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The Kosovo Peace Plan

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June 4, 1999, Section A, Page 28Buy Reprints
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Unless Slobodan Milosevic is playing diplomatic games, the war in Yugoslavia is ending. Thanks to the resolve of NATO and constructive peacemaking by Russia, Mr. Milosevic yesterday accepted settlement terms that he had repeatedly rejected. Assuming critical details can be worked out with Belgrade, more than a million displaced ethnic Albanians should be able to return home safely later this year and ethnic cleansing in the Balkans will stop. If so, the most dangerous military conflict in Europe since the Second World War will conclude as a victory for the principles of democracy and human rights.

President Clinton and his European allies must insure that the Kosovo peace plan is not diluted as specific measures are set and carried out. President Martti Ahtisaari of Finland, one of the architects of the plan, said yesterday he had no doubt that Mr. Milosevic well understood its terms during their meeting in Belgrade, including the use of NATO peacekeepers in Kosovo and the withdrawal of Serbian forces from the province. But Mr. Milosevic has a long record of undermining agreements.

The NATO bombing should end only when NATO can verify that a substantial number of the roughly 40,000 Serbian troops in Kosovo have left. Plans for this withdrawal should be set by Belgrade as quickly as possible in consultation with NATO commanders. It will be the first tangible sign that Mr. Milosevic is serious about the peace agreement.

Russian and Ukrainian soldiers should participate in the peacekeeping force, but overall command must be retained by Western nations. NATO will have to move quickly to assemble the 50,000 troops it intends to use, including 7,000 Americans. It would be best if the United Nations Security Council authorized the use of peacekeepers in Kosovo to eliminate the perception that their presence is solely an American or NATO operation.

Mr. Milosevic's abrupt retreat after meeting with Mr. Ahtisaari and Viktor Chernomyrdin, the Russian envoy, was surely spurred in part by the NATO air offensive. The sustained bombing has been more effective than many critics allowed, and for the most part was conducted with restraint and a proper regard for civilian casualties. Though air power alone may not win wars, this conflict demonstrated that over time it can grind down an opponent's will to resist.

Boris Yeltsin's courageous decision to align Russia with the West despite opposition at home left Mr. Milosevic without any credible ally. Mr. Chernomyrdin was especially helpful in developing the peace deal in concert with Strobe Talbott, the Deputy Secretary of State.

Mr. Milosevic is doubtless thinking about his own political survival, always his first concern. Weeks of additional bombing, and the prospect of a possible NATO invasion, might eventually have eroded his support in Serbia. Because the peace plan does not call for the independence of Kosovo, he can argue that he successfully defended Serbian interests. He will also gain the assistance of NATO peacekeepers in disarming and pacifying ethnic Albanian guerrillas, a step vital to restoring peace to Kosovo. Unhappily, as long as Mr. Milosevic remains in power, it is unlikely he will be arrested and prosecuted for crimes against humanity. Someday he must be held accountable for his savage assault on Kosovo.

Reconciliation and reconstruction in Kosovo, as well as Serbia, will not come quickly or easily, and Mr. Milosevic's continued rule is an impediment to both. But if the peace plan holds up, everything possible must be done to get the ethnic Albanian refugees home and their villages rebuilt. They are the primary victims of Mr. Milosevic's policies, and they must be the primary beneficiaries of peace.

A version of this article appears in print on  , Section A, Page 28 of the National edition with the headline: The Kosovo Peace Plan. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

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