quality of cratsmanship and materials. In overall appearance, the Gnjilane piece is a good example of rings from the Palaiologan epoch, where the ubiquity of embellishment follows the fashions: the tendency to cover every surface of clothing with ornamentation spills over into jewellery, also thickly festooned. Literature: Радојковић, Накит код Срба, 76, 174–175, ig. 38, Т. 95; Милошевић, Накит од ХII до ХV века, cat. no. 83; Иванић, Прстење српске вла­ стеле, 13, ig. 15. Branka Ivanić GačANICA анд ново брдо 297 IVc.1. ‘coronaTion’ dinar oF STEFan dUŠan novo brdo mint (?), 1346–1355 Silver, diameter 20 mm (obverse), 20 mm (reverse), 1, 6 g Obverse – inscription: I$s – h$s (Jesus Christ); abbreviation, N–O; Christ on the throne with a nimbus, in a tunic and kolobion; giving blessings with his right hand and holding a gospel in his let hand. Reverse – inscription: sfåq– zrå (Tsar Stefan); the standing tsar Dušan, in sakkos, with a crossed loros on his chest, a scepter and akakia in his hands; Above the tsar, there are two angels puting a stemma on his head. National Museum Kruševac, inv. no. S 20 Known as the ‘coronation dinar’ this is one of the key features of Emperor Dušan’s coinage. It belongs to Dušan’s first royal emission minted for the commemorative purpose of marking the coronation of Emperor Dušan in Skopje in 1346. he representation of the investiture, depicted in the reverse of this dinar, reflects the Byzantine idea of the divine origin of imperial authority and royal insignia, as well as the special relationship of Christ, the heavenly ruler, with the Byzantine emperor. In the spirit of the new political and social reality that followed the considerable expansion of the Serbian state into the Byzantine territory and later Dušan’s proclamation of emperor, this dinar was minted to present a ruler who recieves the royal crown through angels, the divine mediators, while being blessed by Christ, as shown on the reverse of the coin. Choosing an image that will commemorate his rise to power, the emperor took over the iconography of the crowning of King Milutin from the Nemanjid dynasty in Gračanica. 298 caTaLoGUE The representation of the investiture in Serbian medieval coinage, apart from being on Emperor Dušan’s dinar, is also found on king Radoslav’s coin. Literature: Ljubić, Opis jugoslavenskih novaca, B I, 1–31, 36, 38–62, Pl. VIII.3, 5–7; Metcalf, Колико ковница је постојало у Србији, 165–177, 167–175; Иванишевић, Новчарство средњовековне Србије, 105–106, 117, 123–127, 246, no. 6.9.1; Димитријевић, Каталог Збирке Сергија Димитријевића, 158– 167; Ivanišević, Radić, Serbian Mediaeval Mint, 226– 227, 237, ig. 5; Odak Mihailović, Political Ideology of Coinage, 145, 147–148, ig. 77. Marina Odak IVc.2. dinar oF STEFan dUŠan novo brdo mint (?), 1346–1355 Silver, diameter 23 mm (obverse), 23 mm (reverse), 1,2 g Obverse – inscription: I$s – h$s (Jesus Christ); abbreviation, N–O; bust of Christ with a nimbus, in a tunic and kolobion; giving blessings with his right hand and holding a gospel in his let hand. Reverse – inscription: sfåq– zrå (Tsar Stefan); Emperor on a horse, dressed in saccos, with maniakion and loros; riding on right; on his head he wears a dome-shaped stemma with hanging prependoulia; in his right hand he holds a scepter with a cross on top end and akakia in his right. National Museum Kruševac, inv. no. S 21 he image of the ruler on horseback appeared, for the irst time, in Serbian coinage during the reign of Emperor Dušan. his type of ruler representation had a special place in iconography of ruler portraits as a kind of iconological prototype to emphasize the rulers as victors and conquerors. Emissions of the dinar that carried this image came after the forging of the ‘coronation’ dinar, which in Dušan’s coinage eternalized his proclamation of emperor in Skopje in 1346. herefore, symbolically, the image of the ruler on horseback represented the emperor’s irst appearance in front of his subjects, a kind of a royal tribute. he image of Emperor Dušan on horseback had the triumphal equestrian images of Byzantine emperors as iconographic templates, with a rich tradition in the Byzantine ruling iconography, also represented on Byzantium coins and on the coins of the Bulgarian rulers from the same period. he representation of the Byzantine emperor’s triumph corresponded with the proud and very revered title of basileus and autokrator of Serbia and Romania which Dušan undertook with his proclamation as emperor. Literature: Ljubić, Opis jugoslavenskih novaca, B VI a–b, Pl. VIII.22; Metcalf, Колико ковница је постојало у Србији, 167–175; Иванишевић, Новчарство средњовековне Србије, 105–106, 117, 127–128, 246, no. 6.11.1; Димитријевић, Каталог Збирке Сергија Димитријевића, 184–189; Ivanišević, Radić, Serbian Mediaeval Mint, 226–227, 237, ig. 7; Odak Mihailović, he Equestrian Ruler Portrait, 184, 188– 189, ig. 1. Marina Odak GačANICA анд ново брдо 299 IVc.3. dinar oF KnEz Lazar mint of novo brdo, around 1370–1389 Silver, diameter 15 mm (obverse), 15 mm (reverse), 0,50 g Obverse – inscription: NOVOMON–TE M APCES; Christ with a nimbus in a tunic and kolobion, standing in a mandorla, facing frontally, blessing with His right hand and holding a Gospel in His let Reverse – inscription: + CONTE L–ASARO (Prince Lazar); he Prince, dressed in a sakkos, maniakion and diadema, shown frontally, holding a sceptre with a cross in his right hand, akakia in his let. National Museum Niš, inv. no. 149. Ater the fall of the Serbian Empire, prince Lazar, like many other local rulers, minted his own coins. His coinage is characterised by a great issuing activity and a special meaning of his issues lies within their typological diversity. On the irst issues Lazar minted, at the beginning of his rule, below the inscription with his name and title of prince, he is represented in full imperial vestments, with a dome-shaped crown, in a sakkos, maniakion and loros and with the insignia of the highest rule in his hands. Christ is shown on the obverse of the coin, blessing Lazar’s reach for authority. he change of iconography occurred with the issuing of the dinar on which Lazar was shown in imperial vestments, only this time without a crown. his particular coin also belongs to those issues. In them, the iconography of Lazar’s coins marks a transition from imperial to aristocratic images of rulers on Serbian coinage. Such an image of knez Lazar can be seen in monumental painting. he speciicity of this dinar also lies in its inscription – Novo Brdo. With the exception 300 caTaLoGUE of coins from coastal towns, the irst time the name of the mint has appeared on Serbian medieval coins. It was a very important economical, and especially, an important mining centre in medieval Serbia in the XIV century, and the town’s mint was already active during the reign of king Milutin. Literature: Ljubić, Opis jugoslavenskih novaca III а, T XI.18; Иванишевић, Новчарство средњовековне Србије, 150, 155–156, 161, 163, 273, no. 24.14; Ivanišević, Radić, Serbian Mediaeval Mint, 226–229237, ig. 12–17; Odak Mihailović, Political Ideology of Coinage, 143–151, 148. Marina Odak IVc.4. dinar oF vUK BaNKoVIĆ mint priština (?), around 1375–1396 Silver, diameter 10 mm (obverse), 10 (reverse), 0,65g Obverse – inscription: Ic– hs (Jesus Christ);representation of Christ on the throne with nimbus, in a tunic and kolobion; giving blessings with his right hand and holding a gospel in his let hand. Reverse – inscription: + vlkovq dinarq (Vuk’s dinar); under the inscription is a shield with three stripes National Museum Kruševac, inv. no. S 22 Vuk Branković, the lord of Kosovo and Metohija, belonged to the group of district masters who, after the fall of the Serbian Empire, coined their own coinage as an expression of their autonomy and political independence. Vuk coined 17 diferent types of dinars and the range of images found on them were mostly adopted from the period of the Empire and from the coins of other rulers of this period. his is the case with the image of Christ on the throne in the obverse of this dinar, but also a multi-line inscription in the reverse, which appeared, for the irst time in the Serbian monetary system on the coin of Tsar Dušan. he uniqueness of this inscription is in the name of the Serbian coin – the dinar, now seen for the irst time on Serbian medieval coinage. he name dinar brought another issue of Vuk Branković’s coin – a dinar with a riderless horse in the obverse and a multi-line inscription in the reverse which reads: si dinar vlqkovq (his is Vuk’s dinar). Dinar, the main Serbian monetary unit in the Middle Ages, was a large silver coin whose name comes from the Latin word denarius, which the Romans used for silver coinage. he shield with three stripes, placed in the area under the multi-line inscription, testiies to the use of heraldry in Serbia during this period, which had already found it’s place on Serbian Medieval coins in king and emperor Dušan’s monetary policy. Literature: Ljubić, Opis jugoslavenskih novaca IIIa 4–5, Pl. XII.27; Димитријевић, Средњовековни српски новац, 101, no. 64; Иванишевић, Новчарство средњовековне Србије, 151, 156, 168–169, 280, no. 31.14; Димитријевић, Каталог Збирке Сергија Димитријевића, 331–335, type 207. Marina Odak GačANICA анд ново брдо 301 IVc.5. dinar oF PrincE STEFan LazarEviĆ priština mint (?), 1389–1402 Silver, diameter 14 mm (obverse), 14 mm (reverse) 0, 53 g Obverse – inscription: + I(ES)V(S)(CR)ISTU·S PR (Jesus Christ PR); Christ’s head with a nimbus, turned frontally Reverse – inscription: (C)ONT-E STEFAN; helmet with ram horns turned to the let Belgrade, Historical Museum of Serbia, inv. no. N 71 he dinar was minted when Stefan Lazarević was prince. That period is marked with forging coin emissions that used iconography templates formed in the time of Prince Lazar. The image of Christ’s head first appeared, in the Serbian medieval coinage, on dinars of Prince Lazar, under the inluence of the iconography of Dubrovnik Republic halfdinars, and it will be on coins of the princely and despotic period of Stefan Lazarević. he representation of the helmet with ram horns, the heraldic emblem of the Lazarević family, was one of the heraldic eigies that found their place on coins of regional lords ater the fall of the Serbian Empire. Heraldic signs, being one of the symbols of chivalry, penetrated Serbian environment and Serbian coinage under the influence of the West, during the reign of King and Emperor Dušan. During the period of the regional lords, the heraldic signs became the main feature of 302 caTaLoGUE the ranks and places in the social hierarchy, the signs that showed subordination of the vassal to the suzerain, but also the signs that emphasized the power and independence of a certain ruling house, so coinage and seals have representations of Branković, Lazarević and Balšić family emblems, their fragmentary or entire coats of arms. Heraldry remained on Serbian coinage also in the period of the Despotate, and the representation on a helmet with ram horns will be displayed on the coins of Despot Stefan as a part of a fragmentary or complete heraldic coat of arms, becoming a kind of heraldic alter ego of its owner. Literature: Literature: Иванишевић, Новчарство средњовековне Србије, 183–185, 286, no. 42.10; Димитријевић, Каталог Збирке Сергија Димитријевића, 349–363, type 225; Одак Михаиловић, Политичка идеологија новца, 148–149. Marina Odak GačANICA анд ново брдо 303 Minor MonUMEnTS v V.1. vESSEL FaGMEnT WiTH GLaGoLiTic inScriPTion Serbia or bulgaria, the 9th–10th century Ceramic, wheel, engraving, 7.1 × 4.7 cm Inscription: šест (six) National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 23_705/V A Roman fort that was also populated during the Late Antiquity as well as the Middle Ages, lies atop the Čečen Hill, between the villages of Dubovаc and Taradža, southwest from Vučitrn. Many purchased indings (coins, jewelry, houseware, tools), but also short-lived archeological investigations, testify to that. At this site a fragment of a ceramic vessel with a Glagolitic inscription was found, dating between the 9th to 10th centuries. It is a piece of the shoulder of the ocher-red amphoroid jug, made of clay on a wheel. his type of vessel is found in the territories populated by Slavs, and is particularly characteristic of Bulgarian potery of the 9th to 10th century, widespread in the areas belonging to the Bulgarian medieval state. A cross with arms ending in leaves was carved into it before iring. Under the cross the word six is inscribed in round Glagolitc letering, and above it are six vertical lines connected with a horizontal one. Similar inscribed signs, 306 caTaLoGUE leters and writings are usually interpreted as a mark of the cratsman or the workshop. But, they may also be understood as religious or magic symbols of apotropaic meaning, i.e. meant to avert evil powers or bring health and happiness to those using them. In addition to the word six, the fragment also features a pictogram – a graphic symbol interpreted as a measure of the vessel’s volume. he jug could hold six units of liquid. Four leters have been preserved, of which three have analogous forms in the round Glagolitic script that was used in the Prague Fragment V from the irst half of the 11th century. he use of this script on crat products is one in a series of testimonies to the existence of Glagolitic literacy in the territory of medieval Serbia. Literature: Задужбине Косова, 532–533; Томовић, Глагољски натпис, 5–19, ig. 1; Бикић, Прилог проучавању знакова, 17–27, ig. 1/3. Nataša Cerović MINOR MONuMENTS 307 V.2. FoUndEr'S inScriPTion oF AZNAC Jovan daGoSLav church of the virgin hodegetria in mušutište, 1315, copy Cast by Dragan Petrović and Stoiša Veselinović, 1970 Plaster, casting, 1.77 × 0.22 × 0.90 Inscription:  поче се1 и сьзда се 0 б(о)ж(ь)ствьни 0 I всeчстни 0 храмь прѣч(и)стиe вл(а)д(и)ч(и)це н(а)ше 0 б(огороди)це ѡдIгитрие1 Iс темелиа ва дан прѣвисокаго 0 кралѣ 0 Mроша с трMдомь I сь поспешениемь Iѡ(а)на великаго казн(а)ца 0 драгослава сь еленомь 0 с подрMжIeмь своимь 0 I станишомь с(Q)номь си 0 и сь аномь дь{ери} сI 0 в(ь) лѣт(о) 0 6w@3 0 енд(и)кт(а) %3!&฀ Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1059 he inscription in the light yellowish hard sandstone located above the western entrance to the Church of the Virgin Hodegetria in Mušutište gives the name of the ktetor and the year in which the church was built. The temple was erected in 1314/1315 by Grand Kaznac Jovan Dragoslav with his wife Jelena, son Staniša and daughter Ana: he building of this God's and most honorable temple of our most pure lady, Mother of God Hodegetria, began in the days of the highest King Uroš, with efort and care of Jovan, Grand Kaznac Dragoslav, with Jelena his wife, Staniša his son, and Ana his daughter in the summer of the year 6823 (1314/1315), indiction (the number of the indiction was not given). he title of ‘grand kaznac’ given in the inscription indicates that Jovan Dragoslav held 308 caTaLoGUE a high position in the central state administration which had enabled him to build this monumental ediice. he year when it was built – 1314/1315 – suggests that it was painted at the end of the second decade of the 14th century, which the stylistic features of the preserved frescoes testiied to. he Church of the Virgin Hodegetria was under state protection as a monument of outstanding value. In June 1999, Albanian extremists looted it, set it on ire, and eventually destroyed it with explosives. Literature: Томовић, Морфологија ћирилских натписа, 48, ig. 25; Ђорђевић, Зидно сликарство српске властеле, 131; Todić, Serbian Medieval Painting, 340. Jelena Nedeljković MINOR MONuMENTS 309 V.3. inScriPTion on THE ToMBSTonE oF UnKnoWn VOIVODE church of St. george in rečani near Prizren, December 1370, copy Cast by Stoiša Veselinović, 1971 Plaster, casting, 0.67 × 0.70 × 0.46 Inscription: <vq lyto qw>oTÊ m(e)s(e)ca dek(embra) k$g prystavi se rabq b(o)/i voevo<da>... Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1107 In the loor of the central space in the Church of St. George in Rečani a tombstone in white marble has been discovered. It had an inscription whose content was already much damaged at the time it was found by the irst researchers of Serbian old monuments. he text of the long lost cover plate had only this text preserved: voevoda a uze b… Mro…vik ve;na mM pamet(q) (Voivode … May his memory be eternal). Below it, in the part of the tombstone that had been preserved in the church until its destruction in 1999, the name of the deceased and the date of his death were written: In the summer of 6879, in the month of December 23, God’s servant voivode… passed away. 310 caTaLoGUE As a rule only ktetors or members of their families could be buried in churches and monasteries. herefore it can be assumed that the unknown voivode was the ktetor of the Church of St. George in Rečani. he dedication of the church to St. George, a Cappadocian martyr and a holy warrior greatly venerated by the Serbian military nobility, also supports this assumption. Literature: Томовић, Морфологија ћирилских натписа, 76, ig. 61; Ивановић, Ћирилски епиграфски споменици, 26, ig. 22; Стевановић, Црква Светог Ђорђа у Речанима, 34–36, 41. Bojana Stevanović MINOR MONuMENTS 311 V.4. inScriPTion on THE ToMBSTonE oF MEdUL, JEŽDIMIR’S FATHER chruch of the virgin of hvosno, 14th century, copy Cast by Stoiša Veselinović, 1971 Plaster, casting, 0.50 × 0.58 Inscription: grobq medMle wt(q)ca <E>/dimirova vy;qna mM pametq Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1112 West of the southern chapel of the Church of the Mother of God of Hvosno, erected in mid-14th century, a part of a white marble tombstone with an inscription has been found. he text saying, he tomb of Medul, Ježdimir’s father, may he be eternally remembered, is inscribed at the top, in four lines. he inscription was not executed with much skill; the lines are not precise and the spacings are uneven. Graphemes are slanted. he front and the sides of the tombstone were cut carefully but were not polished. 312 caTaLoGUE It should be noted that around the Hvosno cathedral a rather large number of graves with stone covers has been discovered. Some of them, Medul’s tombstone included, are now kept in the Patriarchate of Peć. heir inscriptions show that in the 14th and 15th centuries Hvosno bishops and other prominent local igures had been buried around the church. Literature: Задужбине Косова, 22–28 (С. Петковић); Кораћ, Студеница Хвостанска, 59–60. Bojana Stevanović MINOR MONuMENTS 313 V.5. SainT aTHanaSioS oF aLExandria Fresco from the church of the presentation of the virgin in the Temple in lipljan, mid-14th century, copy Copied by Dragomir Jašović, 1970 Linen canvas. stick-b, casein tempera, 2.09 × 1.30 m Inscription: ο α(γιο)ς Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1055 he town of Lipljan is located on the banks of the Sitnica River, not far from Priština. During the 1320s or 1330s, a single-nave church of modest dimensions dedicated to the Presentation of the Virgin was built there atop the remains of an older cult site. Ater 1336 it was given to the Pyrgos of the Ascension of Christ in Hilandar as a git. In mid-14th century an unknown ktetor had the church decorated. At the end of the 16th and the beginning of 17th century a new layer of frescoes was made. he fresco of St. Athanasios, patriarch of Alexandria, belongs to the oldest layer of paintings and has been greatly damaged. It is located in the lower zone of the altar space as part 314 caTaLoGUE of the Oiciating Bishops scene. he fresco presents the saint as an old man, with grey hair and beard, dressed in polystavrion and holding an unfolded scroll. A large and slightly curved nose dominates his stern face. His grey hair, beard and eyebrows are painted with wide brush strokes making them appear thick and wild. Deeply set wrinkles underline his irm religious feelings, and his strong and massive body contributes to the scene’s monumentality. Literature: Ђорђевић, Зидно сликарство српске властеле, 55–56, 152–153; Vojvodić, Newly discovered portraits, 143–155; Давидов Темерински, Црква Ваведења Богородице, 23, 35. Andrijana Golac MINOR MONuMENTS 315 V.6. anGEL Fresco from the church of St. george in rečani near Prizren, ca. 1370, copy Copied by Ivanka Živković, 1970 Linen canvas, stick-b, casein, 1.70 × 0.50 Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_992 he angel painted in the apse of the Church of St. George in Rečani near Suva Reka, north of Prizren, is one of the two (the southern one) lanking the standing igure of the Virgin with Christ in a medallion. he Rečani Virgin was shown in Orans position. Christ Emmanuel, placed on her bosom, is giving blessings with his right hand, while holding a folded white scroll in his let. he archangels on the sides are bowing to the Mother of God. hey are portrayed in a three-quarter view, dressed in long red robes. A part of the initial used to be visible next to the Virgin – <pry>s(ve)ta [the most holy] while next to the angel on the southern side ang(el)q g(ospo)dnq [Lord’s angel] was writen. he Church of St. George, a nobleman’s foundation, was painted in the last third of the 14th century. It was dated exclusively owing to the year inscribed on a tombstone found in the 316 caTaLoGUE church and the artistic features of the painting. he layer of paint on the angel’s face testiies to the artist’s skill and ambition, as well as his ability to depict well-proportioned faces of classicistic beauty and igures of irm form and expressed plasticity. he artist’s work is distinguished by light and dark brown, with light ocher used for the lesh, olive green for shadows, special shading applied under the eyes, and quick brush movements for suggesting light accents on the faces. he Church of St. George was destroyed by Albanian extremists in 1999. Literature: Ђорђевић, Зидно сликарство српске властеле, 63, 73, 179–180; Ђурић, Непознати споменици, 61–86; Стевановић, Црква Светог Ђорђа у Речанима, 60–61, 240–243, 248–250. Bojana Stevanović MINOR MONuMENTS 317 V.7. TanSFiGUaTion oF cHriST icon from budisavci, late 14th or early 15th century Tempera on board, 38.5 × 26 × 2 cm Inscription: pr%eobra/&enJe g(ospod)nE National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_5869 he slightly sunken painted ield depicts the rocky landscape of Mount Tabor, with three plateaus covered in sparse vegetation. On top of the middle, tallest one stands Christ [Is# hs#, in the nimbus: o wn (Greek ὁ ὤν = the Being, Exodus 3:14; Revelation 1:4)] in a mandorla imbued with golden rays, dressed in a white chiton and himation with light red shades. He has his right hand raised in blessing, while holding a scroll in his lowered let hand. On the adjacent peaks are the prophets Elijah and Moses, turned three quarters towards Christ, their heads bowed towards him. Elijah is depicted in the orans position, whereas Moses is holding the tablets of the law. At the foot of the rock on which Christ is standing the apostles Peter [pet(a)r], John [Iw(a)n] and Jacob [I]k(ov)] have fallen to the ground, frightened by the sight. At the top of the painted ield is an inscription containing the name of the holiday depicted. he background and frame of the icon were gilded. he painted layer was damaged or even destroyed in places. 318 caTaLoGUE he style of the Transiguration icon’s anonymous author is close to the miniature depicting the Transiguration from the so-called Munich Serbian Psalter (fol. 116v), but lacks reinement of expression, because despite the good drawing the modelling is crude and insuiciently nuanced. he Budisavci Monastery is located in the eponymous village, 16 km away from Peć, Metohija. he Church of the Transiguration of Christ was built in the irst half of the 14th century as a single-dome structure with a foundation designed as a Greek cross within a square, with a trilateral apse in the east and narthex in the west. he irst layer of the fresco was not preserved. he partially demolished church was reconstructed in 1568, when it was given new frescoes, too, particularly distinctive of which is the portrait of the ktetor, Patriarch Makarije Sokolović. It is the property of the Patriarchate of Peć and an active nunnery. Literature: Ивановић, Икона Преображења, 187–191. Miljana Matić MINOR MONuMENTS 319 V.8. SainT nicHoLaS icon from the church of St. nicholas in Čabić, near Klina, second half of the 16th century Tempera on board, 76 × 43 × 5 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_5873 he slightly sunken central ield of the icon contains a frontal waist-length depiction of Saint Nicholas dressed in a phelonion with an omophorion. He is holding a folded gospel in his let hand, while his right hand is raised in blessing. he artist’s style is dominated by a simpliied and expressive drawing. he colours are vivid and strong. he background is dark green, while the frame of the icon and the saint’s nimbus are coloured yellow. he wooden mount is damaged along the edges, while the painted layer of the icon is damaged or destroyed to a signiicant extent. Besides the icon of Saint Nicholas, also preserved from the church in Čabić are the icons of Christ, Virgin with Christ (two), Saint George on horseback, and the Hospitality of Abraham, dated to the second half of the 16th century; the icon of the Apostles Peter and Paul from the irst half of the 17th century, as well as the icon of the Virgin with Christ and 320 caTaLoGUE Saint Stefan Dečanski from the second half of the 17th century. he works were made by several diferent masters of the lateral developmental lines of Serbian iconography. he Church of St. Nicholas was located in the village of Čabić, 14 km away from Klina, in Metohija. It was built in the late 16th or early 17th century as a single-nave barrel-vaulted structure, with a gable roof and apse in the east – trilateral on the outside, semicircular on the inside. Sometime later it was given a narthex and a brick iconostasis on which the icons were placed. Its frescoes were painted in the course of the irst quarter of the 17th century. he church was torn down completely when it was mined by Albanians in July 1999. Literature: Пајкић, Сеоске цркве, 171; Суботић, Долац и Чабићи, 92–96; Матић, Српски иконопис, 285, 419, ig. 313, cat. no. 85. Miljana Matić MINOR MONuMENTS 321 V.9. cHriST icon from the church of St. nicholas in Čabić, near Klina, second half of the 16th century Tempera on board, 85 × 58 × 3.5 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_5750 he sunken central ield of the icon contains a frontal waist-length depiction of Christ [Is# hs#, in nimbus: o wn (Greek ὁ ὤν = the Being, Exodus 3:14; Revelation 1:4)] with his right hand raised in blessing and his let holding an open gospel with the following text: prIidyte bl<agoslove>nI o<tqca> moeg<o na>s<l>ydMite Mg<ot>ovanoe vam c<arstv>o n%e&b%esnoe& (Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you rom the foundation of the world, Mt 25:34). he nimbus was decorated with puncturing. he icon’s background and frame are gilded, while a red border stretches along the edges. he icon of Christ probably had a throne position on the iconostasis of the Church of St. Nicholas in Čabić. Its author was a painter whose expression was dominated by drawing. he modelling of the incarnatus was executed skilfully, with 322 caTaLoGUE light blending. he chiton and himation are more crudely structured, with a pronounced drawing of the folds and lines. he Church of St. Nicholas was located in the village of Čabić, 14 km away from Klina, Metohija. It was built in the late 16th or early 17th century. Sometime later it was given a narthex and brick iconostasis, on which the icons were placed. Its frescoes were painted in the course of the irst quarter of the 17th century. he church was torn down completely when it was mined by Albanians in July 1999. Literature: Пајкић, Сеоске цркве, 171; Суботић, Долац и Чабићи, 92–96; Матић, Српски иконопис, 53, 56, 284, 418, ig. 37, cat. no. 80. Miljana Matić MINOR MONuMENTS 323 V.10. 324 SainT JoHn THE ForErUnnEr icon form the church of St. nicholas in djurakovac, ca. 1630 Tempera on prepared canvas board, 103.8 × 70.5 × 4.3 cm Inscription: s(ve)tIq Iw(anq) k(q)ristitele Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć he slightly sunken central ield contains a frontal waist-length depiction of Saint John the Forerunner, robed in a goat’s hair dress and cloak. His right hand is raised in blessing, while in his let he is holding a long staf ending in a cross and a bowl containing his cut head. he edge of the nimbus is punctured, while within its borders is a green vine motif painted on a yellow background. he background is painted red. he painted layer in the botom part of the painted ield is ruined. works all the visual elements are dominated by the drawing, not always executed properly and accurately, thus some depictions appear uninished. he weaknesses of the painter’s talent are most noticeable on the icon of Saint John when, in a waist-length depiction of a single holy igure, he does not manage to handle the proportions, drawing of the details, facial features, and facial modelling well, which results in a modest efect and the dominance of the drawing’s dark contours. he icon of Saint John the Forerunner belonged to the iconostasis of the Church of St. Nicholas, along with the imperial door and an icon of heotokos on the throne with the infant Christ and the prophets (now in the treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć) and icons of Christ with the apostles and Saint Nicholas (destroyed) dated to 1630. he church in Djurakovac also had an icon of Saint Nicholas dated to the late 16th century, damaged in a ire (now kept at the Gorioč Monastery). here is an inscription on the heotokos icon mentioning the name of the ktetor, ‘servant of God Veselin’. he author of the icon of Saint John the Forerunner also painted the Annunciation on the Royal door, Virgin with Christ and the prophets, and Saint Nicholas. His best painting work is the Annunciation on the Royal door, whereas in the larger-sized he Church of Saint Nicholas in the village of Djurakovac, near the town of Istok, was erected in 1592 on the foundations of an older church from the 14th century, at a medieval cemetery, through the eforts of the villagers, headed by the local priest Cvetko. Its frescoes were painted by ‘the sinful zographos Milija’, as atested by the ktetorial inscription above the entrance to the nave. It was later given a wooden narthex with a loor dug in below ground level. It was completely destroyed by Albanian extremists, who mined it in July 1999. caTaLoGUE Literature: Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Пећко-дечанска иконописна школа, 14, 24, Pl. XX, with earlier literature; Матић, Српски иконопис, 302, 464, ig. 336, cat. no. 227. Miljana Matić MINOR MONuMENTS 325 V.11. SainT nicHoLaS icon from the church of St. nicholas in gorioč, irst half of the 17th century Tempera on board, 69 × 25.1 × 3.5 cm Inscription: s(ve)tqI nJk<o>lae skoropomo{n<ikq> National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_5870 he elongated and slightly sunken central ield of the icon contains a frontal full-igure depiction of Saint Nicholas, named in the inscription as ‘the Speedy Helper’. He is dressed in a phelonion with an omophorion, under which he is wearing a sticharion with an epitrachelion and an embroidered epigonation. His right hand is raised to the side in blessing, while in his let, covered by the edge of the phelonion, he is holding a folded gospel. he saint’s nimbus is punctured along the edge. he frame of the icon is painted dark blue. he upper right corner of the wooden mount and the painted layer are damaged. he painter of the Saint Nicholas icon skilfully and with a sure hand executed the drawing with a myriad of details. he modelling of the clothes is lat and the master’s work is close to wall painting. He chose the more seldom used model of depiction of the wonderworker of Myra in Lycia, whose right hand is 326 caTaLoGUE raised high and to the side in blessing. hat gesture can also be found on the Dečani Vita icon of Saint Nicholas by zographos Longin and on the Peć icon of a full-igure depiction of Saint Nicholas with a waist-length depiction of Christ, by zographos Radul. he Gorioč Monastery is located in the eponymous village, on the Bela Stena plateau above the town of Istok, in Metohija. he Church of St. Nicholas was built in the 16th century, most likely on the foundations of a church two centuries older. It possesses a signiicant collection of icons made between the 16th and 18th century. It is the property of Dečani and an active nunnery. Literature: Пајкић, Сеоске цркве, 157, ig. 19, cat. no. 10; Средњовековна уметност, 66, cat. no. 79; Матић, Српски иконопис, 128, 131, 485, ig. 128, cat. no. 295. Miljana Matić MINOR MONuMENTS 327 V.12. EvanGELion originated in crkolez, mid 13th century Parchment, 20 + 121 fols., 218 ×145 mm (irst part), 215 × 163 mm (second part) Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Grujić 3–I–23; Belgrade, National Library of Serbia, Crkolez 1 A part of this Gosple lectionary (20 fol.) is kept in the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church (Грујић 3 –I – 23), while the primary part of the same manuscript (161 fol.), originating from Crkolez, was transferred to the Dečani Monastery in 1956, and aterwards to the National Library of Serbia (Crkolez 1). he whole manuscript was writen in the uncial script, of the Rascian orthography, and the paleographic forms of the leters correspond to the irst half, i.e. the middle of the 13th century. he decoration is archaic. he text of the irst part was writen in dark ink on a 218 × 145 mm parchment. he titles and initials, as well as more important parts, were done in cinnabar. he initials are quite diverse. hey have geometrical, vegetative, zoomorphic and multiple interlace motifs, mostly done in red or having contours in dark ink. he decoration is richest in fol. 1. At the top is a headpiece, the only one in the entire manuscript – a rectangular ield of thin multiple interlace done in sepia, with details in dark red. At the intersection points are small red ields surrounded with six similarly shaped simple details, combined in such a way as to suggest stylized lowers. At the center of each free rhombus-shaped ield is a 328 caTaLoGUE red dot. From the headpiece's corners large decorative elements almost the same size as the headpiece itself are descending. hey are made of multiple interlaced ribbons in red and black ink, with light, uncolored ields. The motif on the left side is an interlace formed by several narrow strips, whereas on the right it is a quadruple interlace ending in stylized leaves. he initial И on the same page is four rows high and consists of a double-braid interlace in red and black, with light ields. A portion of the partly preserved original front cover was glued to the new, restored binding. he other, main body of the manuscript from Crkolez, is kept in the National Library of Serbia (Crkolez 1). It is writen in dark ink on a 215 × 163 mm parchment. Initials of various size and stylization – geometrical, vegetative, teratological and anthropomorphic – dominate its decoration. Literature: Ћоровић, Прилози, 90–96, cat. no. 1; Mošin, Ćirilski rukopisi crkve u Crkolezu, 315–316, no. 1; Изложба српске писане речи, 30; Васиљев, Каталог изложбе копија орнаментике, Pl. 12–18; Богдановић, Инвентар ћирилских рукописа, 45 (no. 455, 456), 224. Miljana Matić MINOR MONuMENTS 329 V.13. PSaLTEr oF BanKo MLadEnoviĆ borač in Drenica, 1346 (before April 16) Parchment, 410 fols., 230 × 170 mm Bucharest, Library of the Romanian Academy, Slav. 205 his Serbian manuscript psalter with interpretation was transcribed by Jovan Bogoslav in 1346 for Branko Mladenović, the founder of the noble and royal Branković family and father of Vuk Branković. he psalter was made in the town of Borač, in Drenica region, during the rule of King Dušan (before April 16, 1346). he data on the history of the manuscript is given in a comprehensive note on fol. 410v. he psalter was writen in the older version of half-uncial script, of the Rascian orthography. It has leather biding, with stylized ornaments. he manuscript has for years been kept in the Bistrica Monastery, whose renewers, the Wallachian voivode Neagoe Basarab (1512–1521) and Moldovan voivode Petru Rareş (1527– 1538, 1541–1546), were married to princesses from the Branković family, Jelena and Despina, respectively. heir uncle, Maksim Branković, one-time Despotes Đorđe, lived for a while as a monk in that monastery. Romanian author and archeologist Alexandru Odobescu in 1860 took the psalter to Bucharest. As of 1867, it was kept in the library of the National Museum of Antiquities, which later on became the Library of the Romanian Academy. he manuscript’s decoration consists of two headpieces (fols. 1v and 4v) and a certain number of initials (beginning leters of each psalm). he initials are simple, done in red and of ge- 330 caTaLoGUE ometrical-ornamental type. Most of them are decorated with small circles on the leter's body and a branch with three shoots in the leter’s closed loop. he psalter’s most important artistic atainment are the architectural headpieces representing a stylized church-like structure of a symbolic character. On folio 1v is a big, graded arcade, crowned by a schematized, checkered dome, within which a motif of a braided knot in the form of rhombus is placed. he headpiece is marked by a note saying prymoudros(tq) sqz(q)da seby hram(q) (Wisdom has built a house for herself, Prv 9:1). Compositions of the same kind may be found in the manuscripts from southern parts of the Serbian lands from the first half of the 14th century. Architectural headpieces of this type, which have their origin in Byzantine models and were also used in the 14th century Russian miniature painting, are in full accordance with the hesychasm movement and the theological-mystical nature of the monastic literature of the period. Literature: Miklošić, Psaltir, 29–62; Яцимирский, Славянские и русские рукописи, 345–350, no. 44 (292); Nekrasov, Les rontispieces, 253–281; Panaitescu, Manuscrisele, 300–301, no. 205; Максимовић, Српске средњовековне минијатуре, 32, 53–58, 99, 100; Михаила, Исследования, 11–12, 14–24. Kristina Miloradović MINOR MONuMENTS 331 V.14. WriTinGS oF EPHrEM THE SYrian and aScETic inSTrUcTionS devič Monastery (?), mid 15th century paper, 305 fols., 29 × 21 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Peć 91 According to a partly preserved note and the paleographic characteristics of the Resava orthography, the manuscript titled Peć 91 was made in mid 15th century. In its form, it is a composite manuscript, containing two different volumes, which, at one point, probably during the 18th century, were placed within a single leather binding. he irst volume has 173 folios. Most of it, up to fol. 166, contains the Sermons of Ephrem the Syrian. From fol. 166 to fol. 173 the manuscript contains a rulebook on the food and drinks for monks written by another scribe, which was taken over from several diferent books – the Jerusalem, the Athonite, and the Studite typikons. he second volume, from fol. 175 to fol. 305, contains a collection of ascetic instructions. Unlike the time of its making, the place where the manuscript was made cannot be determined with precision, but according to its content it is beyond any doubt that it had originated in a monastic center, probably Devič. Of all the numerous notes added later, the most information comes from the one writen by Devič hieromonk and hegoumenos Gerasim, from 1741, made on the manuscript’s last folio. In addition to describing the 332 caTaLoGUE hard life under Turkish occupation, Gerasim’s note ofers some information on the book’s history. It appears that at one point, maybe at the end of the 17th century, the manuscript was taken to the Patriarchate of Peć, from where Gerasim, on his way to Devič, took it and returned it to the later monastery. he irst volume dedicated to the sermons of Ephrem the Syrian, was writen in black ink and is not decorated. he second volume, which is a collection of sermons by the holy fathers, and also written in black ink, on the other hand has some decorations. he ornament on the initial page particularly stands out. It is modeled ater a late Byzantine square headpiece containing black, geometrical interlace, its sides decorated with a modest loral motif in the shape of branching vines. here are also several red and green loral ornaments, as well as a few rather richly done initials. Literature: Вуксан, Рукописи, 183–184; Мошин, Рукописи, 121–124; Пузовић, Покушај реконструкције, 93–109. Dragana Aćimović Minor MonuMentS 333 V.15. LEiToUrGiKon monastery of the assumption of the virgin in leskovac, 1453 Paper, 198 fols., 198 × 140 mm Belgrade, National Library of Serbia, Dečani 131 he manuscript contains a valuable note from 1453 mentioning Serbian rulers from the Branković family. he note, as well as the larger portion of the manuscript, was writen by monk Nikandar, in the caligraphic semi-uncial script, in the Monastery of the Assumption of the Virgin, in Leskovac. Former researches have connected this Leskovac with the present-day town with the same name in southern Serbia. But, in medieval documents the ‘monastery Pustinja-Leskovac in the nahiye of Lab’, situated some 10 km north of Priština, is also mentioned. here are two villages in Kosovo that share the same name, Leskovac near Klina and Leskovec near Prizren. hat is why further research is needed, to establish the exact location of the monastery of the Assumption. here is no doubt that the Leitourgikon from 1453 was created in a bigger scriptorium, seeing that the very educated Nikandar was joined by several other scribes during its creation. Its decorations consist of interlaced loral headpieces (fols. 17r, 50r, 125r and 147r) and elongated red initials with decorative branches. he headings are decorated with chained circles containing interlace. he largest is the headpiece on fol. 17, before the Liturgy of St. 334 caTaLoGUE Basil the Great. It is formed by two (linked circles into which semicircles and diagonals are intertwined. he background is painted green, yellow and red, with small white circles suggesting lightness. Above the headpiece is a large cross, while decorative branches are arching from its upper corners towards the center. he irst leaf of the twentieth volume of the manuscript has been separated and is kept in the National Library of Serbia, call. No. Pc 538. It has a heading before the Epiphany Service that takes almost one-half of the leaf. he heading consists of three chained circles with an intertwined diagonal double interlace and leaf shoots in the middle and at the corners of the headpiece. he drawing was done in red ink, while the background is alternately colored in red, yellow and green. he same colors are also used to underine full loral motifs. Literature: Штављанин-Ђорђевић, Гроздановић-Пајић, Цернић, Опис ћирилских рукописа, 292– 293; Задужбине Косова, 398, 416, 437, 469; Васиљев, Помен Лесковца, 15–18; Опис рукописа манастира Дечани, 526–531; Недељковић, О српском рукописном Служабнику, 137–146; Служабник, in: Свет српске рукописне књиге, 333–335 ( Ј. Станојловић). Jovana Stanojlović MINOR MONuMENTS 335 V.16. TETaEvanGELion oF THE ScriBE SiMon church of St. nicholas in ovčarevo (Drenica), 1561–1562 paper, 300 fols., 310 × 215 mm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Peć 17 he Tetraevangelion was writen in uniform 16th century half-uncial. he leather binding from the same period on its front has a cross on stand motif, while on the back it has a rhombus motif with lilies in the corners, enclosed in concentric ornamental frames. he manuscript contains eight inscriptions, the most important of which is the one written by the scribe himself (fol. 294r–294v), who from 1560 to 1571 worked in the areas of Peć, Polimlje and the Drenica villages of Ovčarevo and Prekaze. he scribe Simon writes that he has completed the Tetraevangelion vq lyto 7 i &“, kod hrama svetago hristova i ;}dotvorca nikoli na selM wv;arevM blizq ryke kline, vq domM starca maKIma i s(Q)na mM popa rai;a (in the year 7070, near the Church of Christ's saint and wonderworker Nicholas, in the village of Ovčarevo near the Klina River, in the home of old man Maksim and his son Raič, the priest). In the irst half of the 17th century, the inhabitants of the nearby village of Svrha Volujačka purchased the manuscript. It was later acquired by the Patriarchate of Peć, where it remained until 1981. The manuscript contains the four gospels, reading instructions and an abbreviated menologion for the entire liturgical year. he manuscript’s rich decoration includes nine historiated initials (fol. 2r, 7r, 76r, 79r, 127v, 132v, 336 caTaLoGUE 214r, 217r, 281v), ive lavish initials (fol. 7r, 79r, 132v, 281v, 292r), as well as six plain red geometric-ornamental initials, decorated with small circles on the leter stems (fol. 2r, 3r, 127v, 214r, 281v). he rectangular historiated leter at the beginning of the Gospel of Mathew (fol. 7r) is illed with a motif of double chain-linked white circles, which are, the same as the frame of the historiated initial itself, additionally emphasised by small fringeshaped shoots. On top of the historiated leter is a cross decorated with rings and surrounded by highly geometrised loral motifs, also made of interlacings. he ornamental ields of the historiated leter are imbued with the freshness of bright red and blue colours on the luxurious gold background. he stem of the initial k consists of two bands edged with semicircles. In the middle of the stem is a wide knot, from which the leter’s arms stem, ending in geometrically stylised lilies. The main motif of the decoration of the scribe Simon’s Tetraevangelion is interlacing, free of plant and teratological elements, in accordance with the Balkan style found in 16th century decorations. he colours of the manuscript are very rich and striking. Literature: Вуксан, Рукописи, 140; Мошин, Орнаментика, 295–351; idem, Рукописи, 25–27; Младеновић, Ђорђевић-Штављанин, Дијак Симон, 101– 146; Задужбине Косова, 492–493, 522. Kristina Miloradović MINOR MONuMENTS 337 V.17. THEoToArion witH oKtoecHoS djurakovac, third quarter of the 16th century and the year 1640 paper, 1 + 126 + 1 fol., 98 × 75 mm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Peć – Đurakovac 1 he middle part of the manuscript (fol. 21– 86) comprises a heotokarion dated to the period between 1550 and 1575, while parts of an Oktoechos were added to the front and back in 1640. he leather binding is more recent. he manuscript has no historiated initials or miniatures, but does have several inscriptions. he most interesting is the one on folio 108v. here the scribe Inoćentije in 1639–1640 wrote the following text in dark ink, above a drawing of a snippet of the sky with his signature (ino:entIe): <p>rJpisah(q) sJe 0 vq lyto z r$m i# 5 prostqIte a{e i grMbo Es(tq) nq tako Mmehq1 vô lyto zrm+z 0 primi[e tMrci vavqJlonq, gl(agol)EmqJ bagqdatq1 (I wrote this in the year 7148. Forgive me if it is inelegant but that is the only way I could do it. In the year 7147 the Turks conquered Babylon, called Baghdad). he statement regarding Baghdad is correct and refers to the second, crucial Ottoman conquest of one of the most important cities of the Islamic world. he famous city on the Tigris River was taken from the hands 338 caTaLoGUE of the Iranians by Sultan Murad IV on 25 December 1638. he news apparently let quite an impression even in the remote parts of the Otoman Empire. In the botom part of the same leaf is a ine print inscription about the troubles brought by the year 1640–1641. he Church of St. Nicholas in the village of Djurakovac, near Istok in Metohija, was built in 1592 on the foundations of an older church, dated to the 14th century. It was razed to the ground by Albanian extremists in July 1999. Sometime earlier, the manuscript had been moved to the treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć for safekeeping. Its size places it among the smallest handwriten books in Serbia. Literature: Мошин, Рукописи из цркве у Дубоком Потоку, 137, 147–148 ig. 4; Богдановић, Инвентар ћирилских рукописа, 26 (no. 173), 224; Задужбине Косова, 443–444. Miljana Matić MINOR MONuMENTS 339 V.18. MEnaion For SEPTEMBEr Zočište Monastery, 1625 Paper, 211 fols., 210 × 310 mm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, No. 60 According to a note on folio 211 of the manuscript, it was created in 1625, owing to eforts of prohegoumenos lord Atanasije, at the time of hegoumenos lord Pahomije. he same note says that the menaion comes from the Monastery of Zočište, near Orahovac, not far from Velika Hoča. he monastery church dedicated to Saints Cosmas and Damian, apparently mentioned as early as 1327, was renewed in the 16th century. In September 1999 Albanian extremists blew the church up, completely destroying the remaining frescoes, a collection of icons and other church objects. he menaion was saved only thanks to the fact that in 1950 the then bishop of the Raška and Prizren Eparchy, Vladimir, afraid that it will not be preserved in inadequate conditions, sent it to the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Belgrade. A note made in the 18th century on the manuscript's irst page mentions Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović Šakabenta (1725–1737), who was born in Peć. 340 caTaLoGUE Only the irst page of the manuscript was decorated – with a headpiece and an initial. he headpiece runs along the text’s width and consists of a colorless one-fold interlace with buds, forming a heart-shaped paterns. Surfaces over which the interlace spreads are colored in red and blue. hree simple bands frame the headpiece from below and on the sides, those on the sides being red and white. hey end in two stylized birds looking like peahens. he initial S is nine rows long and is formed by interlacing a green and white band. A starlike structure is formed in the initial’s center, while its ends are pointed. he surfaces between the bands are red. At the botom the initial carries a zoomorphic figure, which looks like a peahen of the same kind that appears in the headpiece. Literature: Mošin, Inventar, 221; Богдановић, Инвентар ћирилских рукописа, 60, no. 738; Споменичка баштина, 84–89. Kristina Pešić MINOR MONuMENTS 341 V.19. SainT GEorGE KiLLinG THE daGon WiTH THE HoLY arcHanGEL MicHaEL relief from the facade of the church of St. kyriaki in the village of brnjača, near Orahovac, 17th century Stone, carving, 31 × 60 × 15.5 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_2319 he stone plate shows Saint George on a horse using a long spear to kill a very small dragon on the let side and a frontally positioned Archangel Michael with a sword in his right hand on the right side. he top edge of the plate is deformed and disrupts the shape of the low horizontally placed rectangle, the borders of which are highlighted with a plastic frame and slant cut parallel lines. his and another plate with a depiction of the Annunciation, kept at the National Museum in Belgrade, originate from the western facade of the Church of St. Kyriaki in the village of Brnjača, near Orahovac. he church, which was reconstructed several times, was irst mentioned in mid-14th century. Apart from these two plates, another one is known, today incorporated into the upper part of the apse of the church dedicated to the Dormition of the Virgin in Orahovac. he reliefs from Brnjača belong to a small group of sculpting works done in stone, which can be placed in the cultural context of the Turkish period in Serbia. he group in- 342 caTaLoGUE cludes a stone interlace relief ornament, plant ornaments, animal and human igures on the facades of the church in Mlado Nagoričino and of the entire group in its vicinity, which are dated to the irst half of the 16th century, in present-day Macedonia. In the regions of southwestern and central Serbia there is a noticeable appearance of ktetors’ sculptural portraits done in full sculpture or deep relief, near or on the facades of small village churches, dated to the 16th and 17th century. Some examples are accompanied by inscriptions. here is an unquestionably strong connection between these monuments from the Turkish period and the visual legacy of the Middle Ages. It is based on the continuity of iconographic details and retrograde changes in style. The carving treatment of the plates from Brnjača is crude and the igures are disproportional, but also recognisable and expressive. Literature: Задужбине Косова, 405, 493–494; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 101–102, 128, cat. 85. Branka Ivanić Minor MonuMentS 343 V.20. rodoP’S BELL monastery of the virgin of hvosno (?), 1432 Bronze, casting Height 59.1 cm, diameter at rim 42.5 cm Inscription:  прѣс(ve)тaa вл(a)d(i);(i)це b(ogorodi)це прими мalое сіе приношеnиіе многогрѣшнaго рaбa своѥго рod(o)пa  вь lѣто q  м(e)s(e)цa aвгѹстa 2  д(q)нь многогрѣшны рod(o)п National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 26_2177. his bronze bell with a depiction of the Virgin Orans and a ktetorial inscription executed in shallow relief most likely originated in the Monastery of the Virgin of Hvosno, which was located some 20 kilometres northeast of Peć. he bell is elongated with an arched rim and sextuple rectangular cross-section mounts for atachment to the beam. he pendulum and one mount are missing. he bell has a soprano ring. Two bands are found on the bell – one near the top and the other near the rim, which bears the relief ktetorial inscription: The most holy Despoina, Mother of God, accept this small offering from your sinful servant Rodop. The year 6940, month of August, 2nd day, most sinful Rodop. Between the bands is a rectangular field containing a depiction of the Virgin Orans with a partially preserved inscription (м$iр T$u). The Virgin has her arms in the orans posture. She is dressed in a long dress and billowing cloak. Locks of hair fall on both sides of her face under the halo. A very similar bell, made thanks to the same commissioning party, also exists in the Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć. Cast in the same year, 1432, for the Church of St. Nicholas in the village of Banja Rudnjička in Drenica, in which Rodop was buried on February 7, 1436. he bell bears a depiction of Saint Nicholas. It is slightly larger than the bell being kept at the National Museum, but in terms of cratsmanship it was made equally skilfully. It has an alto ring. It is assumed that the benefactor, ordering both bells from the same found- 344 caTaLoGUE er, demanded that depictions of the protectors he was addressing in prayer be cast. Even with the information available, it is still not possible to identify with full certainty the donor of the two bells and founder of the Church of St. Nicholas. he only thing that is certain is that it belonged to the esteemed Rodop family. he irst known Rodop was a nobleman in the service of George Branković, who freed his lord from a Constantinopolitan dungeon in 1402, ater the Batle of Ankara. Historiography provides more information on Nikola Rodop, the head of treasury and later the protovestiarios of Despotes George Branković, who is mentioned in 1435. Some researchers believe he was the brother of the irst Rodop, but others assume it may even be the same person. here is either no information about the place where the bells were made, but it is known that there were workshops which cast bells on the Litoral, and that travelling master-founders stayed and worked in Kosovo and Metohija. Literature: Записи и натписи I, 84–85, no. 255, 256; Поповић (П.), Неколико звона, 105–110, ig. 1, 2, 4; Петковић (В. Р.), Родоп из Дренице, 116–122; Бабић, Друштвени положај ктитора, 149–150; Историја примењене уметности код Срба I, 79–120 (Б. Радојковић); Задужбине Косова, 392–393; Јовановић (В.), Родоповићи, 225–240; Rodop’s Bell, in: Byzantium, 141, cat. no. 76 (N. Cerović) and Byzantium 330–1453, 205, cat. no. 173 (N. Cerović); Стародубцев, Српско зидно сликарство, 80, 96. Nataša Cerović MINOR MONuMENTS 345 V.21. BEnEdicTion croSS oF METroPoLiTan niAnor church of the ascension in the village of Smira, near vitina, kosovo, 1551 Boxwood, woodcut; iting: silver tin, gilding, iligree, embossing, soldering; red and blue opal, seting Height 27.5 cm, width 11.3 cm, thickness 2.2 cm Donor’s inscription:  си крьсть naчиннѣ смѣрени нїкaнор црьквѣ сp(a)совѣ вышѣ сеla смїре  lѣто z%4 National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 25_1560 Fited hand cross with scenes from the Great Feasts. he front side depicts the Transiguration scene in a vertical line. An allegorical depiction of the Cruciixion, with a personiication of the Church and Synagogue, is located in the central niche. Below the Cruciixion, on the vertical arm of the cross, is a depiction of the Harrowing of Hell. he last in the vertical line is the Entry into Jerusalem. To the right of the Cruciixion scene is a depiction of Luke the Evangelist, while to the let is John the Evangelist in the cave. he irst in a vertical line on the back of the cross is the Annunciation scene. he central scene is the Nativity of Jesus. On the lateral arms are Mathew the Evangelist, on the right, and Mark the Evangelist, on the let. Below the Nativity scene is the Presentation of Jesus at the Temple, whereas the last scene in the line on the vertical arm is the Baptism of the Lord. he well-designed composition and rich iconography reveal a dedicated artist who meticulously works on every detail. he most obvious examples are the portrait characteristics of the faces, clothes and architecture. he 346 caTaLoGUE scenes are placed in vaulted niches, the angles and edges of which are decorated with rhombus, rosete and spiral luted column motifs. he beauty of this woodcut is mounted with simple itings made of silver plates, on which multicoloured pieces of semi-precious stones are set. he iting of the cross handle, decorated with braid motifs, still has a visible donor’s inscription of Nikanor, the Metropolitan of Gračanica: his cross was made by the modest Nikanor for the Church of the Ascension above the village of Smira. In the year 1550–1551. he cross was discovered by Stojan Novaković in the Rajinovac Monastery, near Grocka, and purchased in 1875 for the National Museum in Belgrade. Literature: Записи и натписи I, 179, no. 560; Љубинковић, Две грачаничке иконе, 129–138; Милошевић, Уметност, cat. no. 111; Ивановић, О натпису грачаничког митрополита, 243–249, ig. 1–4; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 100, 130, cat. no. 106; eadem, Крстови, 12, 15, 21–24, 53–56, cat. no. 3. Nataša Cerović MINOR MONuMENTS 347 V.22. anTiMEnSion oF PriEST niKoLa dobrodoljane (vicinity of prizren), 1563/1564 linen, ink, 42.5 × 46 cm Inscription: <bo/>astavni s(vy)ti /rtavnikq g(ospod)a b(og)a i s<pasa> <n>a[ego I(sou)s(a) h(ri)s(ta) sapisa se vq l(y)to q&2 <vq se>lo dobrodolane pri mitropolitomq metodiemq pri popqmq nikolomq0 vq crk(v)U s(vy)tago stehvana0 pomeni g(ospod)i prezvItera nikolU National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_2441 (the antimins has been lent to the Museum of the Serbian Church, where it is on display as part of the permanent exhibition) he antimension was inscribed in ink on linen (which used to have a lining) by Priest Nikola for the Church of St. Stephen in the village of Dobrodoljane in the time of Metodije, the Metropolitan of Prizren (r. 1564– 1572). It was irst mentioned by I. S. Yastrebov, a Russian consul at the end of the 19th century, who had seen it in the Monastery of St. Mark of Koriša, near Prizren. Prior to that, a Turk had kept it in a leather bag and worn it on his chest as an amulet. he composition of the antimension belongs to the simple, archaic type, without igural motifs. In its centre is a simple, thin cross on a small postament, with individual leters in the form of acronyms and cryptogrammes added to it all around. More than thirty of these abbreviations were deciphered by I. S. 348 caTaLoGUE Yastrebov with the help of a manuscript kept in the library of the Patriarchate of Peć. A note on its consecration is inscribed along the edges of the antimension and served as a frame for the central ield. Parts of the edges are damaged, but its content can be reconstructed: God's holy altar of our Lord God and Saviour Jesus Christ was decorated in the year 6072 at the village of Dobrodoljane in the time of Metropolitan Metodije and Priest Nikola, in the Church of St. Stephen. Lord, remember presbyteros Nikola. Literature: Јастребов, Податци за историју српске цркве, 88–89; Записи и натписи I, 200, no. 643; Суботић, Упутство, 198; Милеуснић, Музеј Српске православне цркве, 153; Цинцар Костић, Домаћи антиминси, 151, 163, cat. no. 4. Biljana Cincar Kostić MINOR MONuMENTS 349 V.23. KEY FroM SaModaŽA church of St. nicholas in Samodraža, 16th–17th century Wrought iron, length 33.8 cm, diameter at head 6.2 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 26_1714 In the Prizrenski Podgor region, not far from Suva Reka, there is the village of Samodraža, which was in the period between 1282 and 1298 given as a git to the Hilandar Monastery, which was conirmed in 1302. his git was again conirmed by King Stefan Dečanski in 1327. he next mention of Samodraža is found in 1465, when the villagers were documented as contributors in the memorial book of the Holy Trinity Monastery near Mušutište. Touring Prizren and the surrounding area in 1879, Russian consul Ivan Yastrebov found the foundations of the Church of St. Nicholas with a small cemetery there. In his words, at the time of Karađorđe’s uprising, when the Turkish army headed from Priština and Prizren to atack the rebels, the Serbs from Samodraža who had converted to Islam tore down the church and used the stone to build a mosque. 350 caTaLoGUE In the early 19th century, the National Museum in Belgrade received from I. S. Yastrebov a key from the aforementioned site as a git. he key is made of wrought iron, with a ring on top and a circular head decorated with a spider web motif, the segments of which contain circular cutouts. he body is shaped like a long cylinder, with two perpendicular plates cut in the form of a symmetrical meander. It is dated to the period of the 16th and 17th century. Slightly smaller keys, shaped and decorated in a similar manner, dating back to the period between the 15th and 17th century, were discovered in Ušće near Kraljevo and in the Čačak area. Literature: Задужбине Косова, 521 (М. Ивановић); Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 103, 130, cat. 119. Nataša Cerović MINOR MONuMENTS 351 V.24. GoLd SiGnET rinG originated in leposavić, 14th century Gold, casting, engraving Diameter at head 3 cm, height 2.6 cm, weight 26.39 g Inscription:  pe;atx veliego aknx;evla National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 26_5698 his ring, found in Leposavić in North Kosovo, belongs to a small group of luxuriously cast massive signet rings. It has a round head in the middle of which is a medallion showing an eagle with spread wings and the head turned to the let. In its body, wings and tail the eagle has very characteristic small holes. An inscription runs around the medallion. he band’s internal side and a part of the head are deformed, as if having been exposed to high temperature or lasting pressure. here is a rather deep notch on the band’s internal side, while small damages – dents and scratches – are found all over the ring’s surface. 352 caTaLoGUE he inscription shows that the ring belonged to a high Serbian dignitary, whose irst part of the title was ‘grand.’ So far no adequate interpretation of the title’s second part – read as aknchevl or abnchevl – has been ofered. Based on the material it was made of, its type and the fact that it has a representation of an eagle on the head, this ring is a typical example of 14th century Serbian jewelry. Literature: Skovran, Srednjovekovna umјetnost Srba, cat. no. 204; Милошевић, Накит од XII до XV века, cat. no. 235; Иванић, Прстење српске властеле, 11, 49, ig. 6; Трифуновић, Српски натписи, 422, no. 11; Иванишевић, Развој хералдике, 227, ig. 4.10; Иванић, О натпису, 529–534. Branka Ivanić MINOR MONuMENTS 353 V.25. rinG WiTH oPaL STonE lipljan (?), 16th–17th century Silver, casting, opal Diameter at head 2.8 cm, diameter at hoop 2.3 cm, height 3.4 cm, weight 13.38 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 25_1135 he ring has a thin hoop with an serrated seting atached for a beautiful whitish, hemispherical faceted opal. he exceptional size of the stone itself reveals that this may have been a ring worn on special occasions. he size of the stone allowed for its surface to be faceted into numerous sections, due to which the light is relected in many directions, thus creating rich light efects. Opal is an expensive semi-precious stone. he outstanding size of the stone on this ring may 354 caTaLoGUE atribute it with magical or healing properties. Divination was done by magic formulas, drawings, dice, and even the random opening of a gospel book. To this day opal is believed to help at high fever and headaches. Literature: Иванић, Накит, cat. no. 158; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 107, 131, cat. no. 142. Branka Ivanić MINOR MONuMENTS 355 V.26. PiTcHEr FroM THE virGin oF HvoSno iznik (nicaea), third quarter of the 16th century White white slip, wheel; painting; glazing Height 28 cm, diameter at rim 10 cm, diameter at botom 16 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_5815 During archeological investigation in the he Hvosno pitcher decoration was executChurch of the Virgin of Hvosno a pitcher made ed in three horizontal zones – two at the vesin one of Iznik’s ceramic workshops was discov- sel’s neck, and the third covering the body. ered west of the refectory’s porch. It has a wide he neck and the body have the same motifs opening, a funnel-shaped neck, pear-like body – arched branches with stylized leaves, done and a low-positioned, arched handle. It is richly in black, red, green and blue. he third modecorated and represents a recognizable serial tif appears at the lower end of the neck – a product of oriental origin. he type of manufac- series of white lowers with red stamens on turing process applied combines the models of a blue band. Between the zones are narrow Chinese dishes from the Yuan and Ming dynas- bands with many vertical and slanted lines ties, the decorative elements of silver tableware and arched twigs. According to its style, the of Turkish imperial gits and the colors charac- pitcher was dated to the third quarter of the teristic of Byzantine dishes. A manuscript from 16th century. A pitcher of the same type was 1301 testiies to its quality: in it, Abdul Kassim, found at the Sveti Pavao Pličina locality, near a member of the Persian Abu Tahir family of the island of Mljet. poters from Kashan (Iran), writes about a traditional recipe for making it from the mixture Literature: Кораћ, Богородица Хвостанска; of white clay, quartz and glass. he pitcher was Pešić, Keramički materijal, 338–350; Церовић, Арdecorated by painting a patern over the white хеолошка сведочанства, 103, 130, cat. no. 115; slip, ater which the surface was covered by a Živković, Bikić, Georgakopoulou, Archaeology, 1–14. transparent, glossy glazing. Nataša Cerović 356 caTaLoGUE MINOR MONuMENTS 357 dEčANI vi V I.1. FirST cHarTEr oF dEčANI monastery of dečani, 1330 Parchment, scroll, 5,200 × 390 mm Belgrade, Archives of Serbia, R2 he protograph of the founding charter of the Monastery of Dečani, the main endowment of King Stefan Uroš III Dečanski, was completed shortly ater the Batle of Velbužd ( July 28, 1330). his charter is one of the most precious Serbian documents and is an exceptional example of a medieval sovereign act which speaks to the nature of the authority that issued it by internal and external diplomatic features, that is, both in content and in appearance. he charter testiies to Stefan’s idea of his role and place as a ruler in holy history, that of the shepherd of the people and continuer of the holy line to which he belonged. hat is also the conceptual foundation of establishing Dečani. he site selected for the monastery is described as a divinely chosen heavenly spot (locus amoenus), irst noticed as such by St. Sava. he text is replete with details of Stefan’s personal history seen from his point of view, from his ascension to power, preceded by his blinding and imprisonment – and also his miraculous healing, to the Batle of Velbužd. Particular atention was given to decoration in the production of the scroll. he tall up- 360 caTaLoGUE per margin is dominated by a circular ornament, 137 mm in diameter, composed of a central blue circle executed with a kind of wax and eight smaller circular ields placed around it. here is letering, now illegible, in the blue circle, while the rest of the ornamentation is decorated with geometric and loral motifs. On both sides, there is a triple Byzantine cross, accompanied by the usual cryptograms. However, the let one has almost completely degraded. In front of the beginning of the text, in the let margin, serving the purpose of symbolic invocatio, there is another, smaller cross of the Byzantine type, with cryptograms and the instruments of Christ’s ordeals. he initial V and other initial leters contribute to the visual vividness, as does a large-handed calligraphic signature, which has a cross on one side and marginal decoration on the other – all done in red or a combination of multiple inks. Literature: Ивић, Грковић, Дечанске хрисовуље, 20–28, 39–53, 59–69, 332–341; Ивић, Јерковић, Палеографски опис; Грковић, Прва хрисовуља; Бубало, Два прилога, 221–226; Марјановић-Душанић, Свети краљ, 240, 261–263, 272–287, 324–326. Vladan Trijić DEČANI 361 V I.2. THird cHarTEr oF dEčANI; LAZAREVIĆ CHARTER TO DEČANI monastery of dečani, May 1343 to December 1345; June 9, 1397 Parchment, [VI] + 72 fols., 270 × 215 mm Belgrade, Archives SASA, No. 360 he main part of the disjointed codex of the hird Charter of Dečani was bought by the Serbian Academy in Serbia, in 1929, while the initial six leaves were purchased in 1995 from a private individual from Great Britain.1 Today they remain two physical units, symbolically united by the shelfmark of the Archives of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences. he third version of the Charter of Dečani, like the second, is writen as a codex, for practical purposes. Over the centuries, since it was written, the book had to be presented to the authorities as proof of the monastery's rights. he text of the hird Charter difers from the previous ones in the additional details and systematisation of information about the monastery estate, such as the lists of poll tax subjects or descriptions of village boundary lines. he ample Dečani estate, covering approximately 2,500 square kilometres, lay mostly in Metohija and the river basin of the Beli Drim, but also extended to what is today Albania, Zeta and the Lim watershed. he various versions of the Dečani Charter record over 13,000 onomastic data points, which he signatory of these lines would like to apologize to the brotherhood of the monastery of Dečani, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, the participants in the trading process and the public, for publishing an incorrect information in the catalogue he World of the Serbian Manusripts, on page 273, about the purchasing of these pages by the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts ''in 1988 from a private individual in London'' 1 362 caTaLoGUE leave no doubt as to the fact that, in the irst half of the 14th century, over 90% of tax payers on the estate bore Serbian names. he number of unambiguously Slav toponyms, also more than half, indicates stability of the population's ethnic composition over a considerably longer period. he hird Charter of Dečani was set down by the anonymous scribe of the last copy of the so-called Union Charter of Hilandar (Hil 144/146). here are no ornaments, other than the red ink and possibly decorative dots and triangles in the heading, certain functional initials and the signatures of King Stefan Dečanski and Dušan, set apart on fol. 68v. he originally blank pages of the inal gathering were later illed with the charter of the new ktetors of Dečani – nun Jevgenija (Princess Milica) and Princ Stefan Lazarević, of June 9, 1397, whose conclusion was lost, together with the atestation of Patriarch Kalinik. he copy was done by wellknown scribe Danilac the Let-Eyed, who illed a large number of pages in the areas of Dečani and the Patriarchate of Peć in the late 14th century and the irst decades of the 15th. Literature: Благојевић, Када је краљ Душан потврдио Дечанску хрисовуљу, 79–86; Ивић, Грковић, Дечанске хрисовуље, 30–35, 37–53, 143–286; Ивић, Јерковић, Палеографски опис; Грковић, Имена; Бубало, Почетак треће Дечанске хрисовуље, 69–82; idem, Два прилога, 226–230; Турилов, Заметки о сербских грамотах, 201–202, 204–205. Vladan Trijić DEČANI 363 V I.3. TYPiKon oF dEčANI monastery of dečani, around 1335 Parchment, 98 fols.,175 × 265 mm St. Petersburg, National Library of Russia, F. п. I. 93 he research of Lazar Mirković and Alexey Pentkovskiy has shown that this typikon is a ‘literal copy of Nikodim’s typikon of 1319’. Historical records reveal that the book was copied for the ‘Pantokrator’ on orders of irst hegoumenos Arsenije, ‘in the place called Dečani’ in the time of ‘great’ King Stefan Dušan. he scribe, though aware of the ‘roughness’ of his handwriting, signed his name – Dobreta (fol. 96v): vq d(q)ni hr(i)stol}bivago i velikaago kral] stefana dou[(a)na s'pisa se sii kniga. pantokratorou povelyniEmq prqvaago igoum'na ar'syni] vq mysty rekomy dy;]ni. i rouko} mnogogry['nago dobryte. da k'to Es(tq) hotei pro;esti a{e Es(tq) i groubo oupis(a) no rqcite. b(og)q da prosti a vasq b(og)q. he manuscript, a litle rushed, is not calligraphic and has no particular artistic ornamentation. he initials are simple, reduced the their basic function. Only the beginning of the church calendar is announced with a ceremonious title (7v), and the names of certain months are writen in big uncial leters. Dobreta’s inscription is separated from the main text with an ornamental band. here are no additional notes on the margin (other than the usual liturgical annotations by the hand of the same scribe), while the menologion, unlike Nikodim’s typikon, includes St. Sava and St. Simeon the Myrrh-lowing. While the basic structure of Nikodim’s typikon is borrowed, there 364 caTaLoGUE is no introduction or other writings from the end of the codex that are not part of the Jerusalem typikon (e.g. there is no paschalion). Since the loss of Nikodim’s typikon, this is the oldest preserved typikon from this manuscript branch. It derives particular historico-cultural value from the fact that it is the liturgical typikon of the then just established Monastery of Dečani. Based on a later inscription from the penultimate page, it is clear that the book passed into possession of a certain Nićifor as a compensation for his art work services in the second half of the 17th century who then set a price of 600 aspres for it. About two centuries later, Ljubomir Kovačević found the book in good shape in the ‘ancestral land of Vuk Karadžić, in the territory of the Drobnjak tribe’ (1875). It was then in possession of Jovan Kujundžić, a peasant whose ancestors were priests (the village Previš next to Petnjica, municipality of Šavnik). Literature: Записи и натписи I, 34, no. 87–88; Лисицын, Первоначальный типикон, passim; Гранстрем, Описание рукописей, 108; Мирковић, Рукописни типици, 3–15; Пентковский, Иерусалимский устав, 153–171; Станојловић, Рад Љубомира Ковачевића, 167–192. Виктор Савић DEČANI 365 V I.4. SoUTH PorTaL oF dEčANI CHuRCH church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, 1334–1335, copy Cast by Krsta Avakumović, 1954 Plaster, casting, 2.63 × 2.85 m Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 27_213 he portal is positioned in a transverse axis of the narthex of the Church of Christ Pantokrator. It consists of two pairs of recessed pilasters, the damaged capitals of which depicted the Annunciation and acanthus leaves. Leaning on them are also recessed semicircular arches framing a lunete. An inscription is carved into the lintel under the lunete, according to which the church was built by Fra Vita of Kotor, its ktetor was King Stefan Uroš III and the construction took eight years (1327–1335). Gregory Tsamblak, the king’s hagiographer, also states that the construction involved stonemasons from the litoral. A testament to that, among other things, are the Romanesque reliefs in the lunetes of the four portals and on the church windows. he main focus in Romanesque architecture since the late 11th century was on portals surmounted by semicircular lunetes, which often contained depictions of narrative scenes from the Bible. he lunete of the south portal of the Dečani church contains a composition of Christ’s baptism as an illustration of a heophany (manifestation of God). It also in- 366 caTaLoGUE dicates the function of that part of the narthex, given that the baptistry is located in it. Christ is depicted frontally and stationary, while St. John the Baptist is shown in proile as they stand in the Jordan River, skilfully adapted to the given architectural surface. heir bodies, primarily the nude body of Christ, are done in broad, monumental and geometric forms characteristic of Romanesque sculpture. he river is presented at the forefront of the composition in a stylised manner, with three slightly wavy lines. On its ends are two rosetes, while the lateral free surfaces of the lunete contain two large stylised and symmetrically positioned lowers, in accordance with the Romanesque art’s propensity for decorative efects. he composition is framed by a Gothic ornament of alternating dentils (žioka na raboš) oten used in Kotor construction. Literature: Бошковић, Петковић, Манастир Дечани I, 68–69; Николајевић, Портали у Дечанима, 185–192; Магловски, Дечанска скулптура, 199–203; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 208, 215, 281. Valentina Babić DEČANI 367 V I.5. FA VITA’S INSCRIPTION monastery of dečani, south portal, 1334–1335, copy Cast by Dragan Petrović and Stoiša Veselinović, 1971 Plaster, casting, 1.52 × 0.38 Inscription: fradq vita mali bratq protomaistorq . is kot(o)ra gr(a)da kral(e)va sqzida wvouzi cr(q)kvq s(ve)toga pandokratora . g(ospo)d(i)nou kral} stefanou ouro[ou .3. emou i svoEmou s(i)nou svet<l>omou i piryvelikomou . i pryslavnomou . g(ospo)d(i)nou kral} stefanou . <i> sqzida se za .%. godi{ i dospela E sq v%q&symq cr(q)kvq vq lyt(o) 6w$3. Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 27_1101 he builder of the Dečani Monastery carved into the marble lintel of the south portal, under the lunete containing a depiction of the Baptism, an important testimony about the time in which the church had been built, its ktetors, but also about his own status and origin. he framed text of the inscription, in properly shaped leters, is writen in ive rows. he inscription documents that the Dečani Monastery was built in the course of eight years and that the construction works ended in 1334–1335 and that its ktetors were King Stefan Uroš III and his son King Stefan (Dušan): Fra Vita, Friar Minor, protomaistor, rom Kotor, the king’s city, built this church of the Holy Pantokrator for lord King Stefan Uroš the hird and his son luminous and most glorious lord King Stefan. And the church was built in the course of eight years and was inished completely in the summer of 6843. he Dečani inscription is the only source preserving the name of the Dečani protomaistor, given that other writen sources, diplomatic and hagiographic documents on the construction of the Dečani church do not mention the name of its builder. Based on the 368 caTaLoGUE inscription, it is clear that the Dečani protomaistor was originally from Kotor and was a member of the Franciscan order. Research into the Kotor and Dubrovnik notary documents provided several assumptions as to the identity of the builder of Dečani, but none of the builders named Vita mentioned therein can be identiied as the constructor of Dečani. He was part of a large group of builders and stonemasons originating on the Litoral, who were engaged in the construction of royal and noble endowments in Serbia throughout the Middle Ages, and whose names are not always known to us. he fact that Fra Vita was entrusted with the construction of the monumental royal mausoleum undoubtedly indicates a builder of considerable experience and knowledge, gained primarily in Kotor, as well as in nearby Dubrovnik, who may also have been involved in the erecting of the Banjska Monastery. Literature: Томовић, Морфологија ћирилских натписа, 54; Ковијанић, Вита которанин; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 208, 266–274. Dubravka Preradović DEČANI 369 V I.6. caPiTaL oF THE SoUTHWEST PiLLar in THE narTHEx church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, by 1334–1335, copy Cast by Krsta Avakumović, 1954 Plaster, casting Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 27_216 The capital of the southwest pillar of the narthex of the Dečani Church of Christ Pantokrator contains four griins in proile and full-igure. hey are adjusted to the octagonal form of the capital, each taking up two of its sides. A griin is a mythological creature with the torso, tail and hind legs of a lion and the head, wings and front legs of an eagle. It is a blend of the most powerful animal and the most powerful bird. he griin most likely originated in the East, whence it came to ancient Greek and Roman art, and subsequently to Byzantine and western European medieval art. In the Middle Ages, especially in the 11th and 12th century, griins were considered dangerous demonic beings, hence their de- 370 caTaLoGUE pictions oten served a prophylactic purpose. They were sometimes ascribed a different kind of symbolism, with a royal and religious connotation, which makes it more diicult to achieve completely exact interpretations. Figural Romanesque capitals, among which a special type are capitals with animal motifs, bear a multitude of mythological and fantastical animals in equal measure as religious themes. Literature: Бошковић, Петковић, Манастир Дечани I, 90–91; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 297, 299. Valentina Babić DEČANI 371 V I.7. caPiTaL oF THE norTHWEST PiLLar in THE narTHEx church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, by 1334–1335, copy Cast by Krsta Avakumović, 1954 Plaster, casting Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 27_215 he lateral ields of the octagonal capital of the northwest pillar in the narthex of the Dečani Monastery’s Church of Christ Pantokrator contain frontal full-igure depictions of four birds with half-spread wings. hey are most likely eagles, who also bore the symbolic meaning of resurrection. Four apostles are shown between them in the central ields of the capital, also frontally and full-igure. hey are dressed in long tunics and cloaks. hey are giving blessings with their right hand and holding a book with their name carved into the cover in their let. On the north side is a depiction of the young and beardless Apostle homas (st$i Toma). His counterpart on the south side is the, also young and beardless, Apostle Philip (s fil). he two apostles were usually depicted as counterparts at the 372 caTaLoGUE end of the assembly of apostles. On the west side is Bartholomew (s va), while on the east is Jacob (st$i i]kov), both with a beard and moustache. Capitals with zoomorphic motifs and birds represent a special form of Romanesque architectural sculpture. hey are usually seen on the portals and capitals of French churches, but also appear in southern Italy. hey are oten shown surrounding a human igure. Stylised bird feathers are in line with the Romanesque penchant for decorative, almost ornamental solutions. Literature: Бошковић, Петковић, Манастир Дечани I, 90, ig. 87, Pl. XII/3, XL/2; Магловски, Дечанска скулптура, 212; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 297–298. Valentina Babić DEČANI 373 V I.8. conSoLE, Bird PEcKinG aT GAPES Façade of the church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, 1327–1335, copy Cast by Krsta Avakumović, 1954 Plaster, 0.22 × 0.20 Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_223 Consoles of the frieze of small blind arcades are considered a supreme achievement of the stone sculpture of the Dečani church, while at the same time being the highest level of this style in Serbian medieval sculpture. hey form an exceptionally rich gallery of human and animal figures, executed by multiple sculptors. Certainly one of the best was entrusted with making this console with the bird pecking at grapes, which stands out with its harmony of composition and quality of workmanship. It is located in the apse of the diakonikon and extremely well preserved. he depiction shows a walking bird turning its neck and reaching a bunch of grapes hanging from a vine with its beak. he igure of the bird, circular and closed in form, is modelled with sot lines, with meticulously crated feathers on the body, wings and the long tail. Emphasis is on the large eye, its pupil illed with lead, and on the elegant, sloping beak. he repertoire of the Dečani consoles contains several categories of representations, and this one of a bird pecking at grapes belongs 374 caTaLoGUE to a group of depictions with strong symbolic meaning. he iconographic motif of a bird pecking at grapes has been present in Christian art since its beginnings. In Christian art, birds are symbols of the soul. his one is in all likelihood a peacock, which was considered a symbol of immortality – eternal life, i.e. the Saviour himself, as peacock lesh was believed not to decay ater death. Also, the grapes used to make wine for the Eucharist symbolise the blood of Christ and thus Jesus’ sacriice. Moreover, the Lord said in his farewell sermon: ‘I am the true vine and my Father is the gardener. [...] I am the vine, you are the branches. If you remain in me and I in you, you will bear much fruit; apart from me you can do nothing.’ ( Jn 15:1–5). Hence this is a symbolic representation of salvation and eternal life, possible only through life in Christ. Literature: Бошковић, Петковић, Манастир Дечани I, 85; Максимовић, Српска средњовековна скулптура, 107. Dubravka Preradović DEČANI 375 V I.9. conSoLE, MonK WiTH a BooK church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, ca. 1335, copy Cast by Krsta Avakumović, 1954 Plaster, casting, 0.20 × 0.29 Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 27_219 On the south facade of the Dečani diakonikon is a depiction of a huddled monk holding an open book on his knees with both hands. His back is holding up the upper plate of the console, while his head is leaning forward. Since that position made it exposed to the elements, the once smooth stone surface of the monk’s face and cap-covered top of the head was signiicantly damaged. he igure is that of a middle-aged man with a medium-length beard and moustache, full lips and large, almost bulging eyes, which have the lead preserved. he open book, as well as the type of cap he is wearing, similar to a kouvouklion with rounded edges falling to his shoulders, designate a monk of outstanding spirituality, to which the words of Revelation truly apply: ‘Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words of this proph- 376 caTaLoGUE ecy, and keep those things which are writen therein: for the time is at hand’. (Rv 1:3). The identical treatment of the beard and moustache, almond-shaped eyes framed with a double line and without eyebrows, and the treatment of the drapery also noticeable on the console with the monk in the same hunched position on the main apse of Dečani, indicate that the making of these two consoles was entrusted to the same sculptor, most likely originally from Kotor, in which similar igures can be found. Literature: Бошковић, Петковић, Манастир Дечани I, 84, 85; Чубровић, Которски светац, 85– 94, ig. 1a–b, 5a–b. Dubravka Preradović DEČANI 377 V I.10. conSoLE, acroBaT church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, ca. 1335, copy Cast by Krsta Avakumović, 1954 Plaster, casting, 0.22 × 0.20 Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_222 Figures of dancers, musicians, acrobats, and jugglers belong to a special iconographic category of so-called profane depictions in medieval, primarily Romanesque art. Almost as a rule, they are located on consoles of the arcade frieze, positioned under the roof cornice and thus far from the observer’s sight. Exceptionally, in Serbian medieval art they appear on the Dečani katholikon. Although modest in number, consoles with musicians and acrobats are certainly not negligible. he console on the apse of the chapel of St. Demetrios depicts a nude, bald and beardless man, his body folded and bent forward and arms placed under the knees. he weight of the acrobat’s body leans on the forearms and hands with interlaced ingers. On the same apse is the depiction of another nude acrobat, shown with his body bent backward, making his belly protrude and his genitalia visible. It 378 caTaLoGUE is assumed that these depictions illustrate a verse from the Book of Revelation (Behold, I come as a thief. Blessed is he that watcheth, and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked, and they see his shame; Rv 16:15). A characteristic of man is verticality, while any bending, contorting, generally an unnatural position more suitable to animals is a relection of an unfortunate state of the soul and a sign of sin. hus the movement and expressiveness of the acrobat primarily symbolise lust, one of the deadly sins. But, on the other hand, the depictions of acrobats and dancers gave stonemasons great freedom and they are oten, just like in the Dečani church, highly artistic. Literature: Бошковић, Петковић, Манастир Дечани I, 86; Acrobata, in: Enciclopedia dell'Arte ( J. Svanberg, A. Tomei, U. Scerrato). Dubravka Preradović DEČANI 379 V I.11. conSoLE, dAGON WITH TWO SNAKES COMING OUT OF ITS MOUTH AND BITING ITS EARS church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, by 1334–1335, copy Cast by Krsta Avakumović, 1954 Plaster, casting , 0.23 × 0.20 Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_217 he well-preserved console showing a draconic monster with two snakes coming out of its mouth and biting its ears is located on the facade of the south nave of the Dečani church’s narthex, the irst in line on its south side. he said console is another version of the theme appearing in several places in Dečani sculpture, according to which beasts bite or devour each other. For example, on the capitals of the portal leading into the nave is the depiction of an eagle holding a snake in its beak which, in turn, is biting the eagle’s leg. It was pointed out, not without cause, that the studies on the Dečani consoles represent the highest achievement of Dečani sculpture. Albeit modest in size, the closed composition in a whirlwind of mutual biting, the careful treatment of the beasts’ scales and skin, as well as the wide open, sometimes lead-illed, deep- 380 caTaLoGUE set eyes of the dragon ensure that this console leaves a strong impression on the observer. Although there have been atempts at reading a symbolic meaning into the Dečani consoles, be it an illustration of the Book of Revelation, or the inal Psalms of David, at today’s level of knowledge we are unable to identify the text they illustrate, if that was even the case in the irst place. he console with the dragon and snakes, as well as a number of similar Dečani consoles are part of the rich repertoire of the Romanesque art’s bestiary, which in our region is the most represented precisely on the Dečani church. Literature: Бошковић, Петковић, Манастир Дечани I, 87; Максимовић, Српска средњовековна скулптура, 106–107. Dubravka Preradović DEČANI 381 V I.12. KinG STEFan UroŠ iii dEčANSKI Fresco in the church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, 1343, copy Copied by Časlav Colić, 1989 Canvas, tempera, 2.35 x 1.10 × 2.58 Inscription: светьі краль богомь просвѣщеньі стефань рошь  хтиторь светаго храма сего Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_1338 he portrait of its ktetor, Serbian King Stefan Uroš III Dečanski, was given a prominent place in the endowment church in Dečani dedicated to Christ the Pantocrator. King’s image, on the southern side of the north-eastern pillar of the nave, was painted in 1343 after the king’s body was removed from his initial grave, the sarcophagus in the western part of the temple, to a wooden reliquary (kivot) in front of the iconostasis. In this posthumous portrayal, Stefan Dečanski stands in a semi-proile before a two-colored background: the lower part is green and the upper dark-blue. He has a nimbus around his head and the model of Dečani church in his hands. Slightly bowing and half-turned to the right, he is ofering the model of church to Christ who, in turn, is blessing him from the segment of heaven. he following inscription is writen out in the upper let corner of the representation, next to the image of the king: he Holy King, enlightened by God, Stefan Uroš III, the founder of this holy church. he portrait of the king, painted on the north-eastern pillar of the nave, made up a whole with the kivot, i.e. it marked the place where his relics were placed. he later was also suggested by the content of the king’s prayer to the Lord, imbued with eschatological meaning, and inscribed underneath the model of Dečani church. It goes as follows: прими владьіко 382 caTaLoGUE господи ѡ пандократоре принось и моѥ молениѥ раба твоѥго стефана краласие бо принош црьковь божьствьню сь сьіномь моимь кралемь стефаномь вьзираю на тлѣньноѥ ми тѣло стоѥ надь гробомь своимь и бою се страшьнаго ти сдища кь тебѣ припадаю вседрьжителю помили ме вь дьнь сднии (Receive, Lord the Pantokrator, this git and my prayers, of your servant Stefan the king, for I, with my son, king Stefan, ofer you a divine Church. I look upon my corruptible body, standing over my grave, and I fear your judgment. I belong to you, Pantokrator, have mercy on me on Judgment Day). nose and brow (litle above the eyebrows) are slightly lighter. he Serbian king is wearing a two-part high golden crown – the bottom is expanding upward, while the upper is rounded and has an orphanos on top. He is wearing royal garments, a long-sleeved dark sakkos decorated with circular pearl motifs. Around his neck is a golden collar (maniakion). His sleeves have gold peribrachia on the upper arms and epimanikia above the hands. A loros, its inside lined with a purple cloth fall over his let arm, while a golden band is hemmed to the botom of his robe. Red shoes adorn the king’s feet. In this fresco, King Stefan Dečanski is depicted as a middle-aged man with long brown hair which falls down his back and a lengthy dark beard divided into two locks. he face, with its expressive eyes, thin eyebrows and moustache, long nose and a thin mouth, is painted with ocher, while the cheekbones, Literature: Ђорђевић, Представа Стефана Дечанског, 35–43; Поповић (Д.), Српски владарски гроб, 111, ig. 19; Војводић, Портрети владара, црквених достојанственика и племића, 278–280, ig. 3; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 32–34, 419, ig. 21, 345. Dragana Pavlović DEČANI 383 V I.13. THE LaST JUdGEMEnT– dEESiS Fresco in the church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, ca. 1345, copy Copied by Milutin Dragojević, 1983 Casein tempera on prepared linen canvas; 2.90 × 4.00 cm Inscription: страшно соудище Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no 27_1271 he monumental depiction of the Last Judgment takes up almost the entire western bay of the central part of the Dečani nave. In line with the church’s purpose as burial site, instead of in the narthex where it is usually placed, the depiction was painted in the nave, near the initial tomb of the ktetor, King Stefan Dečanski, and the royal portraits. Among the events marking the beginning of the Second Coming of Christ, depicted in the central axis of the western trave’s wall, is the scene marked as he Last Judgment. Christ – the judge (іс хс), whose throne is surrounded by a choir of incorporeal powers, is lanked by the Holy Virgin (мир ѳу) and Saint John the Forerunner (о аг іѡ прдрмс) in atitudes of intercession. With his let hand Christ is holding an open book on the pages of which the Gospel of Mathew 25:34 is writen: придѣте благоsloвлѥни ѡтqца моѥго и примѣте црьство небесное (Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom of Heaven). he 384 caTaLoGUE composition is distinguished from the usual iconography by the displacement of the Tribunal of the Apostles as an obligatory part of the scene high into the zone of the vault, which resulted in the loss of unity of the depiction, caused by the space available. he painter of the Last Judgment was the best artist among the Dečani fresco painters, strongly inspired by the most progressive classicistic trends in Byzantine art of the second decade of the 14th century. he fresco boasts a well-balanced composition and warm colours, reined with gold. he igures have elongated, but strong bodies and noble faces. he carnation is modelled almost like in icon painting, with light green shadows and ochre, and some rosy accents. Literature: Давидов Темерински, Циклус Страшног суда, 191–211; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 448–455, 490–491, 493, ig. 336, 369. Sanja Pajić DEČANI 385 V I.14. nEManJid FaMiLY TrEE, UPPEr ParT oF THE coMPoSiTion Fresco in the church of christ pantokrator in the monastery of dečani, 1346/1347, copy Copied by Paul Vincent, 1965 Prepared linen canvas, casein tempera, 1.40 × 2.50 Gallery of Frescoes of the National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 27_811 he complex depiction of the genealogical line, which, in the spirit and tradition of the epoch’s writen word, gloriies the representatives of the Serbian ruling family as being of saintly descent and God’s representatives, was painted in the narthex of the Church of Christ Pantokrator in the Dečani Monastery at a time when, under the patronage of Emperor Dušan, the extensive endeavour of painting frescoes in the endowment and resting place of his father was being concluded. It is in a prominent place, close to the entrance to the church, above the marble bowl for sanctiied water. he composition borrows structure and form from the depictions of the line of Christ’s bodily ancestors in the Old Testament (the Tree of Jesse), while its newly formed content is completed by the motif of symbolic divine investiture. Older examples of this composition have also been found, in similar spatial and programme frameworks, in Gračanica and the Patriarchate of Peć. the axis of the composition which, in the lower zones, comprises depictions of Simeon Nemanja, as the good root and founder of the family, and King Milutin. To the right and let of Dušan are his father, King Stefan Dečanski [кр(а)ль оурошь г] (pictured right), and his son and heir, King Uroš V [оурошь кр(а)ль] (pictured let). Dušan’s brothers and sisters: Dušman (доушьмань), Simeon (симеѡнь), Todora (тодора), and Jelena (ѥлена) are shown in the form of busts. Emperor Dušan is the one whom Christ, in the image of Emmanuel [и(соу)с х(ристо)с(ь) ѡ ѥманоуиль], through two angels [аньг(е)ль г(осподь)нь, ан(ь)г(е)ль г(осподь)нь], is giving the marks of royal dignity from heaven – crown and loros – with the gesture of a double blessing. In the realised presentation of the numerous representatives of all generations of the saintly descended Nemanjid family, the three igures framed by the upper band of vines stand out from the others, not only as the most distinctively formed, but also as the ones with the most prominent portrait characteristics. he exhibition showcases the content of the upper part of the composition. It includes the last of the three horizontal lines of three standing igures of the Nemanjid family members in vines of acanthus leaves, adjoined with small- Literature: Војводић, Портрети владара, црer busts in the surrounding sprouts. he cen- квених достојанственика и племића, 294–297; Миtral place in the line, at the top of the middle лановић, Програм живописа, 367–369; Todić, Čanakvertical line, designated for the most impor- -Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 328, 444–445, 500; tant ruling igures, is dominated by the ig- Војводић, Од хоризонталне ка вертикалној генеалоure of the current ‘regent of God’, Emper- шкој слици Немањића, 295–312. or Dušan [ст(е)ф(а)нь ц(а)рь]. It completes Vesna Milanović 386 caTaLoGUE DEČANI 387 V I.15. arcHanGEL GaBriEL icon from the monastery of dečani, ca. 1343 Tempera on board, 157×50×3.5 cm Inscription: o arh(angelq) ga<vr>ilq Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he icon of Archangel Gabriel belongs to the group of despotic icons designed for the Dečani katholikon. On the occasion of the translation of the Holy King Stefan Dečanski’s relics in the northern part of the space in front of the iconostasis in 1343, a special painting programme was designed around the coinreliquary, including the iconostasis, on which four despotic icons were placed (Christ, the Virgin with Child, Saint John the Forerunner, Saint Nicholas). he icon of Archangel Gabriel was also made at that time, most likely for the altar partition of the north parekklesion, replaced with the current iconostasis in 1813. With a partially preserved signature, Archangel Gabriel is depicted as a denizen of the heavenly court, according to the long-established iconographic model. he archangel’s lavish clothes were modelled according to the ceremonial dress of Byzantine emperors. he markings of supreme authority also include a thin sceptre and the pillow it rests on, painted in red. he tricolour sphere with 388 caTaLoGUE Christ’s monogram symbolises the complex idea of divine light, which can be identiied with Christ the Logos. he muted colours and stif strokes underline the ceremonial seriousness of the archangel. Even though the igure emanates the classicistic models of Palaiologan painting from the early 14th century, the proportions were changed by shortening the body, while the asymmetrical facial features intensify expressiveness. he full modeling of the face in brown with green shades turning into ochre and white accents, unusually distributed on the prominent parts of the face. he icon is the work of one of the more talented painters who decorated Dečani. Literature: Ђурић, Иконе, 94–95, no. 31, Pl. XLVI; Weitzmann et al., he Icon, 141, ig. on p. 180– 181; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 62, ig. 55; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, ig. on p. 102, 150, with earlier literature. Sanja Pajić DEČANI 389 V I.16. THE virGin PELaGoniTiSSa and THE LaMEnTaTion oF THE virGin processonal icon originated in the monastery of dečani, third quarter of the 14th century 120 × 91 × 4 Inscription: m$ir T$u pelagonitisa Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani The processional icon from Dečani, painted on both sides, connects two iconographic types of the Mother of God. On the front side is the icon of Theotokos Pelagonitissa, whose iconographic type is characterised by the close embrace of the Christ Child (I$s h$s) and the Virgin Mary. he toponymic epithet writen down next to the Mother of God – Pelagonitissa – testiies to the centre of the cult of this miraculous icon. It was the region of Pelagonia, which includes three large medieval cities – Prilep, Bitola and Florina. In the iconographic analyses of Theotokos Pelagonitissa, Christ is oten called Vzygranie (the Playful Child). his image, in fact, contrary to joyful child’s play, anticipates the Cruciixion. Christ’s bent body, legs, neck, head, and the hanging arms, together with heotokos’ mournful expression call on the observer’s sympathy, recalling the sufering of the Passion. he oldest preserved example of the iconographic type of heotokos Pelagonitissa in Serbia is kept on the painted iconostasis of the Church of St. George in Staro Nagoričane (ca. 1316). he iconographic type itself of heotokos and child in the special embrace certainly existed before in Byzantine art. The Dečani Pelagonitissa is painted on a golden background with a red frame. Christ has pressed his cheek to his mother’s face and is touching her face with his small hand. 390 caTaLoGUE he carnation was painted ochre, with clear white accents, whereas the lips and parts of the cheeks were done in cinnabar red. On the back of the icon is a depiction of the Lamentation of the Virgin, known in western European art as Pietà. In the centre of the composition is the igure of the Mother of God holding the dead body of her son. To her right is Saint John the Evangelist kissing the hand of the Saviour, while one of the myrrhbearers is glimpsed behind Christ’s let shoulder, mourning him. he faces of heotokos and Christ are severely damaged. A testament to the continuous cult of the Dečani Pelagonitissa is the revetment, from the second half of the 16th century. he revetment was placed around the head of heotokos and consisted of ive parts. Two lines were writen upon it: pry/de ro/dxestva d(y)vaa (top), i ]/e po ro/dystvy d(y)vaa (side). he revetment was dated based on an analysis of the stylised ligature of the chiseled leters. he icon was partially painted over in the 17th century. Literature: Мирковић, Црквене старине, 112– 113, ig. 10; Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Две дечанске иконе, 87–89, ig. 9–11; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 36–38, 40–43, 89, 105, 224, 138, ig. 9; Ђорђевић, Две занимљиве представе, 193–194, ig. 6–7; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 54, 66, 322, ig. 44–45; Миљковић, Хиландарска икона, 328, ig. 13; Пајић, Д’Амико, Богородица Пелагонитиса, 297–319. Svetlana Smolčić Makuljević DEČANI 391 V I.17. annUnciaTion and naTiviTY oF cHriST Two-sided icon by longin, monastery of dečani, ca. 1570 Tempera on wooden board, 44.2 × 27.5 × 3.2 cm Inscription: ro/(de)stvo h(risto)vo Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani One side of the icon has the Annunciation painted on it: Archangel Gabriel is blessing Mary [mi#r T#u] with his right hand. She is standing on the supedion before a backless chair, arms raised in front of her chest in surprise. A wall and two structures which have a velum thrown over their roofs, make the background. he title has been destroyed. he image of the Mother of God lying down on a cave loor is in the center of the other side of the icon, the one which shows the birth of Christ. A wrapped up baby, the newborn Jesus [Is# h#s], is placed next to her in the manger which has an ox and a donkey tied to it. he three Magi carrying gits are painted on the slopes of the cave covered with sparse vegetation, and a group of ten angels on its top. he bathing of the baby Jesus [Is# h#s] is depicted in the botom let corner: one woman is pouring water from a large jug, while another is washing the child. Across from this scene is the one showing Joseph with four lambs and a shepherd before him, as an angel is delivering the happy news to a very young man. here is ray of light coming down from a star at the top of the composition. he background and the frame of the icon on both sides used to be gilded. A part of the wood- 392 caTaLoGUE en carrier is missing, while the painted coat is partially damaged. he Annunciation and Nativity of Christ is one in a line of those two-sided icons dedicated to Feasts, which were painted by Longin for the Dečani monastery some time around 1570. Of the said series the following icons still exist today: the Presentation of Christ at the Temple and he Baptism of Christ, Resurrection of Lazarus and Palm Sunday, Cruciixion and Descent from the Cross, Transiguration of Christ and Pentecost, and Harrowing of Hell and he Ascension. he damaged icon with only drawings visible on its board – sketches of the artist, should be included into the series. he early phase of Longin’s work, which the icon of he Annunciation and Nativity belongs to, is distinguished by light colors which leave an impression of liveliness and ease of expression, a faultless drawing, harmonious compositional solutions and sot igure modeling. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 92–93, 108, ig. IV, with earlier literature; Todić, ČanakMedić, he Dečani Monastery, 69, ig. 62–63; Матић, Српски иконопис, 6, 9, 23, 69, 71, 105, 249, 390, ig. 1, 2, 34, 53, 98, cat. no. 5. Miljana Matić dečANI 393 V I.18. HoLY KinG STEFan dEčANSKI Vita icon of painter longin, monastery of dečani, 1577 Tempera on wooden board, 150 × 93 × 5.5 cm Inscription: s(ve)tqJi kr(a)lq stefan ouro[q 0 g# 0 Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he vita icon of St. Stefan Dečanski is considered as one of the masterpieces of the Serbian and post-Byzantine icon painting of the second half of the 16th century and it marks the highest point of the cult developed around the sanctiied Serbian king. It is one of the most important of Longin’s works. he artist used the hagiography of the king writen by Gregory Tsamblak, a prior of Dečani, as a reference to paint his oeuvre. he image of King Stefan, seated on a luxurious throne with a high back, his feet resting on a purple cushion on the supedion, is given the central spot. He is wearing a divitision with a loros, and a closed crown is resting on his head. In his right hand he is holding a large eight-pointed cross decorated with pearls and jewels, and in his let an akakia. here is a guard with a breastplate and helmet behind each side of the throne, one holding a sword and the other a mace. At the top of the painted ield is a semicircular fragment of the sky with the bust of Christ Emmanuel giving his blessings with both hands. Two angles carrying a loros and a crown are descending from the corners close to the top of the central ield. he central ield is framed with 17 scenes from the king’s hagiography, each in turn framed and titled, running in a clockwise formation with the beginning in the upper 394 caTaLoGUE let corner. he following scenes were chosen: Simonis calumniating Stefan Dečanski before King Milutin, he blinding of Stefan Dečanski, he appearance of St. Nicholas before Stefan in Ovče Polje, Stefan and his sons being taken into captivity, Stefan Dečanski atending an assembly of Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos in Constantinople, Stefan talking the Emperor into banishing heretics from Constantinople, St. Nicholas giving Stefan Dečanski his sight back, King Milutin asking the Constantinople Patriarch about his son, Stefan’s return from captivity, King Milutin reuniting with his son Stefan, Archbishop Nikodim crowning Stefan Dečanski in Peć, he building of Dečani monastery, King Stefan giving out charity to the poor, he third appearance of St. Nicholas before Stefan Dečanski, King Stefan informs the prior of Dečani Arsenije of his vision, he violent death of King Stefan of Dečani, and King Stefan’s funeral. Along the icon’s botom edge a painted account of the Batle of Velbuzhd (1330) is given in three episodes: Stefan praying before the batle, he clash of the two armies, and Young Dušan defeating King Michael III Šišman of Bulgaria. he background of each litle scene is gilded. he ktetorial dedication is inscribed at the botom of the central ield, on the let. he inscription mentions Gerasim, the Patriarch DEČANI 395 396 caTaLoGUE of Peć, and Dečani prior, the hieromonk Nikifor with the monastery’s brethren. Next to it is Longin’s own prayer addressed to St. Stefan Dečanski. his icon is his ofering, which he, ‘unworthy rasophor and icon-painter’ painted by his ‘own hand, [his] own soul.’ He further goes on saying he is placing his trust in the saint that he will plead his case before Christ, and asks for healing, as his ‘soul and body are overcome by a grave malady with sores and puss.’ Below the throne is the date the icon was inished, August 1, 1577: lyt(o) zp#e m(e)s(e)ca aVg(oust)a a#. Literature: Мирковић, Иконе манастира Дечана, 17–19; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 93–94, 110–112, with earlier literature, ig. V; Ђурић, Икона светог краља, 9–32, with earlier literature, ig. 1–19; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 40–44, 69–74, ig. 2 and 30–34, 65–70; Матић, Српски иконопис, 38, 168–175, 229–230, 235, 241, 247, 251– 252, 268, 295, 317, 369, 380, 402–403, ig. 189–191, 194–196, 273–274, 295, cat. no. 34. Miljana Matić DEČANI 397 V I.19. THE EnTHronEd cHriST PanToKATOR icon by painter longin, monastery of dečani, ca. 1590 Tempera on wooden board, 173 × 118,5 × 4 cm Inscription: Is# hs# w pandokratwrq Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani In the central ield of the icon, which is slightly sunken, the forward facing Christ Pantokrator is painted. He is seated on two cushions on a throne with a high back, and his feet are resting on a supedion. Robed in a chiton and himation, with his let hand he is supporting the open Gospel Book on his let knee, while giving blessings with his right. Writen out in ive lines, the following words can be seen on the open pages: prJid<yte> o mny vqsi tr... daE{e wbrym%enE& i azq Mpo%ko}& ... vozmyt igo moe na se. i naM;ite se wt myne ]ko krotkq esmq i smyren srdcym . i wbry{ete pokoi d(ou)[am va[imq (Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden and I will give you rest. Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me; for I am meek and lowly in heart, and ye shall ind rest unto your souls, Mt 11, 28–29). he igures of the twelve apostles frame the middle ield on the let and right. Each has his name inscribed, and all are painted in the three-quarter view, facing Christ. hey are holding either codices or scrolls. Starting at the top and moving downward, the representations of following apostles are painted along the let side of the icon, respectively: Peter [ scroll: tqI esi h(risto)s s(i)n b(og)a ...], John [Iw(an)], Mark 398 caTaLoGUE [m(a)r(ko)], Andrew [and(rei)], James []kov], and Tomas [twm(a)], while on the right are: St. Paul [pavl(q)], Mathew [m(a)T(ei)], the Gospel Book: [kniga rwdst%va& I(so)u(sq) h(risto)v(a) s(i)na d(a)v(idov)a s(i)na avram] avraamq rodi Isaaka], Luke [lMk(a)], Simon [sImo(n)], Bartholomew [varTo(lomei)], and Philip [fIl(ip)]. he background of the central ield and the icon frame are gilded. he painted layer and the wooden carrier are partially damaged. In all likelihood, the icon was made for the monastery’s iconostasis, along with the one depicting the Mother of God with the apostles and a few other large-scale works atributed to Longin and dated to the inal decade of the 16th century. he enthroned Christ is depicted here as having a darker tan and his igure is slightly disproportional. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 94–95, 113, with earlier literature, ig. VII; Todić, ČanakMedić, he Dečani Monastery, 75, ig. 76; Тодић, Иконостас у Дечанима, 121–123, ig. 6; Матић, Српски иконопис, 55, 58, 59, 269, 408–409, ig. 41, cat. no. 55. Miljana Matić dečANI 399 V I.20. THE EnTHronEd virGin ELEoUSa WiTH cHiLd icon by painter longin, monastery of dečani, ca. 1590 Tempera on board, 171 × 117 × 4 cm Inscription: mi#r Tu# IeleMsa, Is# hs# Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he Virgin with Child and prophets is painted in a slightly indented central ield of the icon. he signature marks the Mother of God as Eleousa (Merciful). She is siting on a throne with a high back, with her feet resting on a supedion. She is holding her son in her lap, supporting him with her let arm, while with her right she is making a praying gesture towards him. With his raised right hand Christ is giving the blessings, and in his let he is holding an unfolded scroll with the following text: ne sMmni se w mni m(a)t<qJ> <v>idy{i me ]ko mladynca ego/e is ;ryva pry/%de& d<a>nicy rod<i me wtq>cq 0 vqs tav<it>i bo i sq proslaviti prIdw<h>. C(e)l(o)v(e)Cqskoe pad[eE Est(e)stvo 5 (‘Have no doubts about me, oh Mother, seeing me born rom the womb by the Father before the Morning Star rose, as I came to stand upright and impart glory on the fallen nature of man’; the ninth song of the third statia sung on the matins on the Holy Saturday) Along both sides of the frame the igures of twelve prophets were painted holding folded scrolls and symbols of the Mother of God in their hands. he let side features the following prophets: Moses [prorokq mwVsi, scroll: koVpinou te wgnEm b(o)/(e)stva newpalnou} prydzryh dryvlE d<yvo>], David [d(a)v(i)dq, scroll: kVÉvotx te zaveta g(ospod)n] imM{I skri/al<yh> prqstwm w;imqi i sou{astvwom napisannqI vidyhq d(y)vo], Isaiah [prorokq JsaJa, scroll: kle{e te mislqnIe ougl] b(o)/(e)stv(e)ngo neskazanno priemq[ihx], Jeremiah [prorokq IeremJa, scroll: pout /ivota ]vi se d(y)vo. tobo} kq namq sqnidevqI[ni] Habakkuk 400 caTaLoGUE [prorokq avvakoum, scroll: gorU te prisennou} I CestU} i/e b(og)q vq;(e)l(ove);iv se Is teby d(y)vo] and Jacob [prorokq ]kwv, scroll: lystvicou te ponEi/e b(og)q sxnidy iz daly;e prydvidyh d(e)vo]. On the right side are Aron [prorokq aarwn, scroll: /qzlx propisM d(y)vo neizre;enno procv...[Ja i b(la)goMtr(o)bJA vsou %i&splqn[a zemli], Solomon [prorokq solomw(n), scroll: wdrq te pozla{eni d(ou)hwm vqw(b)razqIh to/e silqI n(ebe)snqIe okroM/a}tq mislqno] ], Ezekiel [prorokq IezekIil, scroll: dvyr(q) kq vqIkwm zakl};ennou} pr(o)vidyh }/e edinq proidy g(ospod)q], Gideon [prorokq gedewn, scroll: rouno pry;istoe pro]vih d(y)vo m(i)slqnM} rosou h(rist)a imou{i], Daniel [prorokq danJil, scroll: kamenq osy;esA wt gwrJi bezq rMke ;elovy;eske] and Balaam [prorokq valam, scroll: I ti otro;a prorokq vi[nAgw nare;e[I sA I preide[i]. he background of the icon is gilded. he icon of the Virgin Eleousa with Child and prophets was painted at the same time as its counterpart, the icon of the enthroned Christ Pantokrator with the apostles. It is assumed that both were made for the iconostasis (of a parekklesion?) in Dečani. Regarding their style, both icons are atributed to master Longin and dated sometime at the beginning of the last decade of the 16th century. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 94–95, 113– 114, ig. VI, with earlier literature; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 75; Тодић, Иконостас у Дечанима, 121–123, ig. 5; Матић, Српски иконопис, 409, cat. no. 56. Miljana Matić DečANI 401 V I.21. aScEnSion oF cHriST icon by painter longin, monastery of dečani, last decade of the 16th century Tempera on wooden board, 131.3 × 91.8 × 4 cm Inscription: vqznesenJe h(risto)vo Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he full-face image of the Mother of God takes the central place of the lower zone of the painted part of he Ascension of Christ icon. Her right arm is pressed against her chest, palm facing the viewer, while the let one is extended in a gesture of prayer. Accompanying her are two angels holding scepters and motioning towards the happenings in the heavens. Groups of ive and seven apostles are standing by, looking up and using various gestures to express their wonder. he background consists of a rocky countryside with three hills and two symmetrically positioned trees. From behind the side hilltops busts of prophets Isaiah [prorokq IsaIa] and David [prorokq d(a)v(i)dq] are emerging, their gazes and right hands too raised towards the sky, their lets holding unfolded scrolls [Isaiah: se d(a)nq g(ospod)nq(i) grydetq stanM nozy ego na gory elywnqstyi prymo Jer(u)s(a)l(i)mM na vqstokq s(q)ln(q)ca Zechariah 14, 4; David: vqzIde b(og)q vq vqskliknoveni 0 n g(ospod)q vq glase troMbny Psalm 46, 5]. In the upper section of the painted part of the icon is Christ in the mandorla being taken up into heaven by four lying angels. He is wearing a golden chiton 402 caTaLoGUE and himation. He is giving his blessings with his hands to the side. he name of the Feast Day is writen at the top. he background and the frame are gilded. he painted layer is damaged and destroyed in some places. he Ascension of Christ belongs to the later opus of Longin, a Peć monk, writer, and painter of frescoes, icons, and miniatures, and the greatest Serbian artist of the second half of the 16th century, active between 1564 and 1596. During the inal decade of the 16th century he made several large-scale icons for the iconostasis of the Dečani monastery: Christ the Pantokrator with the apostles, Mother of God with the prophets, St. John the Apostle, and the Transiguration of Christ. Stylistically, these paintings are marked by dark lesh tones and slightly disproportional igures, a result of the format choice. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 95–96, 114–115, with earlier literature, ig. VIII; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 75; Матић, Српски иконопис, 16–17, 85–86, 236, 413, ig. 6, 7, 75–76, 253, cat. no. 65. Miljana Matić DEČANI 403 V I.22. roYaL doorS monastery of dečani, end of the 16th or the beginning of the 17th century Tempera on wooden board, 169.8 × 55.6 × 5.5 cm Inscription: arhangel gavrJil, mi#r T#u Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he Annunciation scene decorates the lat surface of the tall carving-less holy doors. Archangel Gabriel is on the let wing and the Mother of God on the right. With his right hand the archangel is giving his blessing, and in his let he is holding a long scepter. Above him the following text is inscribed: radoui se wbradovanaa g(ospod)q s(q) tobo} (Hail, thou that art highly favoured, the Lord is with thee, Lk 1:28). Her head bent, the Mother of God is standing on a supedion with her right arm pressed against her chest. In her let hand she is holding a spindle. Behind her is a backless chair with two cushions, and above, the inscription: se raba g(o)s(pod)na bMdi mny po gl(agol)M tvoEmM sq miromq (‘I am the Lord’s servant, may your word to me be fulilled.’, Lk 1, 38). From the sky segment in the upper let corner, a ray of light is descending toward Mary, with a dove – the Holy Spirit – in it. he lower portion of the background is dark and the upper one, ocher. he nimbuses are gilded, and so are the archangel’s wings and, in part, the robes of both igures. 404 caTaLoGUE Turned wooden elements decorate the top of the doors. he Royal Doors of Dečani, reaching 1.7 m in height, are counted as one of the greatest achievements of their kind. heir unknown painter belonged to one of the side branches of the Serbian icon painting during the renovation of the Patriarchate of Peć. Based on the style it is possible that he is also the author of another Dečani artwork, the double-sided processional icon of the Mother of God with Christ and St. George. he painter of the doors had employed a simple iconographical approach: both Gabriel the Messenger and the Mother of God are represented in full igure. Yet the drawing, proportions and modeling imply lack of conidence in execution. he artist’s color scheme is rather reduced – it is brown, ocher, dark-red and dark-blue tones which dominate the scene. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 98, 118, with earlier literature, ig. 37; Матић, Српски иконопис, 204, 429, cat. no. 120. Miljana Matić DečANI 405 V I.23. PaAENESIS OF EPHREM THE SYRIAN monastery of dečani, 1337 Parchment and paper, 197 fols., 322 × 230 mm Belgrade, Archives SASA, No. 60 One of the oldest Serbian-Slavic transcriptions of the Paraenesis, a collection on asceticism and morals, contains 197 folios and was written on parchment. The unknown scribe used the even uncial script of the Rascian orthography, organizing the text in two columns (the text was done in black ink, while the beginnings of the sections were done in red). he leather binding dates from a later period and was decorated with geometrical motifs, with rosetes on the front cover. There are three notes in the manuscript – the historically most important, which is partly damaged, tells the story about how the manuscript came about (fol. 1v): siE s(ve)tQE i b(o)/qstvqnQ knigi d(M)[epolqznQE poou;enie s(ve)t(a)go i prypod(o)bnago w(tq)ca na[ego Efrema . po;e[e se povelyniEmq hr(i)stol}bivago i b(o)gomq iz'bran'nago i smyrenago ;rqnorizqca prqvago igoumena dy;anqskoga ar'syni] 7po;e[e se vq lyt(o) 0p0 w 0m$e inqdikta 0 ! 0 krouga sln;nago vq 0 2 0 lyt(o) m(e)s(e)ca i}na vq 0 2 0 d(q)nq. (hese God’s and holy books, beneicial for the soul, by our holy father Ephrem, were begun on the orders of Christ-loving and Godchosen humble monk and irst hegoumenos of Dečani Arsenije. hey were begun in the summer of 6845, indiction 10, solar cycle 2, the month of June, day 2nd.) he place where the tran- 406 caTaLoGUE scription of the Paraenesis was made was not given, but since it was created on the orders of the irst Dečani hegoumenos, it is almost certain that it belonged to the original library of the Dečani monastery. Dečani arhimandrite Seraim Ristić in 1860 gave the Ephrem the Syrian’s Paraenesis as a git to the Serbian Learned Society (today’s Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts). Four folios of this manuscript are kept in the Russian National Library in Saint Petersburg (Гильф. 77). he Paraenesis’ rich decoration consists of two headpieces and a variety of initials. he most interesting are archaic teratological initials which combine interlace and animal heads, with branches and semi-palmettes springing out from them. he frontispiece on fol. 2 features a symbolical representation of a church building. he motif of intertwined rings, characteristic of Balkan Slavic manuscripts, is forming a geometrized architectural picture topped with three towers, with diferently checkered roofs. he wide interlace contains regularly alternating red and parchment-color rings. By surrounding the two-column text with the architectural border taking the entire page a full unity of the text and miniature is achieved. he decoration was probably done by Georgije Anagnost, whose signed frontispiece of the same kind exists in the Lenten Triodion from Mihanović’s Collection (Zagreb, HAZU, III b 18). he abstract architectural border reduced to an ornament is present in other Serbian manuscripts from the irst half of the 14th century. Literature: Харисијадис, Орнаменти рукописног Паренесиса, 264–271; Максимовић, Српске средњовековне минијатуре, 40, 53–58, 99, 100; Недељковић, О неким језичким особинама, 231–235; Паренсис Јефрема Сирина, in: Свет српске рукописне књиге, 269–272, no. 16 (В. Тријић). Kristina Miloradović DEČANI 407 V I.24. GoSPEL BooK oF MonK MarKo monastery of hilandar, 1375–1385 Paper, 309 fols., 287 × 217 mm Belgrade, National Library of Serbia, Dečani 9 he tetraevangelion was set down by monk Marko, most likely in Hilandar, in a calligraphic script. Aesthetically, this manuscript is among the best examples that came out of the Hilandar scriptorium in the last quarter of the 14th century, in part due to the lavish decorative headings and initials that grace the beginning of each gospel (fols. 14, 145 and 234). The illumination of the Gospel Book belongs to a type of a luxurious style, though it has its own characteristic properties, mostly relected in the choice of colour. he beginning of the gospel according to Mathew, fol. 14, is highlighted by a rectangular vignete with a rich loral motif in circles, with buds and lowers in the corners. he vignete was painted in dense applications of colour – bright red, blue and olive green, while volume is achieved by modelling, using colour and white accents. he beginning of the text of the gospel is set apart with a large initial K, whose stem and arms are in the form of branches with loral tips, coloured in the 408 caTaLoGUE same hues as the vignete. he calligraphic title, in elongated red leters, adds to the harmonious design of the page as a whole. Monk Marko, known in literature as ‘tacha (supposed) monk’, which was how he signed his name, copied two other signiicant manuscript books: the Typikon of Jerusalem of 1372 (Moscow, RSL, Сев II, 27, М 1458) and the Anthology of Serbian Vitae and Typikon of Hilandar of 1370/80 (Belgrade, NLS, Рс 17). Both of these books bear Marko’s signature, while the Gospel Book of Dečani is atributed to him. he Dečani tetraevangelion in the book’s content itself, difers from the noted two manuscripts in its elaborate illumination. Literature: Мано-Зиси, Хиландарски писари, 387–397; eadem, Књиге хиландарских писара, 35–59; Опис рукописа манастира Дечани, 27–30; Четворoјеванђеље, in: Свет српске рукописне књиге, 299–301 ( Ј. Станојловић). Jovana Stanojlović DEČANI 409 V I.25. PHiLoALia oF st. gregorY oF sinai monastery of dečani (?), late 14th century Paper, 257 fols., 294 × 220 mm Belgrade, National Library of Serbia, Dečani 82 his anthology of the writings of holy fathers and other texts for monks was set down in a uniform half-uncial script by Jovan the Grammarian, who is also the author of the elaborate vignete on fol. 169. he main scribe let a cryptographic signature on fol. 168v – Jovan the Grammarian thrice penitent writ. here is a square decorative heading, elaborate in style, at the beginning of the sermon of St. Gregory of Sinai. he central medallion is comprised of a quatrefoil bordered with a decorative vine, inside which the title text is writen in uncial leters. here is a quatrefoil rosete in each corner, while the interstices are illed with a blue heart-shaped motif. he depiction of a crane standing on a luxurious lower to the right of the vignete is a particular characteristic. he bird's proportions contribute to the harmony of the composition 410 caTaLoGUE as a whole. he drawing was executed meticulously with a narrow pen, then coloured in with pastels – blue dominates. On fol. 64, before the sermon of St. Dorotheus, there is a small vignete at the top of the page, composed of 13 adjoining circles. hey are distributed to create a kaleidoscopic impression of a succession of circles and four-petal lowers, whose segments are coloured blue and red. At the beginning of the text proper is a plant lourish initial B. Literature: Теодоровић-Шакота, Јован Граматик, 172–173; Радојчић, Старо српско сликарство, 210; Харисијадис, Раскошни византијски стил, 223, ig. 14; Максимовић, Српске средњовековне минијатуре, 119; Опис рукописа манастира Дечани, 323–327; Добротољубље, in: Свет српске рукописне књиге, 303–305 ( Ј. Станојловић, М. Убипарип). Jovana Stanojlović DečANI 411 V I.26. BEadroLL oF dEčANI MONASTERY Janjevo, 1595 Paper, 151 fols., 435 × 285 mm Belgrade, National Library of Serbia, Dečani 109 he basic text, from the year 1595, was written in two columns. A note on fol. 150v announces that the main scribe and illuminator of this memorial book had been Dimitrije Daskal, and that he wrote it that year in Janjevo. he lists of names were set down over the next three centuries. he manuscript was bound in boards covered in brown leather with loral ornamentation. Calligrapher Dimitrije penned the text in a regular half-uncial, decorating it on fol. 1 with a large square headpiece and the ornamental golden leters of the title. In addition to this headpiece, he painted several smaller ones, reducing them to rectangular ornamental ields illed with wavy tendrils or a simple interlace (fols. 5, 13, 39, 53, 63, 67, 77 and 125). he decorative design of the headpiece at the beginning of the Beadroll consists of a central ield where an interlace of blue and vermilion vines spreads radially from the centre forming heart-like sections on a golden base, and the border, illed with a yellow vine interlaced in double eights. he upper edge of the headpiece is decorated with a cruciform interlace in the middle and with half-palmetes in the corners. 412 caTaLoGUE he sure drawing, rich gilding, saturated tempera hues applied in the noble harmony of dark blue, red and green and the concept of organising the page as a unit of solemn and representative appearance, subject to a clearly established system of decoration, link the ornamentation of this manuscript, along with an identical ductus, with other copies by daskalos Dimitrije of Janjevo, especially the Four Gospels No. 78 at the Monastery of the Holy Trinity of Pljevlja and No. 19 at the Monastery of Dečani. In addition to the signatures he let in the Gospel of Pljevlja and the Beadroll of Dečani, in the later manuscript Dimitrije put his name at the beginning of the Beadroll of Reverent Christians (fol. 77). his brief mention is also the last known record of one of the most signiicant Serbian copyists and illuminators of the second half of the 16th century. Literature: Опис рукописа манастира Дечани, 451–455; Ракић, Димитрије Даскал, 163–178; Поменик манастира Дечана, in: Свет српске рукописне књиге, 377–379 (З. Ракић). Zoran Rakić DEČANI 413 V I.27. THE coFFin-RelIQuARY (KIVOT) WItH tHe ReMAINS oF tHe HolY KINg SteFAN DečANSKI monastery of dečani, ca. 1343 Wood, pigment, leather, silver, metal, 198 × 62,5 × 68,8 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he reliquary is rectangular and has a gable lid. It initially stood before the iconostasis of the Church of Christ Pantokrator, and that is why its back and let side have no decorations. he lid and the front and right sides are decorated with rectangular, square and triangular wooden panels of uneven size, which had rosetes and vines with lowers and single and triple leaves motifs carved into them. he boards used to be framed in silver bands with repousséed loral ornaments. Only the parts of the nails which used to hold them in place remain today. he designs were carved directly into the wood, except in the case of the three big boards at the front done in pierced relief separately and aterwards inserted into previously prepared bearings. hey feature the most elaborate motifs, deeper and carved in greater detail than the rest. Intricately intertwined rosetes dominate the works of the three surfaces. he middle one has two panthers and a lion and lioness in its corners. here is another panther is the middle of the rosete on the panel on the right. All three elements are lined with well preserved pieces of leather. he bas-relief on the rear of the lid 414 caTaLoGUE was mostly completed in one go. he square panel on the right of the kivot has a rosete with a David’s star interwoven into it. Red, green, blue and yellow, and white highlights, were used for the painting of the reliquary. he six major rosetes of the lid and the casket’s front were gilded, as was the interlacing within the triangular panel on the right side of the reliquary’s top. he bas-relief of the reliquary shares similarities with the ornaments of Serbian medieval frescoes and manuscripts, as well as stone carved decorations. At the botom of the front and back side of the casket there are two original round metal rings. hree metal hinges join the reliquary and its top in the back, while at the front there is a longer metal clasp. Four turned legs used to carry the whole construction. Literature: Средњовековна уметност, 77, cat. no. 107; Историја примењене уметности код Срба I, 201, ig. 9; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 296–297, ig. 19–20; Shrine of King Stefan Uroš III Dečanski, in: Byzantium, 114–115, cat. no. 59 (D. Popović). Miljana Matić DečANI 415 V I.28. croSS oF ‘EMPEror dUŠan’ monastery of dečani, 17th c. (inserted cross, possibly from the 14th century, frame partly from the 18th c.) Wood, gilded silver, iligree, enamel, precious and semiprecious stones Height 53 cm, diameter at base 19 cm, cross 27 × 16 cm Inscription: † mQ Stefanx dU[anx po m(i)l(o)stїю b(o)/їeю c(a)rx vsyhx srb(q)skїih(x) i pomorskїih(x) i gre;eskїih(x) zemlAh(x)0 sei kr(q)stx va nem(x) /e ;estx (top); † ;(e)st(q)nagw dreva na nem(x) /e raspet(x) se g(o)s(po)dq na[(q) Ii(sou)sx h(risto)sx prilo/ih(x) domM pandokratwrovM0 zovwm(x) de;anQ newtetw vaesi vyk(x) ]ko /e va r(i)sovolM zavy{anw roditelem(x) moim(x) i mnw}1 qw%6 (botom) Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he carved portion of the cross is decorated on both sides with scenes from the Gospels. In the centre of one side is a depiction of the Cruciixion, whereas represented on the crosspieces are the Descent to Hades (top), the Raising of Lazarus (botom), and two evangelists (right and let). Inserted in the centre of the cross, below the Cruciixion is a small, much older cruciix, of 3.25 cm in length, which also bears a representation of the Cruciixion. It may have been a present from Emperor Dušan. In the centre of the other side of the cross is a depiction of the Baptism, surrounded by the Annunciation (top), the Presentation (botom), and two evangelists on the respective horizontal crossbars. he wood-carved core of the cross has a frame of gilded silver and iligree, embellished with blue and green enamel and jewels. Prominent on it are small churches with semi-circular domes, positioned on the crossbars of the cross and the sides of the lower vertical crossbar. he churches are reminiscent of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. he façades of the churches are adorned on both sides with the motif of two saints siting opposite each other in an interior surmounted by Saracen arches. he base of the cross displays features of the Baroque style. It consists of six segments con- 416 caTaLoGUE DEČANI 417 418 caTaLoGUE taining alternating motifs of the Chapel of Golgotha with a cross and loral decorations. Each segment is also adorned with a jewel. he lower zone of the base is divided into twelve semicircular segments, each displaying repoussé double-headed eagles lanked by heads of angels. Engraved inside two strips at the lowest part of the base is a long inscription that identiies Emperor Dušan as the donor of the entire cruciix: We, Stefan Dušan, by the grace of God Emperor of all Serbian and maritime and Greek lands, have gited this cruciix, wherein is also a piece of the True Cross, on which our Lord Jesus Christ was cruciied, to the house of the Pantokrator called Dečani, that it may not be wrested through all the ages of the ages, as bequeathed to my parents and me; (year) 6856. However, iconographically, visually and stylistically, both the wood-carved cross and the frame show all the characteristics of works produced by Ćiprovci goldsmiths in the 17th century. The cross of Emperor Dušan is the most sumptuous and respected cross in the Monastery of Dečani, with its importance increasing at the beginning of the 19th century. Literature: Јуришић, Дечански првенац, 68; Радојковић, Крстови у емаљу, 53–86, 67–71; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 31–32, 69–70, 179–181, 202–203, сл. 56–58, Pl. XIII, XIV; Тодић, Чанак-Медић, Манастир Дечани, 56–57, ig. 49. Marina Odak DEČANI 419 V I.29. PANAGIARION WiTH arcHEd arcadES monastery of dečani (?), 14th century Round, iligree panagiarion made of horn, encased in silver, repoussé and chasing techniques Height 3.5 cm, diameter at opening 15 cm, diameter at base 7 cm Inscription: mi#r T#u, I$S h$s Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he image of the Virgin with Child in a medallion on her chest is shown in the center of the panagiarion. Her half-igure, shown just a litle below the waist, is represented with open arms, the palms of her hands turned towards the viewer. Christ’s half-igure is holding a closed book in his let hand while giving blessings with his right. heir images are encircled in a very special way, with a circular frieze made of twenty arched arcades with a bust of a saint in each. In the middle arch, above the Virgin Oranta, is Christ with two archangels on each side. he images of St. John Chrysostom and St. Nicholas, busts of the apostles and three deacons holding tabernacles can be discerned among the portraits in the remaining arcades. Certain saints are holding closed books. he initials of the Mother of God are set in two separate medallions, one to the let and 420 caTaLoGUE the other to the right of her nimbus, both framed with double iligree plaits. he same kind of interlacing outlines her nimbus, Christ’s igure and the medallion he is in, the entire central scene and the frieze with the busts of the saints. he backdrop, the Virgin’s nimbus, the bracelets which are holding her robes and the medallion with Christ’s igure are all encased in silver. he bracelets’ decorations are made using the chasing technique. he nimbus is ornamented with tiny circular iligree motifs, and it used to have a decorative stone above the head of the Mother of God. Literature: Радојковић, Српско златарство, 26, ig. 25, 26; eadem, Ситна пластика, 14, 118, ig. 9; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 347–348, sig. ПН–10. Andrijana Golac DEČANI 421 V I.30. PainTEd PANAGIARION monastery of dečani, end of the 16th century Wood, tempera, silver encasing decorated using chasing, engraving, piercing and intarsia techniques Height 2 cm, diameter 17.5 cm Inscription: никифорь митрополит вѹчитрнски Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani In the center of the panagiarion is the painted image of the Mother of God of the Sign – her arms are open and on her chest is a heartshaped medallion with litle Christ in it. Her maphorion is dark red, the dress underneath it dark blue, while Christ, who is holding a scroll in his let and giving blessings with his right hand, is depicted wearing a golden robe. heir nimbuses, lines on the dresses and the Virgin’s bracelets are done in gold. Around her likeness the encasing was cut so as to form an eight-pointed star halo whose ends are alternately colored in light-red and blue. he lesh was painted in ocher and outlined in red. Although most of the color has peeled of, the quality and sotness of the drawing are clearly discernible. Along the edges of the encasing is the text of a song of praise to the heotokos  достоино ест%ь& яко вьистинѹ 422 caTaLoGUE бл%а&жити те б%огороди&це пр%и&снобл%а&женоую и прѣнеп%о&рочною и м%а&т%е&рь б(ог)а нашег%о& ч%е&стнѣишою херовим%ь& и славнѣишою без%q& расоуж(q)денїa серафимь без%q& истлѣнїa б(ог)а... = It is truly meet to bless you, O heotokos, ever-blessed and most pure, and the Mother of our God. More honourable than the Cherubim and more glorious beyond compare than the Seraphim, without deilement you gave birth to God ...). On the encasing’s reverse is the name of Nikifor, the metropolitan of Vučitrn, who was in all likelihood the one who presented the panagiarion. Its rim was painted red. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 341–342, 343–344, 348, draw. 10, 11, ig. 13; Todić, ČanakMedić, he Dečani Monastery, 105–106, with earlier literature. Ana Vranješ DEČANI 423 V I.31. cEnSEr oF THE ‘HoLY KinG’ dubrovnik workshop (?), 15th century Silver, iligree, height 30 cm, diameter 12 cm, chain length 50 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he censer consists of a bowl with a base for the embers and the lid featuring ive gothic-styled turrets, with a cross rising from the central one. Fastened to the cross are massive chains with bells, which connect it to a pyramid-shaped baldachin topped with a bell. Of considerable size and richly decorated, the censer is made of silver. he ember bowl is adorned with iligree ornaments, its base with laticework of heraldic lilies set in two rows, the vessel’s sides with cast ornaments in the shape of rosetes and palmetes, while the lid is adorned with a cast frieze with motifs of acanthus leaves and fantastical animals. he censer is well preserved and represents an outstanding piece of silver- 424 caTaLoGUE smithing. It is dated to the 15th century, and owing to its volume, monumentality and archaic gothic style, which difers from the style of the majority of Serbian censers, it is believed it has been made in one of the workshops in Dubrovnik. It is considered that this inscriptionless censer belonged to King Stefan Dečanski; hence its name, the Censer of the Holy King. Literature: Радојковић, Српско златарство, 125–126, ig. 77; Шакота, Ризнице манастира, 20, ig. 29; eadem, Дечанска ризница, 175, 196–197, ig. 21; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 215–216, ig. 217. Marina Odak DEČANI 425 V I.32. cHaLicE oF ADIVOJE monastery of dečani (?), 1567/1568 Gilded silver chalice, repoussée and chasing, cuting, engraving techniques, semi-precious stones, blue and green enamel Height 28 cm, diameter at opening 11.5 cm, diameter at base 17 cm Donor’s inscription: vx lyto zo=Z potrM/deniemq raba h(ri)s(to)va radivo] Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani Along the rim of the bowl of the chalice runs the Eucharistic inscription: pite wt nee vqsi se Fs(tq) krqvq moa novago zavyta. za vQ izlivaema i za mnogQ vq ostavlEnJe gryhomvx amminq (Drink rom it, all of you, for this is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many for the forgiveness of sins. Amen.) While the upper part of the bowl is smooth, the lower is decorated with a frieze of cut palmetes and engraved Rumi style ornaments, which are an Otoman inluence. Separating the two parts is a ribbon with the inscribed text of the fourth line of the 115th Psalm (Preparation for the Holy Communion): ;a[ou sp(a)senJ] primM i ime g(ospod)nE prizovM 0 alIlVgJa (I will take the cup of salvation, and I will call upon the name of the Lord. Alleluia), and the ktetorial inscription: In the year 7076, by endeavours of Christ’s servant Radivoje. he botom of the chalice on the outside is decorated with vegetative and loral rosetes illed out with blue and green enamel. he chalice nodule is elaborately ornamented and divided into rhombus-shaped ields. he central part consists of six ields with semiprecious stones of the same shape, while the 426 caTaLoGUE upper and lower ields carry the chased text of the victory hymn celebrating the Lord of Sabaoth which is sung during the Eucharistic Canon. he writings’ inal line contains a supplication to the Lord for the salvation of Radivoje: S(ve)tx, S(ve)tx, S(ve)tx, g(ospod)q savawt(x) isplqn n(e)bo i zeml] slavI ego. osanna vx vI[nQhq raba svoego radIvoa (Holy! Holy! Holy is Lord of Sabaoth! Heaven and earth are full of hy glory! Hosanna in the highest of thy servant Radivoje!). A large handle with the nodule connects the bowl and the wide base which is shaped as a lower and decorated with chased six Rumi styled arabesques. Radivoje’s chalice with its Gothic shape and Otoman ornaments represents one of the few pieces of Serbian metalwork where such stylistic synthesis is present. Literature: Радојковић, Турско-персијски утицај, 135–136, ig. 29; eadem, Српско златарство, 152–153, ig. 60; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 193, ig. 28; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 106–107, ig. 107. Danica Komnenović DEČANI 427 V I.33. aSTEriSK oF ADIVOJE monastery of dečani, ca. 1568 Gilded silver, chasing, cuting and engraving techniques Height 10 cm, stripe length 22 cm Inscription: pri[xdq[i zvyzda0 i sta vrxhM ide/e by otro;e; vqzemlEi grehi mirM 0 se agqncq b(o)/Ji; SqtvorI Se SI] zvyzdQca hramM vqznesenJa Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani Asterisk is a liturgical object usually placed on the discos in order to protect the phosphoron, and is also a symbolical representation of the star the three Wise Men from the East saw at the time of Christ’ birth. Where the strips of the asterisk meet is a disk with a half-sphere in the center, and on the half-sphere is a shallow bas-relief representation of a seraph. he middle of each of the four strips is decorated with a small cut plaque. Two of the plaques feature Rumi style ornaments, the third has a seraph, and the fourth a cross. he area around the plaques, like the area of the disk, is decorated with engraved letering. On the disk paraphrased is the second half of the 9th verse from the second chapter of the Gospel of Mathew: pri[xdq[i zvyzda0 i sta vrxhM ide/e by otro;e (he star came and stopped above where the child was), a verse said during the Proskomedeia, at the moment the asterisk is placed on the discos. As there was not enough space on the disk, the inal two words (by otro;e) were placed on one of the 428 caTaLoGUE strips. he remaining text on that same strip comes from the 29th verse of the 1st chapter of the Gospel of John: [vqzemlEi grehi mirM0 se agqncq b(o)/Ji = Look, the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world). Another strip features the inscription explaining whom the object was made for: (SqtvorI Se SI] zvyzdQca hramM vqznesenJa = his asterisk was made for the temple of Ascension of Christ [in Dečani]). Both the asterisk and Radivoje’s chalice from 1567/1568, belong to the same set of holy vessels. hey were made of the same material and were decorated in the same way. According to an inventory listing of Dečani’s movables made in 1902, the set included yet another item – a spoon (for the Holy Communion), which is no longer in the monastery. It is assumed that a discos of the same make also belonged to this group of liturgical objects. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 194, sig. М–94, ig. 31; Тодић, Чанак-Медић, Манастир Дечани, 106–107, ig. 102. Danica Komnenović DEČANI 429 V I.34. rHiPidion oF Kondo vUK WiTH a dEPicTion oF THE anGEL oF THE GrEaT coUnciL monastery of dečani (?), 1569/1570 Gilded silver, engraving, embossing, incision, cuting and openwork techniques, with metal tassels Height 44 cm, diameter at disc 27 cm Donor’s inscription:  прими м(о)лѥнїе раба своего радивоя г(оспод)и троудивша се ѡ сихь сьсоудехъ при ч(е)стнемь игѹмене сѵмеоноу роукою многогрѣшнаго кон'де влъка Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani Displayed in a medallion in the centre of one side of the rhipidion is a waist-up image of the Virgin with Child [м$ир ѳ$у іелеoус'sа; і$с х$с]. Christ blesses with his right hand and holds a scroll in his let. Running around the medallion is a strip bearing the text of donor Radivoje and goldsmith Kondo Vuk’s supplication: Receive, O Lord, the supplication of Radivoje, your servant, who cared for these vessels in the time of the honourable hegoumenos Simeon. Inscribed by the hand of the most sinful Kondo Vuk. In a circular zone around the inscription are representations of six-winged seraphim with rhipidia, many-eyed cherubim and the symbols of the evangelists in four respective medallions: the winged lion [іѡ(ань)], the winged calf [лук(а)], the angel [м(а)ѳ(еи)] and the eagle [м(а)р(ко)]. Running along the edge of the rhipidion is a strip containing the text of a song of praise to the Theotokos:  достоино ѥс(ть) яко вьистїнѹ бл(а)жити те б(огороди)цM приснобл(а)женноую и прѣнепорочнѹю i м(а)тер(ь) бога н(а)шего  чqстнѣишѹю хероувымь и славнѣишѹю без расоужденїя серафімь безъ истлѣнїя б(ог)а слово рождьшѹю соущѹю богородицу тебѣ величаемь (It is truly meet to bless you, O heotokos, ever-blessed and most pure, and the Mother of our God. More honourable than the Cherubim and more glorious beyond compare than the Seraphim, without deilement you gave birth to God the Word. True heotokos, we magnify you.). 430 caTaLoGUE On the other side of the rhipidion is a waistup depiction of Christ the Angel of the Great Council [і$с х$с велїкаго сqвѣта агг(е)лъ]. He blesses with his right hand and holds an open scroll in his let. In an aureole surrounding him is the donor’s dedication:  сьтворїше се сїе светіе сьсѹді глаголѥмїе рипиды царскїе свещениїе обытелы дечанскїе потружденїемь раба божїа радївоа (hese holy vessels called rhipidia of the royal Holy monastery of Dečani have been made owing to the efforts of God’s servant Radivoje). In a circular zone around the inscription is a representation of the Communion of the Apostles: depicted at the top is the Holy Table with a chalice and a diskos. Serving at the table are two angel-deacons, each holding a rhipidion. Christ the Great Archpriest, shown twice, administers the bread and wine to six apostles on each side, who approach him from his let and right. All the apostles are identiied by name. Depicted in the communion with bread are Peter, Andrew, James son of Alphaeus, Simon the Zealot, Philip and Judas, and depicted in the communion with wine are James, Mathew, homas, Bartholomew, Simon and haddeus ( John is omited, probably accidentally, whilst Simon appears twice). Along the edges of the liturgical fan is the repoussé text of the heirmos of the ith ode of the irst Christmas Canon:  богь сы мира ѡтьць щедротамь вѣликаго сьвѣта аггела миръ подающаго послал еси намъ темъ богоразоумїя къ свѣтоу наставляемы ѡть нощноу зъ ноще славословым те чл(о)в(е)колюбче (O God of Peace, Father of mercies, you have sent your angel of the great council to grant us peace. We are guided to the light of the knowledge of God, and keeping watch by the night, we glorify you, God the philanthrope!). Following the text of the heirmos is the date of the making of the liturgical fan: сътворі се ѡт(ь) бітіа въ лѣт(о) zo$i (Made in the year 6078 ater the creation of the world [= 1569/1570]). At the same time, Radivoje donated another rhipidion to Dečani. Adorned with depictions of Christ Sabaoth and six-winged seraphim, it is also a work produced by Kondo Vuk in 1569/1570. By their iconographic programme and workmanship both rhipidia are extraordinary creations. With their skilfully and harmoniously combined Serbo-Byzantine iconography and contemporary TurkoPersian ornaments, the rhipidia crated by Kondo Vuk testify that works of highest artistic value were still being produced for the Monastery of Dečani in the 16th century. Literature: Радојковић, Старо српско златарство, 78, ig. 68, 69; eadem, Српско златарство, 110–111, 133, ig. 119, 120; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 175–176, 195, ig. 25, 26, with earlier literature; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 106–108, ig. 104, 108; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Манастир Дечани, 217–218, ig. 220. Ana Vranješ DEČANI 431 V I.35. HoLY BrEad TAY OF HEGOUMENOS HRISTIFOR work of goldsmith ivan milićof Čajniče (?), 1652/1653 Gilded silver, casting, openwork, cuting and engraving techniques Height 30 cm, diameter at base 30 cm Inscription: † сїя света і божьсть(vq)на петїхлебница 0z0р0 I 0ѯ0а0 мана<стира> <д>е<ч>ани 0 и <p(o)трMд>и се ѡ сеmь 0 игMmень ерmона<хь>0 хр(i)стофорь сь <б>рат<и]>mи Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani A holy bread tray is a liturgical vessel used to sanctify oil, wine, wheat and bread in a procession during an all-night wake. Of a complex structure, it contains a broad metal tray for loaves of bread to which three lidded vessels for wheat, oil and wine are atached, and a triple candlestick (trikirion). It is ceremoniously brought into the narthex by a deacon. he holy bread tray from Dečani is circular in shape and has a trikirion, adorned with a large rock crystal, atached to its centre. he trikirion has straight stems and candleholders shaped like stylised tulips. At a later date, its branches were joined together with plates from which hang small crescents. Four metal cups surround the trikirion. hey are shaped like small Gothic towers with conical roofs on whose pointed ends stand crosses with outwardly spreading bar ends. Even though it was made in the Gothic style, the holy bread 432 caTaLoGUE tray also features elements typical of Oriental art. hese are evident in the appearance of the trikirion and the engraved cypress trees illed with the motif of the ish scales on the cup lids. In all likelihood, the holy bread tray was made by goldsmith Ivan Milić of Čajniče, commissioned by Hristofor, the hegoumenos of Dečani, and his brother monks in 1652/1653. his is atested by the partly damaged inscription engraved on the rim of the tray: his is God’s holy bread tray of the Monastery of Dečani (rom) the year 7100 and 61 (= 7161). It has been procured by the hegoumenos, the hieromonk Hristofor and his brother monks. Literature: Радојковић, Српско златарство, 139, ig. 170; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 198–200, 254–255. Milica Popović dečANI 433 V I.36. LEcTionarY BindinG oF HiEroMonK KEnTirion work of master neško prolimleković from Požarevac (?), 1644 Gilded silver, chasing, engraving, piercing, iligree and granulation techniques 30 × 20 × 5 cm Donor’s inscription: † сие ев(a)nг(e)лие ѡкова се тро(u)д(o)mъ и ѡт(q)кMпоmx кентириѡна ер(o)mон(а)хa ва лет(o) 1h$d Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he front of the binding features a Deisis, wherein the enthroned Christ has the title of Pantocrator: і$с х$с ѡ пантократ(ор)ь. With his right hand he is giving his blessing and in his let he is holding an open book, with the 34th verse from the 25th chapter of the Gospel of Mathew writen out on its pages: прид(е)те бл(a)госло(ve)ни ѡ(tq)ца mоего наите Mготованое ваm ц(a)рстv(o)‘неб(e)sное. he Mother of God [m$r ѳ$у] and St. John the Forerunner [ѡ с(ve)ти придитеча] are shown turned toward the Savior, and pointing with one hand in his direction. In the other hand each is holding a scroll with a supplication: [Mother of God: приmи mоление mатере щедре (;)то про(si)щ(i) m(a)ти mо(]);and St. John: приmи mmоление m(a)тере т(v)ое и kр(s)тителе твоего щед(re)]. Archangels Michael [арх(angelq) m(ihailq)] and Gabriel [арх(angelq) g(avrIilq)], both holding spheres, are standing behind Christ. he upper corners of the binding feature the symbols of the Evangelists – a lion for Mark [mарко], on the let, and an angel for John [іѡ(anq)] on the right. he lower part of the covering features, each representation within a Saracen arch, half igures of St. Luke with a bull [с(ve)т(i)‘лMка], St. Nicholas [с(ve)т(i)‘никола], St. Stefan Dečanski [с(ve)т(i) стефан(q)] and St. Mathew with an eagle [maѳ(ei); the inal igure also has је m(a)т(ei)] carved into the open codex he is holding. he scene of the Ascension of Christ [вьzн(e)sение х(risto)во] adorns the back of the binding. Two groups, each consisting of two apostles, are 434 caTaLoGUE lanking the standing igure of the Mother of God in an orant pose [m$р ѳ$у mати mирM]. Apostles Peter [pe(tarq)] and Paul [pa(vle)] are the ones closest to her. Shown above them, on the sides, are the other eight apostles, and standing between them, two archangels – Raphael [ар(hangelq) о рахваила] and Uriel [i Mриль] – each holding a branch with which he is pointing towards the heavens. At the top of the composition two other archangels – [арh(angelq) M(риль) and арх(angelq) b(arahIilq)] – can be seen liting a mandorla with Christ to heavens. he Savior [і$с х$с] is siting on a rainbow and is giving his blessing with both hands. he following text is inscribed in the mandorla: вьz'несение х(risto)во mонастира дечан(a)х(q) (Ascension of Christ of the Monastery of Dečani). he donor's inscription is engraved along the upper edge of the back: his Gospel was encased owing to the efort of hieromonk Kentirion who commissioned it, in the summer of 1644. he crating of the binding is atributed to Požarevac goldsmith Neško Prolimleković. As of recently the binding is covering the Dečani copy of the Ostrog Bible, the oldest printed edition of the Bible in the Church Slavonic language (Ostroh, Volynia, 1581). Literature: Радојковић, Српско златарство, 135–137, ig. 165; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 206– 207, 255–256. Milica Popović DEČANI 435 V I.37. LiTUrGicaL LEcTErN (ANALOGION) herzegovina workshop (?), end of the 16th or the beginning of the 17th century Dark and light oak wood and bone intarsia Cuting, turning, mashrabiya, intarsia and damascene, leather upholstery Higher side 150 × 60 cm; lower side 128 × 60 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he liturgical lectern (Greek αναλόγιον) from Dečani monastery, shaped as a portable and foldable desk, was made from dark and light oak wood. he upper section of the higher side (150 × 46 cm) is fortiied with three rails, with the irst two separated by rows of slender turned bone balusters, while between the second and third is a mashrabiya, i.e. wooden grid-like decoration. he lower segment of the higher end has four rails. A row of turned balusters separates the first from the second, and the third from the fourth rail, while the second and the third rail are divided by a somewhat narrower mashrabiya. Many of turned balusters of the inal row had fallen out. he lower section of lower side (its dimensions are 128 × 38.5 cm) is decorated and fortiied in the same manner as the other one, yet it has all of its balusters still in place, while the upper section features only two rails with a mashrabiya in-between. A 60 cm long cylindrical bar with polygonal ends is at the top of each of the elements. A piece of leather is stretched over the two bars, forming a bookrest. he central turned rail features a polygonal element with rhombus-like ornaments. Each of the rhombuses features a six- 436 caTaLoGUE pointed star in a hexagon, damascened with silver wire. Its turned components are decorated with a row of rhombus-shaped bone ornaments. he outward-facing sides of the rails, vertical and horizontal, are decorated with a series of six-pointed stars set between two rows of bone rhombuses. he lanks of both constructive elements also feature bone rhombuses, both large and small. he use of rhombuses and six-pointed stars in the decoration of a liturgical lectern indicates the adoption of Islamic motifs. he six-pointed star made of equilateral triangles is a motif characteristic of the Otoman decoration style of the 16th and 17th centuries. Mashrabiyas and the slender turned balusters also point to the Oriental inluence. he analogion from Dečani is similar to those found in and the area around the Patriarchate of Peć, dating from the 1570s to the 1640s, and which are presumed to have been made by masters of a workshop in Herzegovina. Literature: Хан, Интарзија; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 283, 291. Marijana Marković DEČANI 437 V I.38. HExaGonaL TaBLE herzegovina workshop; master antonije (?), beginning of the 17th century Dark and light oak wood with bone intarsia Cuting, turning, mashrabiya and intarsia, 86 × 53.5 × 26 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he hexagonal table in Dečani’s treasury, its height 86 cm, was made from dark and light oak wood. he width of the side surfaces located between the vertical constructive elements at the corners of the table, ranges from 25.5 to 26.5 cm. Each side consists of four rectangular panels, which are in the central part divided with a grid-like wooden decoration (mashrabiya). A row of turned balusters separates the irst from the second, and the third from the fourth panel. he slender balusters of the upper row are made of alternately light and dark wood. One of the sides has the second and third panel slightly shorter and no mashrabiya, and so a space for holding books was created. All the panels are decorated with bone intarsia in such a way that almost the entire surface of each is covered by a rhomb made of a large number of equilateral triangles. A sixpointed star with a triangle in its center nests in each corner of each of the panels. Above and below the upper baluster row on one of the sides, a litle board decorated with a string of horizontal rhombs was inserted. he vertical constructive elements were adorned with a ribbon made of alternately set horizontal rhombs and two triangles. he stand’s top surface is decorated with six rosetes, one in each of the corners, and one below the Holy Cross which is in the center of the plate. he 438 caTaLoGUE four-pointed cross on a graded ield is lanked by a spear and sponge on reed. Writen out between the arms of the cross and below the stand are the following cryptograms: I$s h$s n$i k$a (Jesus Christ conquers) and m(esto) l(obnoe) r(ai) b(Qstq) (Place of the skull is Paradise). he hexagonal table might have served as a stand for a discos or an icon, or it could have had another function in accord with liturgical needs. Its legs are not long, as is the case with the majority of such tables, so it is possible that it had to be shortened due to the lower part sufering some kind of damage. he Islamic-Oriental inluence is visible in the decoration, with its rhombs and six-pointed stars, which are motifs characteristic of the 16th and 17th centuries, as well as in the turned balusters and mashrabiyas, which were rarely used in the production of liturgical objects. he motifs found on the Dečani table were common in objects produced by the artists from Herzegovina; thus, it is assumed the table originated in one of their workshops. Looking at the intarsia ornaments of the piece, primarily the rhombs made of triangles in a honeycomb formation, it is closest to the works crated by master Antonije. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 283– 284, 292; Хан, Интарзија. Marijana Marković dečANI 439 V I.39. EMBroidErEd croSS WiTH THE iMaGE oF THE virGin oF THE SiGn Serbian cratsman, beginning of the 17th century Embroidery made on cloth over leather or paper, hemmed with red ribbon. hread: black, blue, green, red, grey, brown, dark-brown, and gilded and silver wire. Stitch: zigzag, horizontal, chain, full, 21, 5 × 13 cm Inscription: mIr= T$u; Is= hs= Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani In the center of the embroidered cross placed in a round medallion is the half-igure image of the Virgin of the Sign. he child Christ’s figure is set in a heart-shaped medallion which is resting on the maphorion on the Virgin Orans’ chest. he arms of the cross are connected with stylized vegetative ornaments which frame the middle sphere within which is image of heotokos. Her inscription is above the interlace in the upper part of the vertical arm. he image of a mother who is not holding her child, but whose arms are open for the salvation of the world, represents a theological synthesis which brings together Christ’s embodiment of Logos and Sophia and Mother of God’s intercession. he iconographical motif of the Virgin of the Sign is frequently found on frescoes in altar apses, as well as on 440 caTaLoGUE seals and panagiaria. his image can be accompanied by several toponymic, hymnographic and dogmatic inscriptions. hus, she was named Blachernitissa, Platytera, Pantanassa, Episkepsis, and Acheiropoieta. Although the purpose of this cloth is not entirely known, it is assumed it could have been used to cover the holy gits. Yet, the possibility of it being part of the priest’s garments, or even that it covered the bread sanctiied in honor of the Virgin in a rite known as the Elevation of the Panagia, or that it covered the panagiarion, cannot be ruled out either. Literature: Стојановић, Везени крст, 29–38; Шакота, Ризнице манастира, 21, ig. 43–44; eadem, Дечанска ризница, 269–270; Татић Ђурић, Икона Богородице Знамења, 177–197. Svetlana Smolčić Makuljević DečANI 441 V I.40. EPiTACHELION OF THE DMITRIĆ FAMILY 16th century Donor’s inscription: si epitrahIa prIlo/i cr(q)kvi, de;anskoi s(ve)twmou kral} pe] i neda i lUka dmitriki vq ve;new ih vqspomInanIe. Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he epictrachelion is the most important element of a priest’s costume, without which he cannot perform the liturgy. It is worn around the neck, like a shawl, under the cassock and over the sticharion. Its symbolism and meaning changes depending on the historical context and interpretation of Church Fathers. It was irst mentioned in the eighth century by Germanus I of Constantinople, who associated it with the symbolical representation of the Cross Sacriice, the roped Christ being brought before Pilate, and his sufering. Even aterwards, the epitrachelion was related to the instruments of Christ’s death. he epitrachelion of Dečani is a votive git of the members of the Dmitrić family: Peja, Neda and Luka. It is a git to King Stefan Dečanski, for the ktetors’ eternal memory. his is supported by the inscription embroidered at the botom of both ends of the epitrachelion: his epitrachelion is a git to the church of Dečani, the holy king, by Peja, and Neda, and Luka, of the Dmitrić family, that their memory be eternal. The Dmitrići epitrachelion is of the kind which has the representations of the Deisis, apostles and saints, along with St. Simeon and St. Sava of Serbia, each likeness set in its own round medallion. Jesus Christ [Is= hs], giving his blessing with both hands, is at the very top of the cloth. In this way the image of Christ is in direct touch with him who places the epitrachelion around his neck and receives the blessing. Around Christ are the 442 caTaLoGUE Mother of God [mIr= T$u and St. John the Forerunner [s(ve)tQ iw(a)nq], both in prayer, their igures completing the Deesis composition. Next to them are archangels Michael and Gabriel [arh(a)gg(e)lq mihailq, arh(a)gelq gavrJlq], followed by the apostles St. Peter [s(ve)tQi pet(a)rq], St. Paul [s(ve)tQi pavlq)], St. John the Evangelist [s(ve)tQi Iw(a)n b(o)g(o)slwv], St. Mathew [s(ve)tQi m(a)te(i)], St. Mark [s(ve)tQi marko)], and St. Luke [s(ve)tQi lUk(a)], and then St. Athanasios [s(ve)tQi aTanasie], St. Basil [s(ve)tQi vasIlIe], St. John Chrysostom [s(ve)tQi Iw(anq) zlatoustq], St. Gregory of Nazianzus [s(ve)tQi grIgorIe b(o)goslwv], St. Germanus [s(ve)tQi german], St. Cyril [s(ve)tQi kurilq], St. Ignatios [s(ve)tQi ignatIe], St. Nicholas [s(ve)tQi nikolae], St. Simeon Nemanja [s(ve)tQi sumewn], St. Sava of Serbia [s(ve)tQi sava srpsk(i)], St. Roman [s(ve)tQi roman], St. Stephen [s(ve)tQi Stefan], St. George [s(ve)tQi gewrgIe] and St. Demetrios [s(ve)tQi dimitrie]. An embroidered vine with half-palmetes runs along the edges of the epitrachelion, framing it. hreads of blue, purple, red, green, black, ocher and several shades of brown were used to decorate its dark-red satin, the author using straight, zigzag, chain, lat, and diagonal stitches. Literature: Мирковић, Црквени уметнички вез, 39–40; Стојановић, Уметнички вез, 63, 26, 30, ig. 32; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 269, 274, ig. 1, 2. Svetlana Smolčić Makuljević dečANI 443 V I.41. PHELonion coLLar wallachia, 1519 Silk satin, silver-plated and gilded thread, silk yarn Goldwork application Inscription: sqi felonq sqtvori g(o)s(po)/de despina vq dni g(ospo)d(i)na svoego Jw(a)n(a) nygoe voevoda i ;qdom(q) ihq TewdosJe petrM i stana i }vana vq lyt(o) z@i m(ese)ca de(kemvria) 1 d(q)nq National Museum of Serbia, Belgrade, inv. no. 1250 (in the Monastery of Dečani till 1874) his application was made and given as a git by Lady Despina Branković, the wife of voivode Neagoe Basarab (1512–1521), ruler of Wallachia. Lady Despina (ca. 1487–1554), known also as Despina Milica, was most likely a daughter of Despotes Jovan Branković, son of the blind Despotes Stefan Branković. She married the Wallachian voivode in 1505, and together they had six children: heodosie, Stana, Ruxanda, Petre, Anghelina, and Ioan. A well-known embroiderer, she also authored one other phelonion (kept in the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church) and the epitrachelion featuring the portraits of six saints and the members of the Wallachian ruling family (kept in the Xenophontos monastery on Mount Athos). he displayed collar is a goldwork application, a decoration which had once been sown to a phelonion made of woven brocade. Lady Despina intended this collar to serve as a dedicational record; thus it was made in the form of a silver ribbon (lined with linen cloth) cov- 444 caTaLoGUE ered in letering mentioning the donor, her family members and the date her work was completed: his phelonion was made by Lady Despina during the rule of her lord Jovan Neagoe, voivode, and their children heodosie, Petre, Stana and Ioan in the summer of 7028, month of December, day irst. he collar’s decoration was embroidered over an earlier (silk) needlework on blue silk, using silver-plated and gilded thread couched with colored silk yarn. he basic ield was done in golden thread, couched with yellow yarn. he leters were made with silver-plated thread, while red yarn was used for couching. In 1874 archimandrite of Dečani Serafim made the collar a git to the National Museum in Belgrade (Prince Paul Museum). Literature: Валтровић, Натпис на фелону, 99– 105, Pl. IX/2; Записи и натписи I, no. 440; Мирковић, Црквени уметнички вез, 38, Pl. XXVII/2; Стојановић, Уметнички вез, 58. Biljana Cincar Kostić DečANI 445 V I.42. SiLvEr BoWL WiTH THE FiGUrE oF BUcK work of a Serbian cratsman, seventh decade of the 16th century Gilded silver goblet, piercing, repoussée, chasing, cuting and engraving Depth 3.5 cm, diameter at rim 16.5 cm, diameter at botom 8 cm Inscription: ovu ;a[u ko ko(u)pi da napie slave bo/(i)e i pre(;iste) Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he botom of the bowl is decorated with a carved-in hexagonal igure and a six-leaved rosete with a igure of a lying buck, atached to the botom. he following text encircles the rosete with the buck: May he who buys this bowl quench his thirst in God’s glory and purity. he rest of the vessel is occupied by a wide frieze whose ornaments are made using piercing, repussée, cuting and engraving techniques and whose igures are protruded. he friese is divided into nine stylized arcades resting upon Ionic columns. Within the arcades are representations of fantastical creatures and human and animal igures. he fol- 446 caTaLoGUE lowing beings are portrayed in six of the arcades: an owl with a human head, a man with a scroll in one and a lower in the other hand, two sirins, a centaur with a sword, and a hunter with a bow and arrow. he three remaining ields have within them three deer-like animals, one of which is a unicorn. he igures have very elongated necks and are shown ighting a snake. Literature: Мирковић, Црквене старине, 122, ig. 31; Радојковић, Српско златарство, 153, ig. 63; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 190, sig. М–8. Andrijana Golac DEČANI 447 V I.43. BoWL oF viKTor, THE METroPoLiTan oF novo Brdo novo brdo (?), before 1593 Gilded silver bowl, in repoussé, engraving, cuting, punching and chasing techniques Diameter at rim 19 cm, diameter at botom 11 cm, depth 4.5 cm Inscription: si] ;a[a p(o)px iwanq b(o)gq d(a) ga prwsti † kUpih(q) } az(q) † kUpih(q) } azx smyr(e)ni mJtropolJt(q) nwv(o)br(q)dskQ viktwr(q) 0 i prJlo/ih(q) } m(a)nastirU de;anwm(q) vU ve;nU pametq starca petrwnia0 z r 1 Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani here are three circular friezes at the bottom of the bowl, decorated with engraved details, while the fourth and widest one occupies the rim of the bowl. Engraved in the smallest, central medallion is a leaing vine. he igurine that was once atached to the botom of the bowl, probably a buck, is now missing. he next frieze is decorated with an intertwining blooming vine and images of animals: a dog, hare, wolf and wild boar. hese two friezes were gilded. he trird circular frieze is decorated with double stylized palm leaves and encircled with spiral strips on each side. he fourth and greatest frieze (at the rim of the cup), is decorated with images of 23 animals and birds that difer in size. Among them one can discern: falcons, hares, deer with their young, a grazing buck, a heron with a snake dangling from its beak, doglike animals, a wolf with a fawn in its jaw, an eagle and two lions. All the birds and animals are entangled in the blooming vine with large buds and leaves. he images of the vine and 448 caTaLoGUE animals are protruding and the backdrop of the bowl is punched. here is an engraved inscription on the rim of the outer side of the bowl, the work of two scribes. he beginning of the inscription notes that the bowl irst belonged to a priest named John and the second part, that the archbishop of Novo Brdo bought the drinking bowl as a git to the monastery of Dečani, in eternal memory of the elder Petronije 1592/1592: his is the bowl of priest John, may God rest his soul; I have bought it. I, Viktor, the humble archbishop of Novo Brdo have bought it and contributed it to the monastery of Dečani in eternal memory of the elder Petronije, 7101 (= 1592/1593). It is possible that the bowl was made in Novo Brdo by a goldsmith from Dubrovnik. Literature: Радојковић, Српско златарство, 79, 152, ig. 147; Љубинковић, Две грачаничке иконе, 135; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 171–172, 189–190, 225. Andrijana Golac dečANI 449 V I.44. BoWL WiTH a GriFFin Serbian workshop, 16th century Silver-plated gold, repoussé, engraving and piercing techniques Diameter at rim14.5 cm, depth 3 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani he central part of the bowl’s botom is decorated with an engraved image of a griin with spread wings and large talons, perching on a leaf. A series of astragals and dotted ornaments runs along the composition’s wide frame, while an interlaced vine with oak leaves forming volutes adorns the rim of the vessel. Within the crevices are six birds, similar to pigeons or peacocks, and although they resemble each other, they are not the same. he backdrop is pierced and the igures protruded, whereby the interplay of light and shadow is achieved. Its stylistic characteristics indicate that the bowl was made in a workshop in Herzegovina in 450 caTaLoGUE the 16th century. By analogy with the bowl found in Fojnica Monastery and Smirnov’s bowl from Belorechensk burial site (Krasnodar Krai, Russia), the object can be more closely dated to the time of sultan Selim II (1566–1572). Literature: Радојковић, Српско златарство, ig. 69; eadem, Сребрне чаше, 32–33, ig. 9; Радојковић, Миловановић, Српско златарство, no. 62, ig. 62; Шакота, Ризнице манастира, ig. 34, 36; eadem, Дечанска ризница, 172, 190, 226; Karamehmedović, Umjetnička obrada, 418, ig. 6; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, 110. BrankaVranešević DečANI 451 arT in THE EarLY ModErn PEriod and 19TH cEnTUrY vii V II.1. PorTaiT oF THE PaTriarcH arSEniJE iii čarnoJEvić painter Jov vasilijević, Sremski Karlovci, 1744 Oil on canvas, 82 × 142 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church (Patriarchate Court), old cat. no. HR.AR. 468 The portrait of the Patriarch Arsenije III Čarnojević was ordered by the Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović from his court painter Jov Vasilijevič, so that he could put it in the hall of his court. his representational portrait, done in Sremski Karlovci on March 3, 1744, used as a blueprint a copper engraved portrait made in Vienna several decades earlier for the same client. In the portrait, Patriarch Arsenije III is represented as a full igure, in a characteristic frontal position, with archiereus crutch in one hand and a cross used for blessings in other. On his head, he is wearing high mitre, decorated with gems and pearls, while all elements of his robe are richly adorned. On the right side of the Patriarch, there is his coat of arms, while the entire space with the fence and two columns is deined in accordance with imperial symbolism. his way, authority and dignity of the person in the portrait are displayed. In the lower part of the painting, a four-line inscription is dedicated to the person in the portrait, with the 454 caTaLoGUE information about his death in Vienna on October 28, 1706 and the transfer of the body in Krušedol. he last part of the inscription describes the circumstances surrounding the creation of the portrait (donor, time and place of its origin). Jov Vasilijević, one of the most signiicant Baroque painters from the area of Karlovci archdiocese, painted the portrait of Arsenije III Čarnojević in accordance with the Baroque concept of representative portraits. By ordering of the portrait of his predecessor on the head of Serbian church and its display in the public area of its court, Arsenije IV Jovanović Šakabenta emphasized his dignity and legitimacy as Serbian patriarch. Literature: Микић, Портрети, 205, with earlier literature; Тимотијевић, Портрети архијереја, 160–161; idem, Српско барокно сликарство, 79; Тодић, Српски сликари I, 247–250; Симић, За љубав отаџбине, 188. Ana Kostić Đekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 455 V II.2. ParoUSia oF THE dEčani MonaSTErY aleksije lazović, Dečani, between 1817 and 1819 Illuminated and calligraphically writen charter, painted with tempera on paper, aixed on canvas on the back, 131 × 48,7 cm Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani, DK–349 he Parousia leter is writen on a long rectangular paper. he leter has 60 raws and a twoline signature. It is writen in black ink, except for two initials, which are in red ink and golden color. Ductus is standard, leaning towards simpliied ‘Resava ortography’, 19th century half-uncial typography. he entire text of the Parousia leter can be summarized as follows: Hadji Danilo, the archimandrite of the Dečani, with his brotherhood, sends a leter to the entire Serbian and all Orthodox Christians, in which he irst points out that he and the ‘holy Dečani family’ sufered a lot of violence from ‘the cursed and malicious Arnauts’. He informs that, despite various imposts and oppression, they covered the church with lead, restored iconostasis, raised monastery walls, dining room, tower and kellia, according to their earlier condition. Because of this, they fell into debt of 20,000 Turkish grossi. herefore, they authorized kyr Hadji Zaharije, hieromonk and hegoumenos, who carried the Parousia leter, to search for contributions and charity for the monastery. As a sign of gratitude, they promised the donors commemoration and mediation with the Holy Virgin, St. Stefan Dečanski and ‘all the saints.’ Above the Parousia leter are two monastery seal prints, one with representation of Stefan Dečanski, and the other with the Holy Trinity. Above the text is a headpiece in two zones. 456 caTaLoGUE In the upper, larger, are images of Tsar Uroš and the Holy King Stefan Dečanski, holding a model of the Dečani church. Holy rulers are represented the same as in Žefarović Stemmatographia. hey are wearing divitisions, loros, crowns, crosses, and over cloaks with stoat lining. Above the church model the dove from the sky is descending, surrounded by clouds. In the lower, smaller, zone is an emblematic representation of a weapon, cut in the middle by a medallion with the image of an eagle killing a snake. he text of the Parousia and heading headpiece are surrounded by a wide decorative frame. On the baroque floral-ornamental base, 24 coats of arms of Illyrian countries are placed in separate golden decorative frames. Models for coats of arms obviously came from Stemmatographia. At the botom of the frame is a cartouche with a signature of the painter Aleksije Lazović. aleKJe lazovi: rMko} svoe} sopisa u monastirx de;anyhx (Alek- sije Lazović painted with his own hand in the monastery of Dečani). In a narrow ield, outside the frame, at the very botom of Parousia, there is a Latin signature of painter, of mixed Serbian and Italian: Aleksio pitore ilirico rasiciski opšti moler rodom od Bielo Pole (Aleksije Illyrian-Rascian painter, universal painter born in Bijelo Polje). Headpiece and frame are distinguished by strong colors, predominantly by the abundant use of gold and red. he work is intricate. he baroque artistic conception dominates in the positioning of igures, space and ornamentation. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 66–67, 423; Вујовић, Уметност обновљене Србије, 240–241, 296–297, ig. 60, 62; Станић, Сликарска заоставштина Симеона и Алексија Лазовића, 235–237, with transcription; Тодић, Чанак-Медић, Манастир Дечани, 123–124, ig. 125. Marko Katić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 457 V II.3. FirMan on aPPoinTMEnT oF JoaniKiJE, METroPoLiTan oF aŠA ANd PRIZREN constantinople, april 1st 1808 Document writen in Otoman-Turkish language, in diwani script, black and red ink, partially decorated with golden dots, 140 х 50,6 cm Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani, inv. no. DK–13 he Firman was issued by Sultan Mustafa IV (1807–1808). In the upper part of the document is the oicial signature of the Sultan – tughra, writen in gold and richly decorated with blue and red loral motifs, with the text ‘Mustafa han, son of Abdűlhamid, eternally victorious’. he top of the tughra is framed with two roses and two golden cypresses that end with crescent moons. From their founding, until the irst decades of the 19th century, Prizren and Raška Metropolitanates functioned as separate dioceses. In the period from 1780/1781, until 1784 Prizren Metropolitanate was administered by bishop Joanikije, of Serbian ethnicity. In 1784 he was transferred to the duty of the metropolitan of Raška, and metropolitan Jevsevije was appointed in his place. Ater the death of Jevsevije in 1789, the Ecumenical Patriarch authorized Joanikije, owing to his knowledge of local afairs, to administer the Prizren Metropolitanate. herefore, these two metropolitanates were administratively united. Oicially, they were joined into one Metropolitanate of Raška, Prizren and Iskenderiye (Scutari), on February 16th 1808 when, ater the recommendation of the Holy Synod, the sultan made a decision to entrust metropolitan Joanikije with the right to collect church revenues from the territory of the Prizren Metropolitanate. In return, Joanikije was obliged to pay a tribute – peshke- 458 caTaLoGUE sh in the amount of 16,000 akches for both dioceses. Separately, for the Raška Metropolitanate, which at that time encompassed the areas of Novi Pazar, Nova Varoš, Trgovište, Brvenik, Mitrovica, Plav, Gusinje, Rožaj, Berane and Bijelo Polje, the peshkesh was 7,000 akches, while for Prizren (Prizren, Novo Brdo, Priština, Peć, Vučitrn and Djakovica) it was 9,000 akches. Considering that, as stated in the irman, the previous amount of the peshkesh for the Prizren Metropolitanate was 100,000 akches, it was decided that the diference of 91,000 akches should be payed for from the income of other metropolitanates: Skopje, Samokov, Niš, Ćustendil, Zvornik Hercegovina, Beograd, Bosna and Užice. he Sultan’s irman on the appointment, that is the berât, with a detailed allocation of the peshkesh within the metropolitanates, was compiled and signed on April 1st 1808, thus formally put into efect.. he irman also lists the rights and obligations of the newly appointed metropolitan Joanikije and guarantees him protection against possible misconduct of local authorities, such as: obstructing the clergy and devotees from performing religious rites, obstructing the restoration of churches and monasteries, interfering of the sharia courts in afairs that are under the authority of the metropolitan (appointment of bishops and lower priesthood, jurisdiction over church oicials and Christian marital disputes). he metropolitan’s right to freely dispose of the entire church movable and immovable property, as well as the property of deceased clergy is assured too. Literature: Јастребов, Податци за историју српске цркве, 32–33; Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 394; Todić, Čanak-Medić, he Dečani Monastery, ig. 120; Радосављевић, Јоаникије, 145–163. Tatjana Katić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 459 V II.4. roYaL doorS he Patriarchate of Peć, ca. 1570, painted section restored in the beginning of the 19th century Wood engraving, tempera on the board, 186 × 117 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć he middle section of the high Royal doors displays the Annunciation, which was repainted by Aleksije Lazović in the beginning of the 19th century. On the let wing, Archangel Gabriel [ar(hangelq) ga(vrilq)] is represented as a full igure, standing on the cloud within a room with a canopy. His is using his right hand to ofer blessings, while in his let hand, he is holding a lily. Above him, in the fragment of the sky surrounded by the clouds Holy Father is represented down to his waist. In his triangular halo, leters o w n are writen (Greek ὁ ὤν = the Being, Ex 3, 14; Rev 1,4). He is offering blessings with his right hand, while in the let he is holding a sphere. On the other wing of the door Holy Mother of God is painted [m#r T#V], standing in front of the table, reading an open book, whose pages contain the inscription: wtkMdq M mny sie za;atie bMdetq i kako ro/dM ... (How did this conception came about and how am I going to give birth …). Behind the Holy Mother is a window, from which Jerusalem Temple can be seen, whereby from the fragment of the sky a dove of the Holy Spirit in the top let corner, lays a ray of light towards her. he top contains the inscription referring to the entire composition: bl(a)govy{enJe pr(esve)tqIiA bo(gorodi)cqIi (Annunciation to the Virgin). Over painted sections, wood carved motif of ‘the lower of Peć’, surrounded by small um- 460 caTaLoGUE bels stands, above which squares in which David and Solomon are represented up to their waist, are positioned. he former is extending his hand in prayer towards the sky, while the later is siting and reading an open book. he entire surface of the doors is gilded, dec- orated with shallow engraved motif of multiple weave. Both wings are framed from the outside with the rope twist, whereby bellow painted sections square parapets with stylized large lower in the middle are located. On the brim of these parapets, long donor’s inscription is carved displaying that the doors were created ‘for a big church in Peć praising Holy Father, Jesus Christ and his Ever Virgin Mother’ at the time of Patriarch in Peć Makarije Sokolović, ordered by Hercegovina Metropolitan Antonije ‘in his memory and all Orthodox kin and whoever reads this should say may God forgive them’: I$s h$s povelyniemx prywsve{xnago patriarha kirx makarJa srqbskago ob{ago wca i oU;itel] vqsyhq srqbskih i pomorqskih zymqlx azq smyrenqi mitrwpowlitq hercygovqski kirq (on irst wing’s parapet) anqtonie gradih siE s(ve)tie dveri, pozlatih i vxobrazihq i prilo/ihq s(ve)tyi velqiyi crqkvqi pyki na slavU g(ospo)dM b(og)U Isous(M) h(rist)U i pry;Istyi ego m(a)tere vx pomynq svoi i vqsyh pravovyrqnih sqrodnik na[ih, i kto pro;qti sJia da ry;etq bogq da ih prostqi. (on the parapet of the second wing) his extraordinary work is a testament to the great efort of the hierarchy of the Patriarchate of Peć to provide ‘he Mother Church in Peć’ with all the necessary artefacts, following the restoration of independence in 1557. Also, it bears witness to the activities of painter Aleksije Lazović from Bijelo Polje, who along with his father Simeon and engraver Trajko worked in the Patriarchate on several occasions two centuries later. Literature: Записи и натписи IV, 73, no. 6358; Ђурић, Иконе, cat. no. 69; Ћоровић-Љубинковић, Средњевековни дуборез, 93–94, Pl. XLIб, XLII; Средњовековна уметност, 58, cat. no. 6; Милошевић, Уметност, 58, cat. no. 63; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 334, ig. 180; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Пећка патријаршија, 186, 196. Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 461 V II.5. roYaL doorS patriarchate of peć, end of the 18th or beginning of the 19th century Woodcarving, tempera on board, 198 x 86 x 4.5 cm Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć These high Royal Doors with six painted ields are decorated with a rich, gilded woodcarving in which volutes, interlace and semispheres prevail. he picture of the Annunciation is in the middle ields. Archangel Gabriel (arh=ag gavrilq) is painted on the let side of the Doors: he is wearing a tunic and a luxurious golden robe with a purple cloak. Looking straight at the observer, he is giving his blessings with his right hand, while holding a lily in full bloom in his let. Above him, in a rounded ield, is the All-Seeing Eye of God. he Mother of God (m=r T=u) is raising her right hand towards the skies, resting her let on a book lying open on the table next to her. Above her is the ield with the Dove of the Holy Spirit. Four evangelists are shown in the rounded ields above and below the Announciation scene. 462 caTaLoGUE Mathew (ma=T) and Luke (lM=) are standing above, while Mark (ma=) and John (Jw=) are below. hey are painted with their symbols and the open Book of Gospels, with text shown on its pages. A gilded cross, with a cherub painted in its center, is at the top of the Royal Doors. hese Royal Doors probably used to be a part of one of the iconostases in the Patriarchate of Peć monastery, together with the icons of the Virgin as Queen and St. Mark the Apostle, kept in the Peć treasury. Apparently, they were works of the same master, who, judging by the style, was probably a Bijelo Polje painter, Simeon Lazović. Literature: unpublished. Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 463 V II.6. arcHanGEL GaBriEL icon from the patriarchate of peć, 1714/1715 Tempera on the board, 34,5 × 25,5 × 4,5 cm Inscription: arh(anggelq) g(avrIilq) Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć In the middle part of the icon, Saint Archangel marked by the inscription as Gabriel, is depicted frontally facing and down to his waist. Iconographically, its representation matches Archangel Michael, as it is depicted in warrior’s atire. He wears a tunic, an armor and a cape, in his raised right hand he holds a drawn sword, in his let – a scabbard. Along the lower border of the frame, the text of founder’s inscription is writen on cinnabar background: sJi} ikonV, sxpisa<h>(q) kVÉrJl<u> <igou>menM pek'sk<o>mV 0 za l}bwv 0 z 0 s# 0 k# 0 g#0 (I painted this icon for the love of Kiril, an abbot in Peć). he halo is gilded and decorated with dots alongs its rim. he drawing is precisely executed, with many details, whereby 464 caTaLoGUE colors are soisticated, on some places glazed. In the forming of the facial tone, gray and bright red tones are dominant. he lightning and accents were painted using of white colour. he frame of the icon was done in three colours – ochre, green and cinnaber. he interplay of facial, neck and torso proportions denotes a slight discrepancy. he icon is one of the more successful works of master Dimitrije, a student of zographos Radul. Literature: Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 322; Живковић (М.), Иконе бокококоторског сликара, 164–165, ig. 1; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Пећка патријаршија, 190, 192, ig. 165. Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 465 V II.7. SainT PaaSKEvE oF TŬrnoVo Vita icon originated in the patriarchate of peć, 1719/1720 Tempera on wood, 74 × 46,8 × 2,5 cm Inscription: s(ve)taa pytka Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć he saint Paraskeve is depicted frontaly in fulligure in a slightly sunken narrow rectengular space of the icon. She is dressed in a light-coloured maphorion which was once gilded. In her risen right hand she is holding a cross in front of her chest and a long burning candle in the let. Her nimbus is gilded and decorated with imprinted and punctuated vine-like motifs. he ktetors inscription, writen next to her, is very worn-out and only partially readable containing the date of the creation of the icon writen at the end of the inscription: 0 z 0 s# 0 k# 0 i# 0 (year 7228 from the creation of the world, i. e. year 1719/1720. from the Birth of Christ). he icon represents a git of Stojan, the ćurčibaša of Skoplje (head of the skinner’s guild), to the Patriarchate of Peć. Nine scenes from the Vita of the Saint and the history of her relics are depicted alongside the frame, encircling the middle of the icon that bears the central igure of the Saint. he scenes start at the upper let corner: Saint Paraskeve in prayer at the temple before the icon of the Mother of God; Saint Paraskeve leaving for the desert and he Angel of God telling her to return to her homeland (depicted in the same ield); he passing of Saint Paraskeve in her hometown and he Stylite inviting people to bury the remains of a sailor; Saint Paraskeve appearing to Georgios and Euphemia asking them to bury her honourably; he discovering of Saint Paraske- 466 caTaLoGUE ve’s remains; he translation of Saint Paraskeve’s relics from Epibatai to Tŭrnovo; he deposition of Saint Paraskeve’s relics. Alongside the rim of the icon runs an ornament of a blooming vine enclosed by a red painted frame. he frame also encloses each of the episodes. On the upper rim of the icon there are two original hanging loops. Two nail holes prove that the nimbus of the Saint was once shackeled. he master painter of the icon was probably one of the late zographoi from the Dimitrijević family from Boka Kotorska – Dimitrije himself or one of his sons. As a literary template, he used the Vita of the Saint writen by patriarch Evtimij of Tŭrnovo, inscribing a long text alongside every episode. he icon is painted azurely, in light tones that mainly consist of ochre and green with black or red details and with the abundant use of gold, especially for the clothes. he modeling is lat, the space surrounding the protagonists is carefully modeled, with the architecture and rocky landscape depicted in detail. he painted layer has darkened in places. Literature: Каталог ризнице, 10, cat. no. 12; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 322, 323, ig. 207; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Пећка патријаршија, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, ig. 166–168. Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 467 V II.8. SainT arSEniJE i, SErBian arcHBiSHoP icon by maksim Tujković, Peć (?), 1734 Tempera on the board, 31 × 20,3 × 2 cm Inscription: s(ve)tQ arsenJe ar'hiepiskMpq srbski Novi Sad, Gallery of Matica Srpska, inv. no. U 2587 he icon of Saint Arsenije I, Serbian Archbishop, was done by a painter Maksim Tujković in 1734, ordered by Serbian Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović Šakabenta. On the slightly dented middle section of the icon, full igure of Saint Arsenije is represented as an old man with long gray hair and beard, in the top part in green and in the lower in dark green. He is frontally facing the spectator, with his right hand he is ofering blessings, while in his let hand are archbishop’s baton and closed Gospel. He is wearing an archiereus robe in green and red, decorated with golden loral elements, as well as mitre on his head. here is a halo around his head marked with a circle of punctured spots, along which on the interior side three carved spots are repeated periodically as a decoration. He is inscribed as ‘Saint Arsenije, Serbian Archbishop’. he background of the igure is golden in the upper part of the icon, while in the lower it is painted in pink and green. In the middle of the icon, on the pink background donor’s inscription writen in gold: sїю ikonU pisa bl(a)/enei[i g(o)s(podi)nq patrїarhq srbski kїrїe kurq arsenїe ;etvrt%i& let(a) a.y.#.d. (his icon was painted by the most blessed sir, kyr Arsenije IV Serbian Patriarch, in 1734) 468 caTaLoGUE Painter Maksim Tujković, monk in the Monastery of Cetinje, was one of the best Serbian icon painters in the irst half of 18th century. He came from the circle of painters from Boka Kotorska, whose education was inluenced by a well-known Serbian painter Radul. He was a productive painter, who let icon works in Boka Kotorska, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Metohija. On several occasions, he worked for the Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović. For this Patriarch he painted a part of the Royal doors in the Church of the Holy Apostoles in Peć, ater which he painted the icon of Saint Arsenije of Serbia. It is deemed that upon Patriarch’s recommendation, he painted the lowest tier of iconostasis of the Old Serbian Church in Sarajevo. By ordering of the icon of his namesake Arsenije I, Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović intended to demonstrate his legitimacy on the head of Serbian church, as well as exert and conirm his dignity as a Patriarch. Literature: Ракић, Икона Светог Арсенија, 113–124; Тодић, Српски сликари II, 15–16; Вујовић, Уметност обновљене Србије, 192–194; Коларић, Српска уметност, 19; Давидов, Шелмић, Иконе, 77–78; Зеремски, Библиографија, 147, no. 182. Ana Kostić Đekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 469 V II.9. SainT Sava ii, SErBian arcHBiSHoP icon from the patriarchate of peć, the beginning of the 18th century Tempera on wood, 61,5 × 35,1 × 2,5 cm Inscription: s(ve)tQi sava v# 1 arhJe<pi>skopô ...b.... Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć In the center of an elongated painted surface, a full igure of Serbian archbishop saint Sava II (1263–1271) is depicted. He is dressed in sticharion with epitrachelion, over which he is wearing a phelonion with omophorion. Over his hip is epigonation. With his right hand he is bestowing a blessing, and in his let he is holding a closed gospel. He is wearing a mitre on his head. he lower part of the background is light colored and covered with black and red dots, while the upper part is dark green. At the level of archbishop’s face marked by the halo, the remains of the inscription are visible: Saint Sava the Second. Archbishop (Serbian). Along the rim there is a red border. In the 470 caTaLoGUE lower let corner, the text of founder’s inscription with the year when the icon was painted is only partially legible: az o...az ... ...bi... azô ... q[nqIi Ieromona ... ... na .... he icon is the work of an unknown provincial artist, whose style is close to naive painting. His inexperienced drawing abilities resemble caricature. he paint was applied in a thin layer. Among the icons that are preserved today in the treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć, there are no other works of this master. Literature: unpublished. Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 471 V II.10. SainT dEMETrioS icon by unknown late zographos, second half of the 18th century Tempera on wood, 65 × 51 × 4,5 cm Inscription: s(ve)tqI v(e)l(iko)m(ou);(enikq) dimit'rIe Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church Saint Demetrios is depicted as a young warrior, standing in semi proile and dressed in clothes derived from the Roman soldiers’ equipment. He is wearing a red tunic, golden armour with accentuated musculature and a dark cloak with golden folds, over it. With the lance in his hands he is piercing a fallen enemy, the Emperor Kaloyan, who is depicted as a middle-aged man with longer hair, a beard, and a crown on his head. He is wearing a red tunic, golden mail with straps and a red cloak over it. he scene occupies the foreground of the icon while a hilly scenery with a town enclosed within walls is depicted on a golden background. he widespread cult of Saint Demetrios in the Balkans, developed in hessaloniki whose protector the Saint was considered to be from the 5th century. According to hagiographical texts, Saint Demetrios protected this imperial city many times ater his death and one such miracle is represented on the icon. he miracle in question is the lancing of the Bulgarian Emperor Kaloyan during the Bulgarian siege of hessaloniki in 1207. However, the icon has a universal meaning of victory over the non-believing enemy and evil in general, which was particularly important during the 472 caTaLoGUE Otoman rule in the Balkan area. he iconography of the icon in which Saint Demetrios is emphasized as a helper and protector of the Orthodox believers, represents the general solution in the new age Orthodox icon painting. he integral part of the icon is the carved wooden frame with loral motifs which were once probably painted and gilded. he abundance of silver and gold noticeable in the treatment of the background, the clothes of Saint Demetios and Emperor Kaloyan, the diferend layers of lacquer that produced ine transitions were all used to create the impression of praise for the depicted Saint and that was one of the characteristics of the painters who worked in the 18th and 19th century. he inely modelated image of Saint Demetrios and the good proportions of the igures imply that the late zographos was very skilled and that he probably came from a very important artistic centre in the Balkans. According to its stylistic characteristics, the icon of Saint Demetrios can be dated roughly to the second half of the 18th century. Literature: unpublished. Ana Kostić Đekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 473 V II.11. SainT Sava and SainT SiMEon oF SErBia icon by unknown russian painter, originated in peć, 18th century Tempera on canvas impregnated into wood , 27,2 × 23 × 2,6 cm Inscription: s(ve)ti sava pervqJ arhiepiskoÈp serbskqIi %;ud&otvorec; prepodobne semiionq serpskiÈ miroto;ivqJ Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć In the center of the icon full igures of St Sava and St Simeon on the rocky landscape are depicted. hey are facing one another, in a three-quarter view, while praying with their hands raised towards Christ Emmanuel [Is# h$s], who’s frontal bust portrait is depicted in the sky on the top icon ield. St Sava of Serbia is represented as a young bishop with brown hair and a beard and a wrinkled forehead. he inscription indicates that he is the irst Serbian archbishop and miracle worker. He is wearing sticharion with epitrachelion, over which he has a lavishly embroidered golden polystavrion. In his right hand he holds a closed gospel. St Simeon is portrayed as megaloschemos: he is wearing a bright monastic mandyas with analavos embroided with a red cross with cryptograms. He has a dark mantle over his shoulder and a koukoulion on his head. he inscription indicates that he is ‘Hosios Saint Simeon the Myroblite’. In his let hand he is holding an open scroll with in- 474 caTaLoGUE scription: priIdete ;adwÈ poslU[ete mene i strahU g(ospo)dn} nau;u vas(q) (Come you, children, listen to me, I will teach you the fear of the Lord). Riza once decorated both the frame of the icon and golden halos of saints. Painted layer darkened. here is a cloud surrounding Emmanuel while giving blessing with his arms opened. he icon represents the work of a Russian master in the 18th century. His style is characterized by an accurate, sophisticated drawing with many carefully brought out details. he proportions are in harmony, modeling is light, with partially thin layered surfaces. Expressive portraits of the nobleman of the Nemanjid dynasty contribute to the strong and sensitive expression of the artist. Literature: unpublished. Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 475 V II.12. 476 SainT MarK THE EvanGELiST icon from the patriarchate of peć, late 18th – beginning of the 19th century Tempera on wooden panel, 51 × 28 × 2,5 cm Inscription: s(veti) eV(an)g(elistq) marko Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć St. Mark the Evangelist is depicted in fulllength, in semi proile, facing right. He is represented as an elderly man, with grey hair and a short grey beard, dressed in a chiton and himation. He is holding a closed Gospel in his right hand while his let is lited to chestheight. he background is divided into two parts, with a red frame along the icon's rim. he nimbus of the saint and the edges of the gospel are gilded. he wooden frame is partially damaged, as well as the painted layer. Christian cratsmen, merchants, monks and guilds of that time. It is characterized by a vivid colour scheme and well-balanced proportions, as well as the impressive artistic abilities of the late zographos, represented by the skillfully depicted folds on the Saint’s himation. It was most likely part of an iconostasis, along with the icon of the Virgin depicted in regal robes, painted by the same artist. Based on the artistic style, both icons could be attributed to Simeon Lazović. he icon was painted at the end of 18th or beginning of the 19th century in a manner simmilar to the icons commissioned by wealthy Literature: unpublished. caTaLoGUE Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 477 V II.13. THE virGin WiTH cHriST, ProPHETS and SainTS icon by aleksije lazović, the Patriarchate of Peć, 1806 Tempera on the board, 62,3 × 48,7 × 3 cm Donor’s inscription: sei wbrazô pr(esve)tiA b(ogorodi)cqI vl(a)d(i);(i)cqJ1 drevly pisana s(ve)tqImi apostolomô 0 e# 0 lMka ]ko/e na semq drevetM a si} sopisa aleKJe lazovi;ô = 1806 5 a sJa ikona pera i dana gavrJlovJ:a Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church On the flat surface of the wooden bearer in the middle section, the Mother of God [mi#r TV] is represented up to her waist with Child [Ji#s hs# (in the halo: o W n )]. Above her, fragment of the sky with the dove of the Holy Spirit, surrounded by clouds, is placed. On the let, one can see representations of Saint Apostle Peter [s(veti) a(postolq) petarq], John [s(veti) a(postolq) IwÉanq], Luke [s(veti) a(postolq) lMka], Аndrew [s(veti) a(postolq) andre], Simon [s(veti) a(postolq) simon] and homas [s(veti) a(postolq) Toma], and on the right figures of Apostle Paul [s(veti) a(postolq) paval], Mathew [s(veti) a(postolq) maTei], Маrk [s(veti) a(postolq) marko], Jacob [s(veti) a(postolq) iakov], Bartholomew [s(veti) a(postolq) vartolomei] and Philip [s(veti) a(postolq) fJlip]. Along the lower edge of the frame, in the separate sections representations of Saint Nicholas [s(ve)tJi nJkolaiÈ], in the middle, Saint Cyricus [s(ve)tqIi kJrJkô] and Saint Julita [s(ve)taA oulJta] are painted up to their waists. Bellow the bust of the Virgin in the square ield the text of the donor’s inscription is writ- 478 caTaLoGUE ten in two rows, framed by the gold frame, in which names of donors are pointed out in red. he inscription states that the icon was created ater the one, which is associated with Saint Apostle Luke according to the legend, as well as that it was painted by Aleksije Lazović in 1806, upon the order of Pera and Dana Gavrilović. he top contains metal ring for hanging. he halos of the Virgin and Child had metal cuf, as well as the Virgin’s hand. Red frame runs along the edge of wooden bearer. he painted part is dark in some places. he icon is one of the best works of Aleksije Lazović, painter from Bijelo polje, who along with this piece with his father Simeon, also painted the despotic icons for the iconostasis of the church of St Demetrios in 1803–1804, as well as restored Annunciation on the Royal Doors of Metropolitan Antonije. Literature: Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 334; Тодић, Српски сликари I, 32; Чанак-Медић, Тодић, Пећка патријаршија, 196. Miljana Matić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 479 V II.14. FUnEaL cErEMonY oF SainT STEFan dEčanSKi icon from the the monastery of dečani, irst half of the 17th century, restored in 1813 Tempera on canvas (laminated) on board, 129 × 68 × 4 cм Inscription: pogrebenJe s(vetago) velikomM;en(i)ka 0 i/e vo caryhx stefana 0 i/e v de;anyhx. s<J}> iko<n>M <po>novi popx simewnx lazovi;x wt(x) beloga polA 5 1813 6 Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani his icon was depicted in the irst half of the 17th century. Some scientists have atributed it to painters Kozma and Georgije, the authors of a few icons from Dečani, painted during the time of heguоmenos Diomidije, in 1619/1620. he icon was restored in 1813 by painter Simeon Lazović from Bijelo Polje, at the time of the great restoration of Dečani (end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century), conducted by archimandrite Hadji Danilo Kažanegra Paštrović and hegоumenos Hadji Zaharije. he restoration of the older icons was an important part of Lazović’s activity which included the conservation and restoration of icons and their additional painting which partially changed the icons, giving them a new stylistic expression which was more to the liking of the ktetors. he scene is set horizontally on a somewhat narrower and long board, taking up its entire width and repeating the iconograhical solution of the Dormition of the Virgin. he focal point of the composition is the deathbed with the body of Dečanski who is clad in royal garments and wearing a crown on his head. he partakers of the funeral are depicted all around the deathbed and devided into two groups made up of bishops, monks, deacons, people holding candles, soldiers wearing shirts of mail and helmets. hanks to the inscriptions in the halos, one can recognize among the present crowd, archbishop Danilo II [pat<riar>h(q) danilq] to the right of the deathbed and the irst hegoumenos of Dečani, Arsenije [igMmenq ar'senie] next to him. 480 caTaLoGUE he monk with the long brown beard is standing over the deathbed with an open liturgical book in his hands, the words from the Psalm 118 writen on its pages [bla/enQ neporo;nQ vq poutq hode{eE = Blessed are the blameless in the way who walk (in the law of the Lord)]. he soul of Saint Stefan appears above the centaly positioned partakers of the funeral. His soul is depicted as a small child in swaddling clothes and encircled in a mandorla that is being carried by two angels towards Christ who is represented in a sphere. Stylized buildings, among which the church of Dečani can be recognized, are depicted in the background, to the let and right of Christ. he whole composition is inscribed alonside the upper rim of the icon (he funeral of the saint megalomartyr Stefan, who is among emperors, and who lies in Dečani). In the lower let corner of the icon there is a damaged inscription refering to its restoration (his icon was restored by priest Simeon Lazović of Bijelo Polje, 1813). he icon was painted in the traditional style which was dominant among the Orthodox population at the time of the Otoman rule. he base of the upper part of the icon is yellow, the lower is dark. he dominant colours are red, green, ochre, black, white, pink, blue and brown. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 122–123, 163; Чанак Медић, Тодић, Манастир Дечани, 213; Станић, Сликарска заоставштина Симеона и Алексија Лазовића, 237. Ana Kostić Đekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 481 V II.15. THrEE SErBian SainTS and THrEE HoLY MonKS icon from the treasury of the monastery of dečani, Podgorica (?), 1838 Tempera on wooden panel, 39 × 29,7 cm Inscription: sJ} ikonM prilo/i[e podgori;anQ eSnafx tMfek;iski od s(ve)t(a)go velikomM;enika gewrgIa ou h<ra>m ...spomenx 1838 m(ese)ca I}nJA Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church his icon is a donation made by the gunsmiths’ guild of Podgorica and it was painted in 1838, probably by a local painter. During the 19th century, wealthy citizens and guilds were known to be ktetors of religious art and benefactors of churches and monasteries. Apart from being a common practice, giving such donations served as a sign of religious devotion and as a reminder to the general public of the social status of such benefactors. bo/Ji], all portrayed frontally. Saints Anthony and Euthymios are in monastic robes, depicted as old men with long beards, holding inscribed scrolls. St. Anthony’s scroll reads: azx boga ne bo}sA pone/e vol} ego tvor} ( I am not afraid of the Lord for I fulill His command) and St. Euthymios’s: imaJte poslM[anJe smIrenomMdrJemq i krotostJ} (Have obedience through mindfullnes and humility). St. Alexios is depicted as a middle aged man, he icon is divided into two parts, both with a with a brown beard and hair, wearing a short golden frame. In the upper part of the icon, stand- brown garment, with his arms crossed on his ing igures of three Serbian Saints are depicted: St. chest. he background is divided into two zones King Stefan Dečanski [s(veti) st(e)fanx kr(a)lx – the upper one blue and the lower brown. de;anski], St. Arsenios, the Archbishop of Serbia At the botom of the icon, placed on a gilded [s(veti) arsenJe arhIepiskopx serbski] and St. Prince frame that encircles the holy men is a votive inLazar of Serbia [s(veti) lazar kn(e)zx serbskI]. scription: his icon was donated by the men of All three are depicted frontally. Both St. Stefan Podgorica, the gunsmith’s guild of St. George to the Dečanski and St. Lazar are wearing regal robes church ...dedicated in 1838, in the month of June. and crowns on their heads, holding the martyrs’ crosses and sceptres, while St. Arsenios is repre- his icon follows the traditional model of relisented in an episcopal vestment and mitre, hold- gious painting that was dominant among the ing a crosier in his let hand and blessing with his Orthodox Christian population of the Balkans right. he Saints’ robes are green, red and golden, during the Otoman rule and under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of he Ecumenical Patriand richly decorated with loral motifs. archate of Constantinople. Its iconographic soFull-length standing igures of three promlution and stylistic characteristics points to the inent holy monks are depicted in the lower skillful late zographos, probably originating from register of the icon: St. Anthony the Great one of the Macedonian icon-painting workshops. [s(veti) antwnIe velIkJ], St. Euthymios the Great [s(veti) evTimIe velJki] and St. Alex- Literature: unpublished. ios the Man of God [s(veti) aleksie ;elovekq Ana Kostić Đekić 482 caTaLoGUE ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 483 V II.16. aATHISTOS HyMN TO SAINT STEFAN dEČANSKI monastery of dečani, 1812/1813 Paper, 30 fols., tempera and black ink, 22 × 15,5 cm Belgrade, National Library of Serbia, Decani 151 he donors of this manuscript were archimandrite Danil and hegoumenos Zaharije from Dečani. According to their wishes, the manuscript was writen in February 1812 and painted in 1812/1813. he information about the creation of the manuscript is on folio 4. he signature of painter Aleksije Lazovic is in the margin of the miniature of hegoumenos kyr Hadji Zaharija: aleKJe rM%ko}& (by the hand of Alexios). he text is writen in 19th century half-uncial typography with diacritical and punctuation marks. he language is Serbian, older recension, with a stronger inluence of Slaveno-Serbian and Russian-Slavonic. It has cardboard bindings coated with light brown leather with ornaments, in the form of stylized vines, twigs, and rosetes. On folio 1 is a portrait miniature of archimandrite Hadji Danilo with the inscription: 18131 haNi danJlx arhim%andritx&1 s1 de;anski (1813. Hadji Danilo the archimandrite of Dečani). He is represented with gray hair and beard, and epanokamelaukion with a veil on his head. In the let hand he is holding an archimandrite stick and a handkerchief, and is bestowing a blessing with his right hand. In the background scenery are several genre scenes with tiny black igures working on the repair of the Dečani monastery. On folio 2 is a miniature with the portrait of hegoumenos Hadji Zaharija with the inscrip- 484 caTaLoGUE tion: 18131 haNi zaharJi JgMmen1 s!1 de;a%n&ski (1813 Hadji Zaharija hegoumenos of Dečani). He is represented with a black beard and hair, and a kalimavkion with a wrapped veil on his head. Next to his head is a ribbon with inscription: za sI} cerkov preda} dM[M mo} (I give my soul to this church). He is leaning on a stick with his right hand, and holds a prayer rope in his let. Hadji Zaharija is standing next to a writing desk with books. In the background is a scenery with tiny igures working on the Dečani monastery. It is especially worth mentioning the representations of two painters working on easels. On folio 4 is a miniature with an image of the Holy King Stefan Dečanski, with an inscription on a medallion: sJa knig%a& ha%Ni& JgM%mana& zaharJe de;a%nskog& (his is the book of Hadji Zaharija, the hegoumenos of Dečani). he holy king is not marked with an inscription, and is represented as the rulers from the Hristofor Džefarović’s Stemmatographia. He has long hair and a beard, and wears a closed crown on his head. He is wearing a long red divitision with golden ornaments and wide trimming. He is wearing loros. He is wearing a cloak with stoat lining over his dress, and golden shoes. In his right hand he is holding a scepter, and a cross and a palm branch in his let. On his right side are two pillars with drapery, and on his let a stylized facade of Dečani. he background is blue, and from a small cloud the Hand of God is giving an open crown to the Holy King. A printed baroque graphic depicting the Holy Trinity is glued on folio 5. On folios 4 and 5 initials were made with red ink and are the size of four lines of text, decorated with stylized twigs. Literature: Шакота, Два илуминирана рукописа, 62–65; Вујовић, Уметност обновљене Србије, 240, 297, ig. 63–64; Станић, Сликарска заоставштина Симеона и Алексија Лазовића, 233, 235, ig. 1–2; Макуљевић, Портрети, 119–133; Тодић, Чанак-Медић, Манастир Дечани, 103, ig. 126, 127, 129; Опис рукописа манастира Дечани, 599–600. Marko Katić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 485 V II.17. MonaSTErY oF dEčani etching, g. Stojanović, G. A. Miller, 1746, graphic page from the 18th century Etching plate, plate 65,2 × 54,6 cm; composition 64,5 × 54,5 Belgrade, Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church he treasury of Dečani possesses a few etching plates of which the oldest, from the year 1746, bears the image of the monastery of Dečani. It was commissioned by the Patriarch of Serbia, Arsenije IV Jovanović Šakabenta and it seems that the hegoumenos of Dečani, Jovan Georgijević, a friend of the Patriarch, his exarch at one point and later his successor, supervised its creation. Being ordered by the Patriarch, the drawing for the later graphic was prepared a year earlier in Dečani, in February 1745, by the painter Georgije Stojanović from Sremski Karlovci, and the plate was then etched in 1746 in the workshop of Gustav Adolf Miller in Vienna. With a certail idealisation and in accordance with the standardized Baroque model for the representation of monastic dwellings, Dečani and its surroundings are depicted on the etching plate. he central image is that of the symbolic topography of the monastery Dečani which is additionally explained by writen notes that are placed in a separate ield in the lower part of the monastic dwelling’s image. In the upper let corner of the etching plate is an oval composition with the image of the Pentecost. A miniature image of Stefan Dečanski holding a scroll with the ktetor’s plea for salvation while in gesture of supplication to Christ who is among clouds, is depicted in the upper right corner. Stefan is represented within the church of Dečani, while his insignia – crown and scepter – lay on a stony table. In the lower let corner 486 caTaLoGUE is a representative portrait of the commissioner, Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović. He is dressed in archiepiscopal vestments with a staf in his hand. By incorporating his own representative portrait into the composition, Šakabenta wanted to conirm his jurisdiction over the monastery and to conirm his title, as well. he purposes of the graphic image of the monastery were many. Apart from being multiplied and handed out as gits to pilgrims, its painted program showed the sacral topography of the monastery and the fact that it is under the jurisdiction of Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović. hat is how this graphic image of Dečani, as a national place, represented a one of a kind political and ecclesiastical propagandistic material. It was made with Baroque stylistic features and as such it represented the ideal picture of a monastery with symbolic meanings of Heaven on earth. Later, in 1857 and 1871, two more replicas of the etching were made, but on them, the portrait of Patriarch Arsenije IV was replaced with the images of new commissioners. he replicas have not since remained in the monastery’s treasury. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 315, with earlier literature; Вучковски Савић, Георгије Стојановић, 67–70; Давидов, Српска графика, 219– 220, 346–347, ig. 199–203; Тодић, Чанак-Медић, Манастир Дечани, 223. Ana Kostić Đekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 487 V II.18. THE PaTriarcHaTE oF PEć etching, g. Stojanović, G. A. Miler, 1745/1746, graphic page from the 18th century Etching plate has not survived; composition 94 × 74 cm Inscription: obrazx arhJep(i)sk(o)pJi serbskJA i patrJar[Ji m(a)n(a)stqIrA pekskagw Treasury of the Patriarchate of Peć Arsenije IV Jovanović Šakabenta, the patriarch of Serbia, commissioned the etching with the image of the Patriarchate of Peć. He sent the painter Georgije Stojanović from Sremski Karlovci to Dečani and Peć to draw the monasteries and their surroundings so that he could use the drawings as templates for the creation of etchings, their multiplation and as handouts for people. he veduta of the monastery of Peć was etched in copper and sent to Vienna, to the workshop of Gustav Adolf Miller in 1746, at the same time the etching with the image of Dečani was sent. he image of the Patriarchate of Peć is conceptualised in accordance with the accustomed Baroque model used for representations of monastic dwellings. he symbolic topography of a monastery is shown in the middle of the composition with additional descriptions given in writen explanations. he Patriarchate of Peć is adressed as ‘he Serbian Archbishopry and the Patriarchate of the monastery of Peć’ which clearly shows its principal meaning to the institution of the Serbian Church. he representations of all the important parts of the monastic dwellings – churches, the Patriarchal palace, cells, buildings, gardens – were given special attention. In the lower right corner of the etching plate is a schematic image of the monastery’s surrounding which includes the town of Peć. A portrait bust of the ktetor, Arsenije IV Jovanović is represented in the lower let corner. By incorporating his own representative portrait into the 488 caTaLoGUE composition, the Patriarch wanted to conirm his jurisdiction over the monastery and to accentuate and conirm his own eminence. hree images are depicted above the illustration of the monastery: Saint Sava, he Ascension of Christ and Saint Arsenije. he middle lower rim of the composition has a detailed note which explains some of the monastic dwellings and beneath them is an inscription with the information regarding the creation of the etching. In the inscription, Georgije Stojanović notes that he had inished the drawing for the etching on May 22nd 1745 in Sremski Karlovci, that it was created in April 1746 in Vienna and commissioned by patriarch Arsenije IV. he purpose of the graphic page was to attract as many pilgrims and donors as possible, which is why the description of every building and monastic estate is so detailed. It is also considered that the hegoumenos of Dečani, Jovan Georgijević took part in the preparation. Georgije Stojanović and Gustav Miller produced an etching with features of the baroque style, making a picture of an ideal surrounding with the symbolic meaning of Heaven on earth achieved through graphic stylisation of nature and monastic dwellings. Literature: Давидов, Српска графика, 345–346, ig. 198; Ђурић, Ћирковић, Кораћ, Пећка патријаршија, 325–327. Ana Kostić Đekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 489 V II.19. SancTiFicaTion croSS oF PriEST SiMa FroM MonaSTErY oF dEvič local workshop, 1805 Wood, carving, gilded iligree and wire itings, decorated with corals and ornamental stones, height 49 cm, diameter of the cross 19.5 cm, dimensions of the cross 42 cm Inscription: seJ s(ve)tJ krest sovgr(a)dJ popa sJma prJ{eva;kJ na(s)tojatelx svetodevJ;kJ so bratiJu 1805 leto mesecx maJ 31: 9: denx Belgrade, Museum of Serbian Orthodox Church According to known sources, the Monastery Devič, in which the remains of St. Joanikije Devički were kept, was one of the most important spiritual centers in Kosovo and Metohija during the 18th and 19th centuries. According to Devič’s donation records, many believers gave contributions to the monastery during the 18th century and continued to do so aterwards. One of the gits to the monastery was a cross which was placed on May 9th 1805 by its prior, the priest Sima of Priština, and the monastery brotherhood, as testiies the inscription at the foot of the cross. he cross was done in low relief wood carving technique. On one side of the cross there is an image of the Cruciixion. To the let and right arms of the cross are bust images of the Virgin and John the heologian, while in the upper and lower arms are bust images of the two evangelists. On the other side of the cross is the carved image of the Baptism of Christ, whose integral part is the igure of St. John and another igure placed on the side arm of the cross. In the upper and lower arms are bust images of the two evangelists. he plating around the cross was done in iligree technique with a motif of a vine with curved leaves. On the upper arm of the cross there is a iligree cup with three stylized grape 490 caTaLoGUE clusters on top. Four of these same cups are arranged in the cross-section of the cross. he iligree cups and cross bars are enclosed in spiralized gold plated wire. On the frontal sides of the side arms a iligree vine branches out with sporadically placed stylized clusters, rhombuses and pellets. Decorative stones are placed at the corners, cross-sections and ends of the cross arms. he ends of the iligree branches are partially decorated with miniature red apples with golden sticks. he foot of the cross is hammered silver with iligree plating with motifs of braids and hearts decorated with red and green precious stones. he handle of the cross with three apples is covered with iligree plating with spiral and lower motifs. On the lower edge of the foot is the above mentioned donor’s inscription. According to its style, the priest Sima’s cross represents a transitional type of cross, typical for the end of the 18th and beginning of the19th century. he intricate and masterful work makes it a representative piece from the beginning of the 19th century and indicates the work of a skilled jeweler, probably from one of the beter local workshops. Literature: unpublished. Ana Kostić Đekic ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 491 V II.20. SancTiFicaTion croSS oF HiEroMonK AlINIK dečani Workshop – cratsman Ignjatije (?), second or third decade of the 19th century Wood, carving, gold plated hardware, decorated with corals and ornamental stones. Height 25 cm, diameter at the foot of the cross 9 cm, dimensions of the cross itself 14 × 2 cm Inscription: sei krestx eromonaha kalenIka de;anca; later added ignatiA Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani The cross belonged to Hadji Kalinik Golubović, who became the hegoumenos of the Dečani monastery in 1821. It was made in low proile wood carving. On one side of the cross, in the middle, is the Cruciixion, on the lower arm is the image of the dead Christ, on the upper arm is the image of the Presentation of Christ in the Temple, while on the side arms are symbols of Evangelists. On the other side of the cross, in the middle, is the carved image of the Baptism of Christ, in the upper arm is an unreadable damaged composition, in the lower arm there is the Transiguration of Christ, while the symbols of the Evangelists are on the side arms of the cross. he plating around the cross was made in the iligree technique, with a motif of a vine with folded leaves. On the upper arm of the cross there is a iligree cupola with two branches on the side and a dove on the top – the symbol of the Holy Spirit. Four of these same cupolas are arranged on the side arms of the cross and on the iligree branches beneath them. he frontal sides of the side arms are decorated with tulip lowers and iligree leaves. he decorative stones with corals between them 492 caTaLoGUE are placed on the corners and cross arms of the cross. he foot of the cross is hammered silver with iligree plating. It is decorated with motifs of lowered branches, while the handle with two apples is covered in spiral motifs. On the botom side of the foot there is an engraved inscription: his is the cross of Hieromonk Kalinik Dečanac, with the name Ignjatije later added. If this is the signature of the artist, then it may be the same artist who in 1826 made the two glasses in Dečani. he cross of Hadji Kalinik Golubović represents the type of a cross typical for the end of the 18th and beginning of the19th century. he plating made with wire enamel, but without enamel, the iligree cupolas and the openings that reminisce the gothic double-light window windows make this cross very unique. he elements of the transitional style, the iligree branches in the shape of tulips and the iligree meshwork with spiral motifs cover the entire handle. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 183, 206. Ana Kostić Đekic ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 493 V II.21. TWo viGiL LaMPS WiTH MEdaLLionS originated in peć, end of the 18th–beginning of the 19th century Silver, bronze, casting and punching Height1 without chain 19.5 cm, with chain about 50 cm; diameter111 cm Height2 without chain 19.5 cm, with chain about 50 cm; diameter211 cm Belgrade, Museum of Applied Arts, inv. no. 1136/1,2 hese two vigil lamps of the same design and processing technique, but with diferent igures, decorative details and chains, were produced by the same workshop. hey are made of three deltoid shape panels with accentuated, decoratively joined edges. At the botom, under an open lower, a silver ball is hanging (it is atached on the other vigil lamp). On top is a thin round plate with a circular opening in the middle. he chains that hold the lamp are suspended on medallions, fastened along the edges of the object. Large round medallions, which are placed on each side of the irst vigil lamp, are decorated with images of St. George, St. Demetrios and the Virgin. Smaller medallions, below the central compositions, are decorated with stylized crosses. Side surfaces are illed with motifs of lowers and leaves, as well as a combination of geometric and vegetable decoration using the punching technique. hree round 494 caTaLoGUE medallions with images of the Virgin Orans carry the chains. On the other vigil lamp the larger medallions are decorated with images of the Annunciation, Baptism and Christ Pantokrator, with an angel at the botom. Medallions with crosses are slightly smaller than those from the irst vigil lamp, while the medallions that are in shape of seraphims are holding the chains. Traces of rather poor repairs are noticeable. Stylistically, the vigil lamps point to the work of a local artisan, more skilful in making decorative motifs than igure representations, loyal to traditional iconography, but also under the inluence of the Western European decorative elements of that time, such as the winged angel, rich decor, wavy edges. Literature: unpublished. Mila Gajić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 495 V II.22. viGiL LaMP WiTH TWo-lIgHt WINDoWS balkan workshop, 18th–19th century Copper, casting, cuting, punching and sliting techniques Height 12 cm, diameter at opening 9 cm, diameter at base 5.5 cm Belgrade, Museum of Serbian Orthodox Church, Treasury of the Monastery of Dečani Vigil lamps have been used in the Christian church from the earliest times and are most oten placed in front of an icon of the saint. hey carry a complex spiritual-symbolic meaning, transforming the Divine Light, the light of the righteous and the light of the future life in the Kingdom of God. he treasury of the Dečani Monastery has a large number of lamps, among which is this, made of copper with casting, cuting, punching and sliting techniques. he vigil lamp is cylindrical in shape, with a semicircular botom that has circular slits. The handles are stylized in Gothic style. Along the upper rim, the horizontal fence is cut out in the form of stylized connected lilies. Along the lower rim of the vigil lamp is the fence with the same motifs, but curved upwards. he vigil lamp is decorated with three two-light windows with igures of the apostles. Below the apostles is the motif of a stylized cypress in interlaced vine. Based on this type of frieze, with images of the Apos- 496 caTaLoGUE tles in the two-light windows, a Gothic motif which also appears on the so-called Cross of ‘Tsar Dušan’ and whose earliest displays we can ind at around 1600 in Bulgaria, this vigil lamp is connected to a larger group of vigil lamps that were practiced by Chiprovtsi and Vratsa goldsmiths throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. Unlike Gothic motifs with apostles in two-light windows, the motif of the cypress in a stylized loral vine patern is of oriental origin. Representations of the apostles in two-light windows and cypresses in a loral vine patern on the vigil lamp bear symbolic of paradisiac landscapes. his well-preserved vigil lamp, of exquisite workmanship, represents one of beter examples of some Balkan workshops of the 18th or early 19th century. Literature: Шакота, Дечанска ризница, 186, 218, 260, ig. 121. Ana Kostic Đekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 497 V II.23. EMBroidErEd EPIMANIKIA Serbian cratsman, beginning of the 18th century Diferent types of stitches: laid, chain and ill Purple satin, gold and silver string, brown, dark, red, light blue and black thread, goldwork application, 30 × 19 × 18 cm Belgrade, Museum of Serbian Orthodox Church he epimanikia are a part of the liturgical vestment and are cufs used to tighten the sleeves of the sticharion so that a member of the clergy can perform liturgical activities freely with his hands. hey carry a complex symbolic meaning, signifying the power of God that strengthens those who perform the sacred rituals and at the same time remind us of the bonds of Christ as he was taken to Pontius Pilate. he epimanikia from the Dečani Treasury represent a distinctive example of embroidery from the beginning of the 18th century. he lining is made of pink satin and embroidered with golden ribbon, depicting the Annunciation. On one epimanikion, in a trapezoidal ield, the Holy Archangel Gabriel is embroidered in a semi-proile, with a lily in his let hand. With his right hand he is bestowing a blessing. Vines with buds and lowers that frame the Archangel, are coming out of vases placed in the two lower corners. A golden narrow border separates the central ield with the Archangel from the frieze of a vine with 498 caTaLoGUE bell-shaped lowers. On the other epimanikion, in a trapezoidal ield, the Virgin (T) is shown siting on the throne holding a spindle in her let hand. he central composition with the image of the Virgin is placed in a lower vine with a same frieze as in the irst epimanikion. he only parts of the epimanikia that are embroidered with diferent color threads are the ones containing images of the Holy Archangel Gabriel and the Virgin, while all the other parts are embroidered with silver and gold thread. he embroidery is precise, done with diferent techniques of laid, chain and ill stitches at a very high crat-artistic level. A good igure drawing points to an experienced artisan, who probably came from one of the local workshops. Literature: Мирковић, Православна литургика, 125; Шакота, Ризнице манастира, 21, сл. 42; eadem, Дечанска ризница, 270, 275–276. Ana Kostić Djekić ART IN THE EARly MOdERN PERIOd ANd 19TH CENTuRy 499 V II.24. PEndanT WiTH THE crUciFixion originated in kosovo and metohija, end of the 19th century Silver, casting, repoussé and engraving techniques, length 9 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1524 Pendants such as these belong to the group of pectoral jewelry, which are mostly done in iligree technique with tiny beads and they are oten additionally and luxuriously adorned with small stones and paste of diferent colour. his pendant shaped as a heavy cross features a Cruciixion, two angels above it and, at the very top, the image of Christ Acheiropoietos. Below the cross is a skull which symbolizes Golgotha. he pendant has a bail through which a chain is slid through. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 385, no. 1492. Mina Darmanović 500 caTaLoGUE V II.25. adiaL EarrinG Janjevo, 18th century Gilding, casting, twisting and granulation, diameter 4 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1469 his radial earring exemplar is the work of Janjevo masters of the 18th century, patterned ater the luxurious medieval earrings of Novo Brdo. he body of the earring is circular, with a protruding stylised rosete in iligree in the centre. Beads are placed radially around the rosete and there is a decorative platelet at the meeting point with the needle. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 360, no. 1369. Mina Darmanović art in tHe early Modern Period and 19tH century 501 V II.26. EarrinGS WiTH FLaT LUnULa and coMPoSiTE PEndanTS around prizren, 18th–19th century Bronze, coral, enamel, glass paste, casting, iligree imitation and granulations Height 18; 17.5 cm, width 6.5; 7 cm; weight 56.50; 54.12 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_2897 Large earrings with a lat, narrow lunula which has a zigzag edge on the upper and lower side, decorated with imitation iligree wire. In the middle of the lunula there is a coral. On the botom side there are 7 pendants made from a string of corals, stones, colored glass paste and enamel tiles. he lat shape of a lunula is an ancient form of Slavic earrings, with or without pendants. A composite pendant, especially glass paste, has also been used from the millennium antique time. hese earrings are made in a traditional way, though in considerably larger scale. Along with a rich head decoration that was made of textile tightened over a wooden base, with accessories of colorful wool, feathers, metal and glass pendants, the earrings, attached to that base made a strong impression. Literature: Иванић, Накит, cat. no. 204; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 105, 131, cat. no. 126. Branka Ivanić 502 caTaLoGUE V II.27. SiLvEr rinG WiTH a rEd STonE peć, 18th century Silver, casting, spirally twisted, semi-precious stone Diameter at head 0.4 cm, diameter at band 2.8 cm, height 3 cm, weight 7 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_2562 he band of the ring is formed out of interchanged coils of regular and spirally twisted iligree wire. he head is made out of a small, round bezel with a red stone and three granules on each side in the form of a triangle. he spirally twisted band of the ring is a part of the range of shapes used in jewelry design in the Middle Ages. In creating this simple jewelry piece a very ine technique was used, which is noticeable only by careful observation. Literature: Иванић, Накит, cat. no. 160; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 106, 131, cat. no. 143. Branka Ivanić art in tHe early Modern Period and 19tH century 503 V II.28. SiLvEr rinG WiTH iniTiaLS Janjevo, mid-19th century Silver, casting, engraving, gilded Diameter at head 1.4 cm, radius at band (R) 2.1 cm, weight 8.36 g National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 25_5671 A wide band of semicircular cross-section with carved lily on the shoulders. he head is of low proile and round. he initials IP are carved on the head in latin alphabet with a cross between them and the year 1855. Because the ring is used as a seal the initials and year are engraved inverted. During the Turkish rule, Janjevo maintained, though in a simpliied form, the arts and crats production of precious and non-ferrous metals. his activity initiated the uniqueness in the architectural plan of private house in Janjevo: a workshop on the ground level equipped for the buton technique, where simple household items were made, ecclesiastical furniture and bronze jewelry. In the middle of the XIX century, with the inlux of Western European industrial goods, Janjevo production dramatically declined. At the beginning of the XX century, in Janjevo there was already a production of very sim- 504 caTaLoGUE ple small-scale merchandise that Janjevo entrepreneurs brought all the way to Moscow. In Janjevo, almost a deserted place today, the irst signiicance of this setlement in 1303 is regularly celebrated. his ring is made out of good silver, on a good mold and in the spirit of old art so that at irst glance it gives the impression that it is much older. he design carved in the shoulder pieces is a very stylized and simpliied motif found on the medieval rings from Janjevo and other goldsmiths in Kosovo. he guild applied to the initials, the cross and the year on the head as well as the neck of the ring is precedent for the middle of the XIX century. It seems that this ring is among the last ones that were made in Janjevo in the tradition of the Middle Ages. Literature: Иванић, Накит, cat. no. 193; Церовић, Археолошка сведочанства, 105, 131, cat. no. 144. Branka Ivanić art in tHe early Modern Period and 19tH century 505 dEcoaTivE arTS in THE 19TH cEnTUrY viii V III.1. WoodEn rEvETMEnT For cEiLinG prizren, 19th century Wood, solid ir wood, carved, proiled, 425 × 390 cm Belgrade, Museum of Applied Art, inv. no. 1682 he decorative wooden revetment for the ceiling from the Museum of Applied Arts was a part of the interior of the house of Katić, in Prizren Seminary. By the end of the 1950s, during the conservation work within the Seminary complex, on account of the experts from the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments of Serbia, it was ofered to the Museum for repurchase in order to stop further devastation of this exceptional object. he wooden revetment for the ceiling is composed of over one hundred segments of different sizes, done in wood massif, using carving and proiling techniques. It is composed of three distinctive units: rosete in the centre, rose ield and multi-angled peripheral ield. he central, octagonal, proiled frame is moving stepwise towards the main decoration, a lower rosete, formed of 16 carved leaf like motifs, placed around symmetrically. he central ield is framed by woodcut S 508 caTaLoGUE motifs that are nailed to the rhomboid base, with woodcut roses in the centre. he peripheral frame is an irregular rectangle, with denticulate outer edges and notched angles that form decorative triangles with irregularly proiled sides and leaf like, deep-cut motifs on top. he ceiling belongs to the type known as the djul-tavan. he term has derived from the Turkish word djul, meaning rose. he decorative wooden revetment for the ceiling is a segment of a more complex system of wall revetments of representative, public spaces in the interior of houses belonging to the Oriental, national corpuses, typical for city houses in the Balkans. Examples of this decorative system dates deep into the Middle Ages. Literature: Водич, cat. no. 149; Ненадовић, Илустровани речник, 287, ig. 480; Бујић, Траг у дрвету, 35, cat. no. 8; Музеј примењене уметности, 94, ig. 36. Marija Bujić DECOaTIVE aRTs IN ThE 19Th CENTuRy 509 V III.2. CÜBBE oF SULTana ŠUTaKoviĆ long, sleeveless upper dress, prizren, ca. 1840 Length 119 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 715 Dark-red velvet. Decorated with embroidered stylized geometrical motifs and a single snake motif worked in silver-gilt and silver thread and trimmed with gimps, with cords along the edges. Lined with woolen cloth, called ljaur, and coton cloth. Džube is a part of the traditional Serbian bridal costume. his dress was a wedding git of Dima Šutaković to his bride Sultana. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 288, no. 1059. Mina Darmanović 510 caTaLoGUE V III.3. YELEK oF MrS. STaniMiroviĆ waistcoat, priština, end of 19th century Length 21 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 546 Purple velvet. Decorated with stylized goldwork motifs and burgundy colored coton silk thread embroidery, with cords along the edges. he butons are made of silver-gilt and thread, with red corals. It is lined with coton cloth. Yelek is a part of Serbian women’s traditional costume. his one used to be worn by Mrs. Stanimirović. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 266, no. 965. Mina Darmanović DECOaTIVE aRTs IN ThE 19Th CENTuRy 511 V III.4. ENTARI oF zana zUBUnoviĆ upper dress with long sleeves, prizren, end of 19th century Length 108 cm, length of sleeves 59 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 244 Silk saten. Decorated with stylized geometrical and loral motifs worked in black and dark-red cords, with cords along the edges. Filigree butons and butons made of cords with red pearls. Entari (anterija) is a part of Serbian women’s traditional festive atire. A work of Prizren tailor (terzija) Grbić. Worn by Zana Zubunović. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 295, no. 1077. Mina Darmanović 512 caTaLoGUE V III.5. BINDALLI drESS oF PoLEKSiJa STanKoviĆ FROM MuŠuTIŠTE end of 19th century Silk, metal thread, sequins; velvet, embroidery Length 133 cm (front), 150 cm (back) Belgrade, Museum of Applied Art, inv. no. 5386 Long one piece female dress in dark red silk velvet is decorated with goldwork. Characteristic decorative motives, such as garlands and vases out of which lower branches spring, were done in metal thread and sequins. he neckline is round, cut to the bosom. he sleeves are long, straight. he dress is cut above the waist, with pleats on the sides. It is partly lined with brown fabric. Bell-shaped skirt is longer in the back. he dress was acquired for the museum collection in 1960, as a part of family inheritance of Poleksija Stanković from Mušutište in Metohija, close to Prizren. It belongs to ‘bindalli’ type of dress, which was popular in late-Otoman fashion at the end of 19th and beginning of 20th century. In Turkish ‘bindallı’ means ‘thousand of branches’, the name originates from rich decoration in the form of lower branches, which are done in goldwork. ‘Bindalli’ dresses were made from dark red or dark purple silk velvet and were worn as clothes for special occasions or wedding clothes. hey belonged to the assortment of readymade clothes that could be purchased in Tzarigrad (Istanbul) in 19th century, which is why some Serbian researchers called them ‘Stambouli vistan’. hey were frequently bought as a part of a dowry. In the clothing inventory of Serbian women from the area of Prizren, they oten appeared most likely in this function. Literature: Стојановић, Градска ношња, 28, cat. no. 267; Görünür, Women’s Costume, 23–24, 47; Менковић, Грађанска ношња, 54, 161, 204. Draginja Maskareli DECOaTIVE aRTs IN ThE 19Th CENTuRy 513 V III.6. WaLnUT Wood cHEST peć, end of the 19th century Walnut wood, length 105 cm, width 48 cm, height 53 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1691 Walnut wood. Rectangular shape. he front is decorated with a lowerpot motifs and vegetative, geometrical and animal woodcut and painted designs. A chest was a part of the dowry a bride would take with her to her new home. Used for storing clothes. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 477, no. 1937. Mina Darmanović 514 caTaLoGUE V III.7. FLinTLocK KUBUR PiSToL oF BiSHoP MiLEnTiJE prizren, 19th century Length 53 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no 1237 Iron, brass and wood. A barrel and a pearshaped grip. Decorated with stylized vegetative and geometrical motifs, small brass plates and gilded wire. Casting, smithing, sawing, painting, engraving and chiseling techniques were used in making it. his lintlock kubur, with carved initials, belonged to Bishop Milentije from Prizren. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 483, no. 1964. Mina Darmanović DECOaTIVE aRTs IN ThE 19Th CENTuRy 515 V III.8. PocKET WaTcH WiTH a cHain (KÖSTEKLI SAAT) kosovo and metohija, end of the 19th century Length 85 cm, diameter 11 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1664 Silver and silver-gilt. he chain is in the form of a stylized plait. Its ornament consists of larger decorative butons (tokas), rosetes, a stylized teardrop, rhomboid-shaped plates and tiny embedded stones. Interlacing, iligree, stoneseting, and chasing techniques 516 caTaLoGUE were used in making it. he case is shaped as a stylized half-sphere, and has a metal clasp. his watch is a work of a silversmith. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 383, no. 1486. Mina Darmanović V III.9. SMoKinG PiPE kosovo and metohija, end of the 19th century Length 25 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1645 Silver-plated, wood, and amber. Decorated with stylized geometrical motifs, rhomboidshaped plates, and black paste. Its mouthpiece is made of yellow amber, and has a short chain. he pipe was crated using casting, sol- dering, sawing, turning, applying, damascening, and piercing techniques. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 432, no. 1714. Mina Darmanović DECOaTIVE aRTs IN ThE 19Th CENTuRy 517 V III.10. PayER ROPE kosovo and metohija, end of the 19th century Length 36 cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1662 Mother-of-pearl and amber. A mother-ofpearl string of beads is decorated with amber, two red pearls and a tassel. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 338, no. 1261. Mina Darmanović 518 caTaLoGUE V III.11. WoMan’S HEad Pin priština, end of the 19th century Length 11cm Museum in Priština–Belgrade, inv. no. 1429 Brass. he head of the pin is in the shape of a stylized lower. Casting, piercing, and stoneseting techniques were applied in making the pin. Such decorative pins were worn as jewelry and used to fasten various head dec- orations, especially kerchiefs. his pin is the work of Priština silversmith Todor Aritonović. Literature: he Ethnographic Heritage of Kosovo and Metohija, 345, no. 1298. Mina Darmanović DECOaTIVE aRTs IN ThE 19Th CENTuRy 519 ModErn arT ix IX.1. iMPEriaL MoSQUE in PriŠTina dragoljub vasiljević Figa, 1919–1921 Oil on cardboard, 24 × 34 cm National Museum Kruševac Dragoljub Vasiljević Figa painted his Imperial Mosque in Priština ater the First World War, upon returning to the position of ‘teacher of the arts’ in Priština’s Gymnasium. from which to observe the object of his visual interest and articulation of architectonic masses, showing also a reined sensibility in rendering the efects of light. his work, in the spirit of Impressionism, belongs to the cycle of Vasiljević’s urban landscapes inspired by Priština’s pictorial beauty. Literature: Рајчевић, Новија културна и уметничка прошлост; Живковић (С.), Српски импресионисти; Радуловић, Спомен-збирке и легати, 241–245. In it, Vasiljević has demonstrated a sure mastery of composition, the selection of the angle 522 caTaLoGUE Srđan Marković MOdERN ART 523 IX.2. KoSovo FiELd WiTH PEoniES dragoljub vasiljević Figa, 1921 Oil on canvas laid on laminated cardboard, 35 × 57 cm National Museum Kruševac Dragoljub Vasiljević Figa’s Kosovo Field with Peonies belongs to his so-called Priština period. It is a small-format work which deals with the topic of the Kosovo ield. Vasiljević, who, otherwise, was the irst ‘master of the arts’ in Kosovo and Metohija, painted this piece – characterized by its emphasized horizontal separation of the earth and sky – in his late Impressionism period. The coloristic expression of the composition’s foreground, illed with thickly grouped red peonies, is very rich, with its stressed use of impasto and short, energetic strokes characteristic of the Belgrade school of plein air 524 caTaLoGUE painting. This playful chromatic dance is juxtaposed with the somewhat more calmly done greenery of the ield, with a vibrant line separating the earth from the sky. It is the sky, with its rich blueness and dynamism created by the mass of clouds, which is standing against, and, to a degree, tempering the expressivity of the foreground and, ultimately, balancing the entire composition. Literature: Рајчевић, Новија културна и уметничка прошлост; Живковић (С.), Српски импресионисти; Радуловић, Спомен-збирке и легати, 241–245. Srđan Marković MOdERN ART 525 IX.3. daniLo’S narTHEx in PEĆ aleksandar Tomašević, 1958 Oil and tempera on canvas, 70 × 50 cm Belgrade, Ilija Milosavljević Kolarac Endowment he work Danilo’s Narthex in Peć belongs to Tomašević’s cycle of paintings inspired by medieval Serbian building, more speciically, the rhythms of façade construction systems. Full of horizontal and vertical rhythms, whose ‘conlict’ is sotened only by the partially bricked in arches, and probing the relationship of the structure of the façade itself to the interior spaces of the church, suggested in the openings of the mullioned window and the crests of the arches themselves, this painting is one of Tomašević’s key pieces, dominated by his fun- 526 caTaLoGUE damental exploration of his own visual poetics. he examination of his own creative journey led inevitably to the next, last stage in his body of work – the opus titled Work, where he embarked on the exploration of geometricised primordial signs built upon with modern consistency, vibrant equilibrium and a free rhythm. Literature: Рајковић, Сликарство Александра Томашевића; Ћелић, Белешке; Марковић (С.), Децембарска група. Srđan Marković MOdERN ART 527 IX.4. WorK 63/33 aleksandar Tomašević, 1964 Tempera on panel, 50 × 70 cm Belgrade, Private collection, Korać familly he painting Work 63/33 is part of a cycle Aleksandar Tomašević worked on during the last years of his life. In fact, his entire creative opus is closely connected to the Serbian medieval cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, be it post-cubist reinterpretations of Serbian medieval painting or a brief informel phase. he painting cycle collectively called Work... was directly inspired by the pictorial nature and rhythmic beauty of medieval facades done in the Serbo-Byzantine style in Koso- 528 caTaLoGUE vo and Metohija. Sublimating the rhythms of medieval facades, Tomašević formulated, irst through the classic act of painting and later by a painting-object with a myriad of coloured, canellated forms, the main modules of his work, whereby he stepped beyond the boundaries of the Serbian visual art scene of the time. Literature: Рајковић, Сликарство Александра Томашевића; Ћелић, Белешке. Srđan Marković MOdERN ART 529 IX.5. road To GAČANICA Zoran Furunović, 1986 Oil on canvas 170 × 130 cm National Museum in Belgrade, inv. no. 32_2135 he Road to Gračanica belongs to the artist’s mature period. According to its essential stylistic features – the expressive, abstractassociative expression, as well as its iconographic complexity and the balancing of elements from the past and present – it is part of a wider, pluralistic scene and the poetics of the so-called paintings of the 1980s, which had marked one of the decades of the previous century. he structure of the painted layers in this work by Furunović is intense, Informalist, the gesture is strong, and his line relects deep emotions and dramatic personal feelings, most directly provoked by past events and the historical lot of Kosovo and 530 caTaLoGUE Metohija – the Serbian soil which the artist, not only by his origin but also his painting and pedagogic activity, has remained lastingly and sentimentally tied to. he objects’ signiicance, the narrative symbolism and the associativity of the picture’s elements coupled with a quite dramatic contrast between the bright and deeply colored surfaces, suggest the time and space of the artist’s life and his personal, internal experience, his awareness of tradition and evanescence. Literature: Деспотовић, Зоран Фуруновић; Subotić, Zoran Furunović; Marković, Zoran Furunović. Gordana Stanišić MOdERN ART 531 IX.6. KniGHTS oF PrincE Lazar (GROUP) Svetomir arsić Basara, 1989 Wood and metal 215 × 60 × 60 cm 220 × 50 × 50 cm 215 × 50 × 40 cm Owner: author he group Prince Lazar’s Knights consists of eight sculptures, three of which are displayed here. With this work Basara brought to a close his Kosovo Cycle, inspired by the history and sufering of the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija. These sculptures were fashioned in a way which is typical of Basara – he forcefully enters the ight with the material, overcoming it with the energetic interventions he makes with his chisel and saw, thus shaping expressive cavities within the tissue of the wood. He then exposes some of those hollows and certain parts of the sculptures to ire, on the 532 caTaLoGUE one hand to enhance the mater’s dramatic tension, and on the other, to ‘introduce’ a pictorial moment into the sculpture whereby to animate the mater. Basara’s triumph over the mater is crowned with his inishing touches – the metal details on the armor covering the bodies of Lazar’s knights, which round of this sculptural and visual whole. Literature: Деспотовић, Светомир Арсић Басара; Бошњак, Светомир Арсић Басара; Марковић (С.), Светомир Арсић Басара. Srđan Marković MOdERN ART 533 IX.7. inviTaTion To a JoUrnEY Svetomir arsić Basara Wood and metal, 180 × 400 × 50 cm Belgrade, Art Collection of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art, inv. no. 2459 Invitation to a Journey belongs to a series of Basara’s sculptures which share a common theme. When it comes to the execution and meaning, this piece is the most compact of all belonging to the forementioned cycle. he author’s relationship with the natural character, that is, with the original form that the wood has in itself, is very important to this work. Basara enters the ‘dialog’ with the material by brutally opening up the insides with a saw, at the same time taking great care not to disturb the outer layer of the wood whose knoted texture and scars let by time and man testify to the remembered cruelties the Serbs had sufered in Kosovo and Metohija over the centuries. he sculpture itself represents an elongated vertical composition which reminds one of a 534 caTaLoGUE ship made of wood and metal, where an efective expressive interplay of the outer and inner space was achieved. Looking at the sculpture from this perspective, its core becomes a cave as a natural habitat of the spirit, that is, of the Serbian people’s most subtle gits and values. Basara used this work of his to directly and biterly speak out about bad times his nation has sufered, at the same time anticipating their migrations to come. Literature: Деспотовић, Светомир Арсић Басара; Бошњак, Светомир Арсић Басара; Марковић (С.), Светомир Арсић Басара. Srđan Marković MOdERN ART 535 HiSTorY oF TriBULaTion Selection of photographs of Serbian churches in Kosovo and Metohija damaged or destroyed between the 15th and the 21st century x 1 Fig. 1. The Church of the Virgin Ljeviška in Prizren (XI–XIV century), turned into a mosque immediately after 1455; photograph (the end of the 19th or beginning of the 20th century) Fig. 2. The Church of St. Stephen in the Monastery of Banjska (1312–1316), turned into a fort with a mosque in 1619, destroyed in 1689, during the Austrian-Turkish wars; photographed in 1900 538 caTaLoGUE 2 History of tribulation 539 Fig. 3. The remains of the Church of Saint Demetrios (Saint Barbara) in Kmetovci (14th century), destroyed in the 18th century, whose stone was used by local Albanians as building material for the bridges over small rivers Banja and Dobruša; photographed in 1964 Fig. 4. The remains of the Church of Saint Nicholas in Slovinje (16th century), which was along with several other churches in the village destroyed by Albanians; local Albanians have been selling the church’s stone to the bridge construction company (1871–1873); photographed in 1973 Fig. 5. The remains of the Church of the Mother of God in Pećani (1451/1452), destroyed during the second half of the 19th century, whose material Albanians used for the construction of residential and economical buildings in the same village; photographed in 1967 Fig. 6. Albanian house in Pećani with a stone window frame from the Church of the Mother of God built into it; photographed in 1966 3 4 5 540 caTaLoGUE 6 History of tribulation 541 7 Fig. 7. Monastery of Devič (15th century ), photograph by Đurđe Bošković (1932) Fig. 8. The Monastery of Devič after being destroyed by Albanian nationalists in 1941; photographed in 1942 Fig. 9. The Church of St. Kyriaki in the village of Brnjača (14th–15th century); photograph by Đurđe Bošković (1932) Fig. 10. The Church of St. Kyriaki in the village of Brnjača after being demolished by Albanian nationalists in 1941; photographed in 1964 8 542 caTaLoGUE 9 10 History of tribulation 543 13 14 11 12 544 caTaLoGUE Fig. 11. The Church of Virgin Hodegetria in Mušutište (1314/1315); photographed in 1998 Fig. 12. The ruins of the Church of Virgin Hodegetria in Mušutište blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 Fig. 13. Dormitory of the Patriarchate of Peć, burned in an act of arson in 1981 Fig. 14. Dormitory of the Patriarchate of Peć, burned in an act of arson in 1981 Fig. 15. The Church of Saint Nicholas in Ljubižda (16th century), burned and demolished by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 15 History of tribulation 545 16 17 546 caTaLoGUE 18 Fig. 16. The ruins of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity near Mušutište (15th century) blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 Fig. 17. Fragments of frescoes from the destroyed Monastery of the Holy Trinity near Mušutište Fig. 18. The ruins of the Church of the Holy Unmercenaries in Zočište (16th century), blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 History of tribulation 547 19 Fig. 19. The Church of St. George in Rečani (14th century); photographed in 1959 Fig. 20. The ruins of the Church of St. George in Rečani blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 Fig. 21. The Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in the Temple in Dolac near Klina (14th century); photographed in the eighties of the 20th century Fig. 22. The ruins of the Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in the Temple in Dolac blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 20 548 caTaLoGUE 21 22 History of tribulation 549 23 Fig. 23. The Church of Saint Nicholas in Čabići near Klina (15th century); photographed in 1997 Fig. 24. The ruins of the Church of Saint Nicholas in Čabići blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 Fig. 25. The Church of Saint Nicholas in Mlečani near Klina (16th–17th century); photographed in 1997 Fig. 26. The remains of frescoes in the destroyed Church of Saint Nicholas in Mlečani Fig. 27. The ruins of the Church of Saint Nicholas in Mlečani blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 24 550 caTaLoGUE 25 26 27 hIsTORy OF TRIbulaTION 551 28 29 552 caTaLoGUE 30 Fig. 28. The Church of Saint Nicholas in Kijevo (16th century); photographed in the eighties of the 20th century Fig. 29. The ruins of the Church of Saint Nicholas in Kijevo blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 Fig. 30. Frescoes from the seventies of the 16th century in the Church of Saint Paraskevi in Drsnik; photographed in the nineties of the 20th century Fig. 31. Frescoes in the Church of Saint Paraskevi in Drsnik after being burned and damaged by Albanian extremists 1999–2004 31 History of tribulation 553 32 Fig. 32. The ruins of the Church of Saint Nicholas in Đurakovac (16th century) destroyed by explosive by Albanian extremists after the retreat of the Serbian army in 1999 Fig. 33. The ruins of the Church of the Holy Archangels in Gornje Nerodimlje (14th–16th century) blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 Fig. 34. The Church of the Archangel Michael in the Monastery of Buzovik near Vitina (14th–16th century); photographed in 1998 Fig. 35. The remains of the Church of the Archangel Michael in the Monastery of Buzovik blown up by Albanian extremists after the withdrawal of Serbian forces in 1999 33 554 caTaLoGUE 34 35 HIsTORy Of TRIbUlATION 555 36 Fig. 36. Cathedral church of the Holy Trinity in Đakovica (20th century) destroyed by Albanian extremists, March 2004 Fig. 37. The enterior of the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška in Prizren (11th –14th century) which was set on fire by Albanian extremists in March 2004 Fig. 38. Virgin Eleousa with Christ the FoodGiver in the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška (13th century); photographed in 2002 Fig. 39. Virgin Eleousa with Christ the Food-Giver in the Church of the Virgin Ljeviška damaged after being burned in March 2004 37 556 caTaLoGUE 38 39 History of tribulation 557 40 41 558 caTaLoGUE 42 Fig. 40. Cathedral church of Saint George in Prizren (19th century); photographed in 2002 Fig. 41. The enterior of the Church of Saint George in Prizren; photographed in 2002 Fig. 42. Cathedral church of Saint George in Prizren after being demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 Fig. 43. The enterior of the Church of Saint George in Prizren after being demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 43 hIsTORy OF TRIbulaTION 559 44 Fig. 44. The Church of Saint Nicholas (Tutić Church), (1331/1332) after being demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 Fig. 45. The Monastery of the Holy Archangels near Prizren (14th century) after being burned and demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 Fig. 46. The Church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in the Temple in Belo Polje near Peć (16th and 19th century) after being burned and demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 45 560 caTaLoGUE 46 History of tribulation 561 47 Fig. 47. The Monastery of Devič (14th –20th century) after being burned and demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 Fig. 48. The Monastery of Devič after being burned and demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 Fig. 49. The Monastery of Devič after being burned and demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 48 562 caTaLoGUE 49 History of tribulation 563 50 Fig. 50. The Church of Saint Nicholas in Priština (19th century); photographed in 1995 Fig. 51. The Church of Saint Nicholas in Priština after being burned and demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 Fig. 52. View of the eastern part of the naos and iconostasis in the Church of Saint Nicholas in Priština; photographed in 1995 Fig. 53. View of the eastern part of the naos and iconostasis in the Church of Saint Nicholas in Priština after being burned and demolished by Albanian extremists in March 2004 51 564 caTaLoGUE 52 53 History of tribulation 565 ediTorS’ aFTerword The readers of this Catalogue and the visitors of the exhibition Serbian Artistic Heritage in Kosovo and Metohija: Identity, Significance, Vulnerability will be able to discern its essential aims and messages. They have been elaborated and explained in the Collection of Papers to be published during the exhibition. However, we feel that a brief clarification of the selection criteria and the presentation is in order here as well. From the outset the exhibition was conceived in two segments. The aim of the first was to once again remind the Serbian and international public of the fact that the Serbs have inhabited the territory of Kosovo and Metohija for over a thousand years, since the time of Stefan Nemanja to the present day continuously fostering diverse artistic activities that have produced a remarkably rich artistic heritage. In this vast treasury of art, the works created owing to the efforts of Serbian rulers, members of the nobility and highranking church dignitaries are, of course, particularly notable for their beauty and artistic value. Many of them were destroyed a long time ago; some are now kept in international collections; and many monuments are immovable cultural properties that could not be displayed except as copies or video presentations based on the latest technology. Nevertheless, the masterpieces of Serbian art from various development periods are by no means underrepresented here. The exhibition, however, is not anthological in character; instead, it aims to present a comprehensive and unembellished picture of the Serbian artistic heritage in Kosovo and Metohija. Hence, in addition to exhibits of extraordinary esthetic value, it also includes those of a more modest artistic merit which nonetheless bear testament to the willpower and survival efforts invested in preserving the continuity of artistic creation in the difficult Ottoman period of Serbian history. To offer a comprehensive picture of Serbian art in Kosovo and Metohija, the exhibition also showcases selected 20th-century paintings and sculptures by artists who were born in this area. At the first glance and out of the context elaborated above, it might seem that some exhibits do not belong to the field of visual and applied art: monastic charters, typika and beadrolls; ktetorial and funerary inscriptions; various acts of administrative, civil and economic law; and other documents of a similar nature that bear witness to the deep roots of the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija and their achievements Editors’ AftErword 567 in all spheres of life, which paved the way for the creation of art. No less informative are the incidental notations in manuscripts made by both humble scribes and the highest church dignitaries about their day-to-day affairs and troubles and sometimes even about major events in far-off lands. Valuable evidence on daily life in the medieval period is also found in the selected archeological material collected in various excavations, particularly in Novo Brdo; the group of items from the extensive collection of ethnographical heritage of Kosovo and Metohija offers a glimpse into the urban life of Serbs in this area in the second half of the 19th century. The monumental icons of enthroned Jesus Christ and the enthroned Virgin painted by Longin, a Peć monk and one of the leading Serbian artists from the period of Ottoman rule, have been given pride of place at this exhibition. Made for one of the iconostases in the Church of Christ Pantokrator of the Dečani Monastery, they have been transferred from the monastery treasury to the National Museum in Belgrade and subjected to extensive conservation and restoration works. Although their conservation treatment has yet to be completed, they are displayed here to highlight the importance of the care and commitment of the relevant institutions of the Republic of Serbia and the Serbian Orthodox Church to the preservation of the cultural heritage of Kosovo and Metohija. Underlining the extraordinary importance of the cultural treasures displayed here for the nation that created them, the exhibition also shows how natural and necessary it is for our institutions to remain involved in its protection. In view of the antagonistic and even destructive attitude of the local Albanian community towards the Serbian artistic heritage, this need is more pressing than ever. The centuries-long history of this attitude is documented in a separate segment of this exhibition – a selection of photographs that provide unambiguous testimony about this continued destruction, which has intensified and become increasingly ruthless in the closing years of the 20th and the first years of the 21st century. This exhibition would not have been possible without the help of numerous institutions and individuals, colleagues and friends. It is our great pleasure to name at least some of those whose efforts went beyond the call of duty and professional commitment and whose dedication warrants wider acknowledgements than those provided in the impressum of this catalogue: first of all, Academician Vladimir S. Kostić, President of SASA, who first suggested this idea and then, as the Chairman of the Organizing Committee, did everything in his power – at times, it seems, even more than that – to ensure the best possible presentation of this exhibition. We are also indebted to the other members of the Organizing Committee, particularly Academician Gojko Subotić for his helpful advice and suggestions. His Eminence Teodosije, Bishop of Raška-Prizren and Kosovo-Metohija, has bestowed his blessings and facilitated the display of many works of ecclesiastical art whose absence would have made this exhibition far less comprehensive. Deacon Vladimir Radovanović, Director of the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, and Bojan Popović, Curator of the Gallery of Frescoes, did everything in their 568 sErbiAn Artistic HEritAgE in Kosovo And MEtoHijA power to provide and prepare the exhibits owned by the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Gallery of Frescoes. We have enjoyed the full support and assistance of Rada Maljković, Curator at the Gallery of SASA, and Jelena Mežinski Milovanović, Deputy Director at the Gallery of SASA. The conservation-restoration treatment of many important exhibits is the result of the diligent efforts of Milodarka Kocev, Conservator-Advisor at the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments, and Radovan Piljak, Conservator-Advisor at the National Museum of Belgrade. Editorial secretaries Marka Tomić Đurić and Bojana Stevanović, copy editors Ivana Ignjatović and Miljana Protić, and Miroslav Lazić (graphic design and prepress) have shown remarkable dedication in the preparation of this Catalogue. We are especially indebted to the contributors who accepted the daunting task of writing catalogue descriptions in a short time. Nenad Makuljević and Srđan Marković have provided invaluable assistance in the selection of more recent artworks. Editors’ AftErword 569 liST oF abbreviaTionS АП = Археографски прилози, Београд Глас САНУ = Глас Српске академије наука и уметности, Београд ГСНД = Гласник Скопског научног друштва, Скопље ГСУД = Гласник Српског ученог друштва, Београд ЗЗСК = Зборник заштите споменика културе, Београд ЗМПУ = Зборник Музеја примењене уметности, Београд ЗМСЛУ = Зборник Матице српске за ликовне уметности, Нови Сад ЗМСКЈ = Зборник Матице српске за књижевност и језик, Нови Сад ЗНМ = Зборник Народног музеја, Београд ЗРВИ = Зборник радова Византолошког института, Београд ЗФФ = Зборник Филозофског факултета, Београд ИЧ = Историјски часопис, Београд ПКЈИФ = Прилози за књижевност, језик, историју и фолклор, Београд СКМ = Старине Косова и Метохије, Приштина ССА = Стари српски архив, Бања Лука–Београд CCРЛ = Стари српски родослови и летописи, ур. Љ. Стојановић, Сремски Карловци 1927. 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ABBREVIATIONS FOR INSTITUTIONS Archives SASA = Archives of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art, Belgrade MSOC = Museum of Serbian Orthodox Church, Belgrade NLS = National Library of Serbia, Belgrade NMB = National Museum in Belgrade RSL = Russian State Library, Moscow 588 SErBian arTiSTic HEriTaGE in KoSovo and METoHiJa au thor s of the catal o g u e d esc r i p t i o n s Dragana Aćimović Valentina Babić Vesna Bikić Đorđe Bubalo Marija Bujić Nataša Cerović Biljana Cincar Kostić Mina Darmanović Aleksandra Davidov Temerinski Mila Gajić Anđela Gavrilović Andrijana Golac Branka Ivanić Marko Katić Tatjana Katić Danica Komnenović Ana Kostić Đekić Miroslav Lazić Marijana Marković Miodrag Marković Srđan Marković Draginja Maskareli Miljana Matić Vesna Milanović Nada Miletić Kristina Miloradović Jelena Nedeljković Aleksandra Nitić Marina Odak Sanja Pajić Dragana Pavlović Kristina Pešić Bojan Popović Milica Popović Dubravka Preradović Ana Radovanović Zoran Rakić Viktor Savić Svetlana Smolčić Makuljević Gordana Stanišić Jovana Stanojlović Tatjana Starodubcev Bojana Stevanović Marka Tomić Đurić Vladan Trijić Milanka Ubiparip Dragаn Vojvodić Branka Vranešević Ana Vranješ Emilija Vuković Emina Zečević CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији – Народна библиотека Србије, Београд 930.85(=163.41)(497.115)(082) 323.1(=163.41)(497.115)(091)(082) 726.5/.7(497.115)(082) 72/75(=163.41)"12/18"(083.824) SERBIAN Artistic Heritage in Kosovo and Metohija : identity, signiicance, vulnerability / [edited by Miodrag Marković, Dragan Vojvodić ; translators Ana Selić ... et al.]. – Belgrade : SASA, 2017 (Kragujevac : Grafostil). – 588 str. : ilustr. ; 24 cm. – (Gallery of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts ; 141) Tiraž 500. – Str. 13–18: Forewords / Vladimir S. Kostić, Irinej, Serbian Patriarch, Bojana Borić Brešković. – Editors' aterword: str. 567–569. – Napomene i bibliografske reference uz tekst. – Bibliograija: str. 571–588. ISBN 978-86-7025-740-5 a) Срби – Културна историја – Косово и Метохија – Зборници b) Споменци културе, српски – Косово и Метохија – Зборници c) Црквена уметност, српска – Косово и Метохија – 13в–19в – Изложбени каталози COBISS.SR-ID 245492236