Public Disclosure Authorized

ACS4551
THE WORLD BANK GROUP

Public Disclosure Authorized

Public Disclosure Authorized

Public Disclosure Authorized

BHUTAN GENDER
POLICY NOTE

Royal Government of Bhutan

National Commission for Women and Children
Social Development Team, South Asia Region, World Bank
AusAID

Royal Government of Bhutan

National Commission for Women and Children
Social Development Team, South Asia Region, World Bank
AusAID

6-10-2013

Report No: ACS4551

THE WORLD BANK GROUP

BHUTAN GENDER POLICY NOTE

6-10-2013

ROYAL GOVERNMENT OF BHUTAN, NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN,

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT TEAM, SOUTH ASIA REGION, WORLD BANK and AusAid

Cover photo: Mark LaPrairie

Foreword

he National Commission for Women and Children (NCWC) is pleased

to present the Gender Policy Note (GPN) 2013. This document is based
on close collaboration between NCWC and the World Bank as well as
consultation with gender stakeholders and interagency participation. Key
objectives of this report are to review achievements on gender equality
Bhutan has made and areas where more needs to be accomplished or understood in
order to address remaining barriers to poverty reduction and sustainable economic
growth. It also provides policy recommendations aimed at improving gender equality
in Bhutan. The GPN has been jointly created as an evidence-based document to cover
the critical gender issues of concern, in a way that helps NCWC and other key national
agencies compellingly advocate for greater attention to gender equality and more
action by all stakeholders.
Gender is a multi-dimensional issue and there is no single solution to achieve gender
equality. The analysis of the GPN focuses on aspects of the economic empowerment
of both men and women, applying the analytical framework of the 2012 World
Development Report on Gender and Development to the Bhutan context. Specifically,
the report focuses on two areas where gender gaps still persist: agricultural land
holding and inheritance practices, and gender gaps in labor markets and job quality.
Over the past few decades, Bhutan has made considerable strides in closing gaps
in gender equality. As Bhutans economy continues to grow and living standard of
Bhutanese elevated under the Gross National Happiness philosophy, Bhutan must
act to eliminate gender gaps and foster a society where both men and women can
thrive equally. Given that the few deep-seated cultural restrictions, Bhutan can make
remarkable achievement on gender equality and be on par with leading nations of
the world.
Finally, NCWC would like to acknowledge with deep appreciation the support all
the stakeholders in their continued collaboration. Our sincere thanks extend to the
World Bank for the technical collaboration as well as financial support in developing
the Gender Policy Note. We believe, that the GPN is just a beginning to many
collaborations with the World Bank.

Phintsho Choeden
Director General

ii

Acronyms, Abbreviations, and Glossary

BLSS Bhutan Living Standard Survey
BMIS Bhutan Multiple Indicator Survey
CBS Center for Bhutan Studies
Dzongkhag Districts
FGD Focus Group Discussion
GNH Gross National Happiness
GNHI Gross National Happiness Index
GPN Gender Policy Note
ICA Investment Climate Assessment
LFS/LFSR Labor Force Survey/Report
MoE Ministry of Education
MoLHR Ministry of Labor and Human Resources
NCWC National Commission for Women and Children
NSB National Statistics Bureau
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
RGOB Royal Government of Bhutan
RQA Rapid Qualitative Assessment
RCSC Royal Civil Service Commission
SAR South Asian Region
SIGI Social Institution and Gender Index
SQA Supplemental Qualitative Assessment
TVET Technical and Vocational Education and Training
UNDP United Nations Development Program
WDI World Development Indicators
WDR World Development Report

iii

Table of Contents
Acronyms, Abbreviations, and Glossary ................................................................................ iii
Executive summary................................................................................................................ v
Matrilineal inheritance and land holding .............................................................................. v
Gender gaps in labor markets and job quality....................................................................... vi
Report Team and Acknowledgements . ................................................................................. viii
1. Introduction and rationale of the report............................................................................ 1
1.1. Why gender is an important issue for Bhutan................................................................. 1
1.2. Purpose and organization of the report.......................................................................... 4
2 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 5
Approach................................................................................................................................ 5
3. Findings.............................................................................................................................. 8
3.1. Matrilineal inheritance and land holding ....................................................................... 8
3.2. Gender gaps in labor markets and job quality................................................................. 12
4. Policies to promote gender equality.................................................................................. 25
4.1. Recommendation area 1: Promote equal ownership and agency over land................... 25
4.2. Recommendation area 2: Improve womens education endowment............................. 27
4.3. Recommendation area 3: Improve womens job quality and career advancement........ 29
4.4. Recommendation area 4: Address social norms that lead to gender inequality............. 31
4.5. Recommendation area 5: Conduct further research to better understand the gender
gap in happiness..................................................................................................................... 33
5 Conclusion........................................................................................................................... 35
References.............................................................................................................................. 37
Annex 1: Data Description...................................................................................................... 40
Annex 2: Statistical tables....................................................................................................... 44
Annex 3: Framework and targeting policy interventions........................................................ 49

iv

Executive summary

hutan has undergone a major socio-economic transformation over

the past few decades. Today, as a middle-income country guided by
the unique development philosophy of Gross National Happiness1,
it continues to develop rapidly and become more integrated into
the global economy. Coinciding with its development, Bhutan has
also made considerable strides in closing gaps in gender equality. However, given
that there are few deep-seated cultural restrictions, Bhutan also has the potential
and ability to make even greater achievements in gender equality and be on par
with leading nations of the world.
The analysis of the GPN focuses on specific issues related to economic
empowerment. It analyzes patterns related to specific aspects of the economic
empowerment of both men and women by applying the analytical framework of
the 2012 World Development Report on Gender and Development to the Bhutan
context. For the areas of focus, the report examines overall indicators on gender
and identifies areas where gender gaps persist: (i) agricultural land holding and
inheritance practices, and (ii) gender gaps in labor markets and job quality.

Matrilineal inheritance and land holding

In Bhutan, most women acquire land ownership through inheritance, particularly
in matrilineal communities. Unlike in other countries, the matrilineal inheritance
practice offers economic opportunities for Bhutanese women and contributes
to their relatively equal status with men. Particularly in rural areas, land is
important for both men and women as it confers direct economic benefits as a
key input into production, and as collateral for credit that can be used for either
consumption or investment purposes. To reap full economic benefits from land, it
is also essential for women to have agency over land. In addition, land holding
through inheritance can also affect economic choices, particularly the decision to
remain in ones village.

1 For additional information on Gross National Happiness, including a description and methodology,
see CBSs website. http://www.grossnationalhappiness.com/articles/

Executive summary

Gender gaps in labor markets and job quality

Bhutan has made tremendous progress in female labor force participation, but
the quality of jobs for women is still an issue. Although womens participation
in the labor force has increased, it has not translated into improvements in
employment quality. The Labor Force Survey shows that Bhutanese women work
in lower quality jobs than menwomen who earn income from work outside
the home, their earnings are only 75 percent of mens earnings. Not only would
improving job quality and productivity for women enhance gender equality, but
it also could contribute to economic growth.
Three main causes of the job quality gap are identified from the data analysis:
education endowment at the higher secondary and tertiary levels, sex segregation
in the labor market, and gender roles in household chores and child care. The
analyses also drill down to the root causes of these factors. In sum, gender roles in
household chores and childcare represent constraints to womens opportunities
at various stages of life in that they limit girls study time, affect career choice,
and impede career advancement. On the other hand, perceptions about gender
roles have changed and are now more supportive of gender equality; Bhutanese
society as a whole is of the opinion that women should work outside the home
and that men should play a greater role in child care.

The report recommends policy interventions in five main areas:

vi

First, it promotes equal ownership and agency over land. The policy appears
to be working well in most areas of the country, and families are moving
toward equal inheritance. However, the agency of women to use land could
be further enhanced so that women could gain better access to finance and
economic opportunities.

Second, womens economic endowment could be augmented to increase

labor productivity and earnings. This can be done by improving academic
performance of girls at the secondary level.

Third, child care, along with vocational and life-skills training tailored for girls
could womens access to good jobs.

Fourth, social norms that lead to gender inequality could be addressed

by promoting a greater role for men as fathers and caregivers and mens
participation in housework. Moreover, gender equal attitudes could

be introduced to children through the distribution of equal household

responsibilities among sons and daughters. Basic literacy, especially among
women, could also be improved to encourage more open attitudes, expand
womens agency to exercise their land rights, and enable them to be more
connected with larger community.

Finally, the report recognizes the need to conduct further research to better
understand the gender gap in happiness.

vii

Report Team and

Acknowledgements

his Report was prepared by a team led by Aphichoke Kotikula

(PRMGE) under the guidance of Maria Correia (Sector Manager, Social
Development).
John Henry Stein (Sector Director, SASSD) and Robert Saum (Country
Director, Bhutan) provided overall guidance.

Core team members were: Jennifer Solotaroff (SASDS), and Krishna Parajuli
(SASEP). Lynn provided editorial support. Muhammad Shafiq and Rita Soni
(SASEP) provided administrative support. Thanks also are due to Ugyen Lham
and her staff at the Druk Associates for qualitative data collection.
This report benefits greatly from guidance and inputs from Phintsho Choeden,
(Executive Director), Sonam Penjor (Senior Gender Program Officer), and
Tshewang lhamo (Asst. Program Officer) of the National Commission for Women
and Children (NCWC).
This report draws on insights from the rapid qualitative assessments on gender
and economic decision-making that were carried out as background for the
WDR 2012 in 20 countries. The team thanks Carolyn Turk, Ana Maria Munoz
Boudet , Patti Petesch, and Chona Echavez who worked to refine the qualitative
instruments and supported training for fieldwork.
The report also benefited from greatly from the consultation during the
preparation of the report with Asta Olesen (SASDS), Tashi Chenzom, (Ministry
of Labor and Human Resources), Dechen Zam, (Ministry of Education), Karma
Dhendup, (Ministry of Labor and Human Resources), Karma Wangdi, (Center
for Bhutan Studies), Ngawang Tshering (Bhutan Association of Women
Entrepreneurs), Angela Ison (UN), and Tek B. Chhetri (DANIDA). The report peer
reviewers were Markus Goldstein (AFTPM) and Nina Bhatt (MNSSO).
This study has been made possible by Trust Fund support from an AusAID grant
through the South Asia Gender (SAGE) Initiative window.

viii

ix

Introduction and
rationale of the report
1.1. Why gender is an important issue for Bhutan

hutan has undergone a major socio-economic transformation over

the past few decades. Today, as a middle-income country guided by
the unique development philosophy of Gross National Happiness2,
it continues to develop rapidly and become more integrated into
the global economy. Gender equality is a core development agenda,
globally as part of the MDGs, and nationally as outlined in Bhutans Five-Year
Plans and the National Plan of Action for Gender.
Not only is gender equality a core development objective in its own right; it
is also smart economics. Increasingly, evidence from many countries around
the world indicates that gender equality contributes to economic growth. For
example, greater gender equality can enhance economic efficiency and improve
other development outcomes, and reducing barriers to a more efficient allocation
of womens skills and talents can generate productivity gains (World Bank, 2011a).
Bhutan, as a middle income country, has the capacity to make further progress
on gender equality. Coinciding with its development, Bhutan has also made
considerable strides in closing gaps in gender equality. However, given that there
are few deep-seated cultural restrictions, Bhutan also has the potential and
ability to make even greater achievements in gender equality and be on par with
leading nations of the world.

1.1.1. Bhutans progress on gender equality issues

Over the past few decades, Bhutan has made tremendous progress toward gender
equality and development. Regarding education, for example, in 1970 very few
girls attended primary schools; for every 50 boys, only 1 girl was enrolled.

Since then, great strides have been made in educating both boys and girls; gender
2 For additional information on Gross National Happiness, including a description and

methodology, see CBSs website. http://www.grossnationalhappiness.com/articles/

Introduction and rationale of the report

parity in primary enrollment was achieved in 2008, with 88 percent enrollment

of primary school age children (World Bank, WDI). Significant progress has also
been made toward gender equality in other areas of human development. This
development trend coincides with Bhutans dramatic economic growth and
poverty reduction.
Figure 1 Bhutans steady economic growth and progress toward gender equality

Source: World Bank, WDI. Note: FPCR: Female primary completion rate; FLFP: Female labor force
participation (of population ages 15+)

Figure 1 illustrates the historical trends related to gender equality and

development in Bhutan. As seen above, per capita income has grown steadily
over the past 30 years, from $340 in 1980 to $5,570 in 2011. During the same
period, an increasing number of girls has received education and acquired
skills. Increased investment of human capital in Bhutanese men and women
has enabled them to become more productive members of the labor force and
in turn, significantly contribute to the economy. In addition, more and more
Bhutanese women are working in productive and diverse occupations. This trend
suggests the importance of gender equality and development in Bhutan.
In the area of health, access to reproductive health services has improved. The
use of modern contraceptive methods in `Bhutan has increased sharply from 28
percent in 2003 to 65 percent in 2010 (BMIS 2010), higher than the South Asia
and lower-middle income country averages of about 50 percent. Furthermore,
as a result of improvements in health care for pregnant women, the maternal
mortality rate has dropped dramatically over the past 20 years (Figure 2), from

Introduction and rationale of the report

1,000 in 1990 to 180 in 2010. It is worth noting that Bhutan has achieved this
result at a much faster pace than the South Asia regional average and the lower
middle-income countries average.
Figure 2: Maternal Mortality ratio,
modeled estimates (per 100,000 live
births)

Figure 3: Increasing trends toward equality in

labor participation (Ratio of female to male
labor force participation rate )

Source: The World Bank database, WDI

In terms of economic opportunities for women, Bhutan has made considerable

strides in womens participation in the labor force. The labor force participation
rate of women is almost as high as that of men (67 percent vs. 72 percent) (WDI,
World Bank). In addition, as shown in Figure 3, the ratio of the female to male
labor force participation rate is about 86 percent, which is especially impressive
if one compares this figure with those of other countries in the region or lower
middle-income countries.
Yet despite this progress, women still face disadvantages in the labor market.
While female labor force participation in Bhutan is high, there is a gender gap
in employment quality; that is, jobs held by Bhutanese women compared to
those held by Bhutanese men tend to pay less and are less secure. According
to the 2011 Labor Force Survey (MoHLR, 2012), only 6 percent of female
workers hold jobs as regular paid employees, compared to 18 percent of male
workers (MoLHR, 2012). The share of women is even smaller at the top of the
career ladder. Among executive-level civil servants, only 7 percent are women
(RCSC Statistics).

Introduction and rationale of the report

Bhutans matrilineal inheritance practice also presents a unique gender

dimension. Under the matrilineal inheritance system, which is practiced in some
regions of Bhutan, agricultural land and other property such as livestock is usually
inherited by the eldest daughter. However, inheritance practices vary by region.
In the western part of the country, the matrilineal practice is common; but in
the southern region, and to a smaller extent the eastern region, the inheritance
practice is from father to son. In the entire country, about 60 percent of rural
women have land registered in their names. In addition, 45 percent of property
titles in urban areas (shares, buildings, and licenses) were registered to women
(SIGI, 2012).

1.2. Purpose and organization of the report

This Gender Policy Note (GPN) aims: (i) to review achievements made in
addressing gender issues, highlighting good examples for other countries, and
(ii) to review the areas where more needs to be accomplished or understood
in terms of addressing remaining issues (labor markets and job quality, land
inheritance), and (iii) to provide policy recommendations aimed at improving
gender equality. The GPN relies on the analytical framework of the 2012 World
Development Report on Gender and Development; along with quantitative and
qualitative data collected in Bhutan.
The report is organized as follows. This Introduction discusses the rationale
of the report and the status of gender equality in Bhutan. Chapter 2 presents
a description of the data and methodology as well as the areas of focus, and
Chapter 3 discusses key findings related to the matrilineal inheritance practice
and job quality. Finally, Chapter 4 proposes policy actions to improve gender
equality, and Chapter 5 concludes the report.

Methodology
Approach
The analysis of the GPN focuses on specific issues related to economic
empowerment. It analyzes patterns related to specific aspects of the economic
empowerment of both men and women by applying the analytical framework of
the 2012 World Development Report on Gender and Development to the Bhutan
context. For the areas of focus, the report examines overall indicators on gender
and identifies areas where gender gaps persist. Specifically, the GPN focuses on
the remaining gender gaps that have not been previously explored or studied.3
Based on the diagnostics, it will examine the following issues: (i) agricultural land
holding and inheritance practices, and (ii) gender gaps in labor markets and job
quality.

WDR framework: Gender equality and Economic Development

The 2012 World Development Report on Gender and Development (WDR
2012) features an intuitive analytical framework illustrating the relationship
between gender equality and economic development (World Bank, 2011a see Box 1). As shown in the framework, markets and institutions, which are
driven by economic growth, affect individuals and households. Looking at
individuals as workers, productivity gain is a channel through which gender
equality can influence economic growth. The WDR 2012 also shows that in
a range of countries, eliminating barriers that discriminate against women
working in certain sectors or occupations can increase labor productivity by
as much as 25 percent.
In Bhutan, women currently represent 48 percent of the countrys labor force
and 55 percent of its agricultural labor force. In this regard, productivity will be
increased if their skills and talents are used more fully. Furthermore, additional
productivity gains can be realized if more women are able to access labor markets
and have greater career mobility.

3 Issues related to political participation and gender-based violence, which have been
addressed by NCWC with support from UNDP, are not examined in this Gender Policy
Note.

Methodology

Box 1: 2012 World Development Report analytical framework

The 2012 World Development Report (WDR) framework is illustrated by interconnected
gears representing markets, formal and informal institutions, and households. Propelled
by economic growth, the gears representing markets and institutions turn, moving the
household gear. The combined movement of these gears ultimately triggers the turning
of the gear representing gender outcomes, thus increasing gender equality. One can
also imagine the movement going in the opposite direction that is, with the gender
equality gear moving those representing households, markets, and institutions, ultimately
generating higher economic growth.

Source: World Bank, 2011a

Methodology

Data sources
The GPN uses both quantitative and qualitative data in Bhutan to explore
the determinants of gender differences in various forms of economic
empowerment. In terms of quantitative data sets, the report uses the
following: (a) the national household survey (BLSS 2007), (b) Bhutan Multiple
Indicator Survey (BMIS) 2010, and (c) various rounds of Labor Force Surveys
between 2009 and 2011.
In addition, the analysis in this report also uses two rounds of qualitative data: (i)
the Rapid Qualitative Assessment (RQA) collected in 2010,4 and the Supplemental
Qualitative Assessment (SQA) collected in 2012. The fieldwork for both rounds
of qualitative data was conducted four communities located in four Dzongkhag:
Thimpu, Paro, Mongar, and Samtse (the actual names of the communities are
being withheld for privacy reasons.) The locations were selected to cover three
regionswestern, eastern, and southernas well as to cover both richer and
poorer cities, as well as wealthy and poor villages. (See Annex 1 for a detailed
description of the data.)

4 The Rapid Qualitative Assessment was part of a World Bank initiative to collect comparable
qualitative data related to womens empowerment. The surveys were conducted in about 20
developing countries, including Bhutan (see Turk and Pattesh, 2010 for the instrument and Boudet et
al., 2012 for the global synthesis report).

Findings
3.1. Matrilineal inheritance and land holding
Land is important for both men and women as it confers direct economic benefits
as a key input into agricultural production, as a source of income from rental
or sale, and as collateral for credit that can be used for either consumption or
investment purposes. Studies in other countries also show that womens rights
to land and natural resources can impact womens empowerment as well as
household welfare (World Bank, 2005).
In Bhutan, most women acquire land ownership through inheritance, particularly
in matrilineal communities. Unlike in other countries, the matrilineal inheritance
practice offers economic opportunities for Bhutanese women and contributes
to their relatively equal status with men. To reap full economic benefits from
land, it is also essential for women to have agency5 over land under their
name. In addition, land holding through inheritance can also affect economic
choices, particularly those related to education, occupation, and the decision to
remain in ones village in order to look after aging parents and ancestral land.
In this section, the GPN will discuss findings concerning economic benefits and
constraints related to matrilineal inheritance practices.

Patterns of inheritance practices

Regional variations: In western and central Bhutan, inheritance follows
matrilineal family systems by which land is usually inherited through the mother,
while in the south, patrilineal inheritance norms are prevalent (SIGI, 2012). As
mentioned earlier, an estimated 60 percent of rural women have land registered
in their names, and 45 percent of property titles in urban areas (shares, buildings,
and licenses) were registered to women (SIGI, 2012). Data from the qualitative
survey conducted for this report show that parents prefer bequeathing land to
female children in three survey sites--Paro, Mongar, and

5 Agency refers to an individuals (or groups) ability to make effective choices and to transform
those choices into desired outcomes. Agency can be understood as the process through which
women and men use their endowments and take advantage of economic opportunities to achieve
desired outcomes. Thus, agency is key to understanding how gender outcomes emerge and why they
are equal or unequal.

Thimphu--while preferences for bequeathing land to male children are prevalent

in Samtse. In this regard, the rationale behind Bhutans traditional inheritance
practices appears to be linked to the care of aging parents. This variation reflects
local traditions and religions (Table 1). Regarding the question, Have you
inherited property from your parents?, most women in dzonkhags other than
Samtse inherited property except those whose families did not own any property.
Among those male individuals who inherited property, some did not have sisters,
and the property was divided among the sons.
Table 1 Property inheritance practices by survey sites: number of responses
indicating gender of FGD participants who inherited land
Dzongkhags
Samtse
Monggar
Paro
Thimphu

Female
1
10
11
8

Male
8
2
1
3

None
4
2
1
1

Source: RQA, 2010. Note: The table shows the number of responses during all youth and adult
focus group discussions. Responses can be collective, and therefore represent more than one
respondent.

Generational variations: There is a shift toward gender equal inheritance. The

practice among matrilineal communities is that the eldest daughter receives the
largest share of the land because she will take care of elderly parents. However,
the data, which is summarized in Table 2, show that the younger generation tends
to favor inheritance by all children, regardless of gender. Both male and female
elderly and adult groups cite the Land Inheritance Act as the main reason for the
tendency of the younger generation to bequeath land to both male and female
children equally. For example, during a focus group discussion, an adult male
participant mentioned, It can be very litigious because now that there are laws
stipulating individual rights, compensation is larger, and people are aware of the
law (World Bank, 2011a). In some cases, participants in elderly focus groups
also cited perceptions of justice as the reason for the shift towards gender equal
inheritance (SQA, 2012).

Findings

Table 2: Changes in Bhutans land inheritance practice over generations

Males

Elderly

Adult

Youth

Source: SQA, 2012

10

Strictly by local
norms.
Matrilineal: men
inherit only when
parents have no
daughters

Matrilineal: men
inherit property
equally when there
is no daughter or a
small portion of land
is passed down to
sons.
Patrilineal, few
parents give a small
portion of their land
to daughters.

Matrilineal: both
genders equally.
Patrilineal: prefer
sons had it not been
for the law

Females

Matrilineal: women
inherit parental property.
The majority of property
is passed down to the
child who chooses to
stay with parents

Prefer to distribute
equally among their girls
and boys,
But some will give a
bigger share to the child
who will look after them
in their old age

Matrilineal: equal share.

Patrilineal: larger share
to boys because they are
responsible for taking
care of elderly parents

Findings

Economic opportunities from matrilineal inheritance and land ownership

In order for women to reap the full potential of land ownership, they need to
be able to exercise control over it. Because of matrilineal inheritance practices,
women tend to be the legal owners of property (land and houses). Land ownership
through inheritance provides an advantage for women in business. For example,
the 2009 Enterprise Survey reports that female entrepreneurs did not cite

access to land as an obstacle to establishing businesses and conducting

business.

Despite land ownership, women receive limited economic benefits from land.
First of all, in Bhutan, land is often not used as collateral for lending.6 According
to the 2009 Enterprise Survey, land and buildings are used less often than other
assets; only 45 percent of businesses used land and building as collateral, while
73 percent used personal assets, and 63 percent used machinery and equipment.
Moreover, difficulties to sell land or rent it out further limit economic benefits for
women.
Second, decision-making power over land often remains with husbands. In this
regard, the qualitative study shows that inheriting land does not necessarily
empower women to make economic decisions. In addition, opinions on this issue
vary by sex. According to focus group discussions, male participants said that
they consult their wives and families when making decisions regarding land.7 But
decisions are actually made either jointly or solely by men. When women are the
sole decision-makers, it is mostly in cases when men are absent or incapable (sick
or alcoholic).

The matrilineal inheritance practice as a constraint to womens economic

opportunities
As Bhutans economy grows, new opportunities emerge in urban areas. Among
youth, a significant number of both female and male focus group participants said
it was necessary to migrate to urban centers to get good jobs. They emphasized
that opportunities to enhance their skills are limited in remote villages. Young
people tend to migrate to cities following secondary school graduation; however,
the emotional attachment related to inherited
property and the responsibility of looking after elderly parents limit womens
6 The Loan Act of 1981 provides women with independent access to bank loans and
other forms of credit.
7 Participants also shared that the current law regarding the sale of land requires the
consent of all family members above the age of 18.

11

Findings

migration and mobility, which in turn hinders their chances of pursuing higher
education and getting better jobs.
Land ownership could be an obstacle to the migration of women for work
opportunities and skill acquisition. According to both male and female focus
group participants, the challenges for women in migrating for employment
are greater than mens. According to Wangmo, a female youth participant in a
focus group discussion in Paro, This is because men are usually independent
and they usually do not inherit parents property in our community. (RQA,
2010). In addition, Parbati, a female youth participant in Samtse, added,
A woman has obligations to her family before her marriage and after her
marriage, she has obligation to her husband and in-laws. Her life is full of
restrictions (RQA, 2010).

3.2. Gender gaps in labor markets and job quality

Bhutan has made tremendous progress in female labor force participation, and
now surpasses the East Asia and Pacific average. However, the quality of jobs8
for women is still an issue. Jobs held by Bhutanese women compared to those
held by Bhutanese men tend to pay less, be less secure, or lead to poverty. Not
only would improving job quality and productivity for women enhance gender
equality, but it also could contribute to economic growth. This section will discuss
the gender gap in job quality and the reasons behind it.
The discussion here begins by looking at the nature of the problem in the labor
market, and the fact that while female labor force participation is high, women
lag behind men in terms of the quality of jobs. It then focuses on three possible
explanations of gender gap in job quality. First, it examines workers characteristics
with an emphasis on education levels and the gender gap in tertiary education in
particular. Then the discussion centers on gender segregation in Bhutans labor
markets and concludes with an examination of perceptions of gender roles and
housework and how they affect womens career advancement.

8 In terms of job quality, better jobs are those associated with higher (average) wage rates and
lower poverty rates (World Bank, 2011b).

12

Findings

Nature of the problem in the labor market

The Labor Force Survey shows that Bhutanese women work in lower quality
jobs than men.9 Although womens participation in the labor force has increased,
it has not translated into improvements in employment quality. According to
the 2011 Labor Force Survey Report, there was little gender disparity in terms
of overall employment (with labor force participation rates of 72.3 percent
for males and 67.4 for females); however, the quality of jobs held by women
tends to be inferior to that of men. This observation is supported by the fact
that women tend to work in low- paying sectors such as agriculture, which
accounts for 68 percent of all female workers (compared to only 53 percent of
male workers (see Figure 4, panel B). Moreover, 34 percent of female workers
are family workers (who are usually unpaid), as opposed to only 24 percent of
male workers (see Figure 4, panel A). And most importantly, among the small
percentage of women who earn income from work outside the home, their
earnings are only 75 percent of mens earnings (see Figure 4, panel C).
Figure 4: Labor market profile shows that women hold lower quality jobs
A: Work Category

B: Type of enterprise

C: Avg. Monthly Earnings (Nu.)

Source: LFS 2011

9 The findings corroborate findings of the 2010 Investment Climate Assessments workers survey
that women tend to have lower job quality than men in the labor force.

13

Findings

Women also have poorer prospects for career advancement. In the public
sector,10 for example, opportunities for careers are more limited for women.
In the public sector, women account for 32 percent of all civil servants, but fewer
women hold high-level positions compared to their male counterparts. Only 4.76
percent of executive-level civil service positions (9 out of a total of 189 executive
civil servants) were occupied by women. However, the trend is encouraging; since
1996, there has been a steady increase in the number of women entering the civil
service. Between September 2000 and June 2011, the percentage of women in
the civil service increased from 21 percent to 32 percent (RCSC, June 2011).

Explanations of gender gap in job quality

What explains the differences in job quality between men and women in Bhutan?
Worker and job characteristicssuch as education, age, locations, types of jobs,
etc.are the main factors in the gap in earnings. In addition to these observable
characteristics, other factors that are not easy to measure quantitatively are
also important. In this regard, focus group participants indicated that gender
differences in physical strength, gender roles, and perceptions are significant
factors related to the gender gap in employment. The following paragraphs
discuss explanations beyond standard labor economic analysis that may explain
the gender earnings gaps in Bhutan.
Among workers characteristics, education has the largest impact on earnings,
especially those above the secondary level. The regressions results show that
all levels of education are statistically significant determinants of earnings. In
addition, womens returns to education at the secondary and higher secondary
levels are higher than those of men. That is, having a higher level of education
helps mitigate the negative effect of the gender earnings gap. Furthermore,
having vocational training also improves earnings among both male and female
workers.
Direct wage discrimination is not the cause of the gender earnings gap. Even
after accounting for observable differences in worker and job characteristics, a
significant fraction of the gender earnings gap remains unexplained. This implies
that there are other factors besides workers characteristics behind it.

But qualitative survey results suggest that this unexplained earnings gap is not
10 Public sector jobs are the generally preferred jobs in Bhutan due to their prestige, job
satisfaction, and high remuneration.

14

Findings

caused by direct labor market discrimination. Participants in adult and youth

focus groups stated that there is no discrimination in wages and base salaries,
and emphasized that wages depend on education levels and skills. They also
suggested that the pay is equal in both the public and private sectors. According
to participants in focus group discussions, the only exception to women and men
earning equal wages has to do with unskilled labor jobs that require physical
strength such as construction and farm work. Participants also explained that
earning differences in white collar jobs occur because men can accept more
lucrative assignments such as overtime or those that require travel. On the other
hand, as women tend to have domestic duties, they cannot take advantage of
those opportunities.

A. Education and other endowment aspects: Gender Gap in Tertiary

Education
The gender gap in tertiary education still persists despite the fact that Bhutan
has closed gender gaps in other levels of education. According to the most recent
education statistics for 2012, the enrollment of girls in tertiary education is lower
than that of boys, with only 5 girls for every 7 boys enrolled at the tertiary level.
Moreover, only 40 percent of the students studying in colleges and institutes
within the Royal University of Bhutan are girls, and girls make up only 38 percent
of students receiving scholarships to study in India and abroad.
Reasons for the persistent gender gap in tertiary education. Youth focus group
discussions reveal two main factors that prevent girls from studying in universities.
The most important factor is poor academic performance due to the obligation to
do housework that leaves little time for study, and other factor is early pregnancy.
(RQA, 2010)
Housework: The data show that housework is the major cause of poor academic
performance and lower tertiary enrolment. All youth focus group discussion
participants ranked this as the number one reason preventing women from
attending university. Usually, students at the middle and high school levels
need adequate time to study. However, because girls are often required to do
housework, they therefore do not have time to study after school, and have poor
academic performance.

15

Findings

Table 3: Responses yes from youth FGDS: Do you have sufficient study
time?
Dzongkhag
Thimphu
Mongar
Paro
Samtse

Male Youth
All
all
All but one
All

Female Youth
six out of 12
seven out of 10
All
five out of 10

Source: SQA, 2012

Table 3 shows the number of respondents who reported that they had sufficient
study time after school. The evidence suggests that female youth lag behind
their male peers in terms of study time after school. In response to the question,
Do you have enough time to study after school?, Rinchin, a participant in the
female youth group in Thimphu said, Not really, I was always helping my younger
siblings with their homework or busy with household work, so I didnt get much
time for myself (SQA, 2012).
Early pregnancy: The 2010 qualitative survey suggests that early child-bearing
is a contributing factor to the gender gap in tertiary education. Pema, a young
woman from Mongar, said, This year during the first term, one girl left school
because she was pregnant, and last year we had two girls who left school (SQA,
2012). The quantitative data also support this finding; the adolescent fertility
rate11of Bhutan is 47 per 1,000 in 2010, more than twice the East Asia average
though lower than Indias. This becomes a problem as secondary enrollment in
Bhutan rises (the gross enrollment rate was 77 percent in 2012, while the SAR
average was only 55 percent in 2011).

B. Gender segregation in labor markets

Employment segregation contributes to gender gaps in productivity and
earnings. The term employment (or labor market) segregation by gender refers
to differences in the kind of jobs men and women perform. Such a pattern may
occur due to voluntary selection of men and women into different sectors and
occupations, primarily in response to their different responsibilities. That is,
women are more likely to choose jobs that allow them to adjust working hours
and to exit and enter the labor market more frequently and at a lower cost.

11 The number of births per 1,000 of women ages 15-19.

16

Findings

Moreover, women tend to hold jobs that pay less; thus, differences in types of
jobs bring about gender gaps in job quality. The labor force data show that there
is employment segregation and that it is non-trivial. The earnings regressions
(Annex 2) control for sectors of employment, but still an earning gap persists.
Table 4: Women concentrate in low- paying occupations
Earning category
(Nu. Per month)

Avg. female worker share in occupation (%)

Less than 7,000

40

7,000-10,000

26

10,000-15,000

31

15,000-20,000

25

More than 20,000

25

Total

30

Source: LFS 2011, own calculation.

The 2011 Labor Force Survey data also reveal that women tend to concentrate in
low-paying occupations. In this analysis, all occupations12 in Bhutan are divided
into five groups according to the occupations average earnings (as shown in
Table 4). The results show that women tend to concentrate in occupations that
pay less. Occupations that pay less than Nu. 7,000 per month, such as textile,
hand loom, and child care workers, have the highest concentration of women. By
contrast, occupations that pay relatively well tend to have fewer female workers.
This issue can be illustrated further by focusing on occupations in the same
categories. For instance, an examination of men and womens jobs in the education
sector, which has many level types of teaching professions, is instructive. The LFS
shows that men tend to teach at a higher level and hence have higher quality
occupations. Men account for 73 percent of higher education teachers and 61
percent of secondary school teachers. By contrast, women are over represented
in the category of other teaching professionals, and account for 69 percent of
workers in that occupational category.

12 Classified according to ISCO-rev4

17

Findings

What are the root causes of gender segregation? Analyzing the qualitative data,
two main factors explain gender segregation in Bhutan: traditional gender roles
and self selection.
First, perceptions of mens and womens jobs in current labor markets
reflect traditional gender roles of men and women. With the aim of obtaining
information about perceptions of preferred jobs for men and women, the
qualitative survey asked What determines whether certain jobs are more
appropriate for men than women? The qualitative data reveal that the key
determinants of whether jobs are more appropriate for men or women are
physical strength, mental toughness, and qualities such as being patient and
persuasive and having a caring nature. In this regard, traditional attitudes toward
gender roles are reflected in the association of occupations such as nurses and
primary school teachers with women, which are usually at the lower rung of
occupations in their respective fields. On the other hand, based on traditional
gender roles, women are seen as being better at jobs in marketing, customer
service, and negotiation. Other factors in peoples perceptions about what jobs
are more appropriate for men and women include the location of jobs (in terms
of distance from home), religious beliefs, existing norms that associate certain
jobs with men, and whether or not there are precedents for men and women
performing particular jobs.
Second, women self select into some types of jobs due to their role at home. A
critical question is: Are Bhutanese women choosing low-paying occupations?
The selection hypothesis relies on the notion that because of child care and other
responsibilities, women are more likely than men to choose occupations that
offer more flexibility and do not require large or continual investments in skills
unique to a firm or group of firms, or occupations where skills do not depreciate
significantly because of career interruptions (World Bank, 2011a). Furthermore,
domestic duties such as child care and housework prevents women from taking
on additional responsibilities that provide additional income such as overtime
and travel per diems. As a result, mens total earnings exceed those of women
despite being paid an equal wage (RQA, 2010).

C. Perceptions of gender roles and career advancement

Womens traditional responsibilitiesmost importantly, housework and child
care affect their dynamic labor market outcomes such as career advancement.
In general, occupations are not static, but rather result from the dynamic process of
career advancement and job changes. Investments are made in workers careers in
the form of education, training, and professional achievement. But the constraint

18

Findings

related to time use for housework and child care often impedes women from
such investments and therefore career development prospects. In this regard, the
survey data reveal that norms and perception do affect womens ability to stay
in the workforce and pursue career opportunities. A mini case study (see Box 2)
illustrates the challenges that Bhutanese women currently face. Tsherings story
also highlights the issue of the loss in the governments investment in human
capital and the loss of productivity at the macroeconomic level.
Box 2: Mini case study: Balancing career and child care responsibility: the
case of a mothers sacrifice

shering, who was born and brought up in a small town in south central Bhutan, is
38 years old and lives in Thimphu, the capital of the country. She comes from an
affluent family by Bhutanese standards. Tsherings parents brought her up along
with her three brothers, and provided their children with equal education and
other opportunities. However, as Tshering was the only daughter in the family, her
mother never missed an opportunity to remind her that no matter how rich or educated a
woman is; ultimately the responsibility of maintaining a home falls on her. Building on her
own life experience, Tsherings mother drilled the message home of the importance for girls
to do housework, gradually preparing Tshering for her future life. Therefore, Tshering was
expected to help her mother in the kitchen and to carry out other household chores after
school, even when they had several domestic helpers working in her house.
After Tshering earned her bachelors degree from a reputable university in India, she
moved to Thimphu in search of a good job opportunity. She started working in public sector,
and within her first year on the job, she was offered several short-term opportunities to
specialize in her work area, both inside the country and abroad. Gradually, Tshering proved
herself and was soon considered one of the most capable employees in the organization.
She moved up the career ladder quickly. She was also offered and accepted a government
scholarship to pursue a masters degree at a renowned university in the US.
In her personal life, Tshering lived a routine life of a young working woman but never
forgot what her mother had taught her over the years about women needing to be good
homemakers and putting the familys interest before her own. She soon got married to
a man who was also employed in the government sector. The young couple enjoyed
happy times together and had a baby Initially, as both Tshering and her husband were
both working; they left their baby with a babysitter, who was untrained. However, Tshering
always felt that she was neglecting her baby. Tshering recalled how she used to leave her
office several times a day to feed her three- month old baby since there were no explicit
office rules regarding the time frame related to breast-feeding. And although doctors had
advised to breast-feeding her child until he was two years old, Tshering said that she had
to stop breast-feeding her baby when he was about eight months old since her job required
her to travel outside the country.

19

Findings
After another three years, she had her second child, an event which coincided with the
peak of her career advancement. By then, she held a prestigious position in her office and
had demanding job responsibilities. After three months of maternity leave, she and her
husband took turns taking leave from the office since finding babysitters was very difficult
and day care centers only accepted children only above three years of age. For Tshering,
it became a daily struggle to balance work, child care, and household work. In addition,
foreign domestic helpers, who were available in the past, were no longer allowed inside the
country due to the governments new immigration policy. And hiring Bhutanese helpers was
out of the question as no one was interested in doing such menial work.
Tsherings difficulty in balancing the demands of her work and child care responsibilities not
only affected her personal life and health, but also impacted her work. Tshering could not
meet a lot of work-related expectations, and it was a moral struggle to hang on to the job,
while the children suffered from a lack of parental care. This left her with no choice but to
quit her job, much to her disappointment. In addition, given the way she had been brought
up, Tshering could not even consider asking her husband to quit his job even if he was not
doing as well as she was career wise.
Tsherings youngest child is two years old now and is still not old enough to go to a daycare
center. She is not happy with how her life has turned out and regrets quitting her job,
especially because she is aware that based on current policies, once a person has resigned
from a job, he/she cannot go back to that job. In this regard, she regrets not persuaded
her office to grant her extraordinary leave. Tshering is a full-time housewife now and feels
guilty about not being able to make the most of her education and skills. She even feels that
she has not done justice to the scholarship that she generously received and is unhappy
about not being able to serve her country.
When interviewed about the issue of female unemployment and women not occupying
high positions in the government in Bhutan, Tshering said that there were three key factors
that influenced her decision to leave her job. The first factor had to do with her upbringing.
Tshering felt that the way she was brought up by her parents played a crucial role in her
decision to quit her job in order to focus on child care, because she did not feel that she
could ask her husband to quit his job. The second factor had to do with her maternal instinct
and the guilt she felt about not being able to take proper care of her children. And the third
factor she cited had to do with government policies and the lack of child care options for
children below three years of age in her community.
Tshering thinks that if there are no improvements in these areas, women will be forced to
leave the labor force, even if they complete higher level (tertiary) education and are able
to find excellent jobs. She is also convinced that many working women are affected by
the constraints she mentioned and that there should be flexibility in workplace policies to
incorporate flextime and create a more supportive environment for womens career growth.
In addition, she feels that she is fortunate economically and has therefore been in a position
to choose, but cannot imagine the situations of women who might be less fortunate and
have to go through situations similar to hers, as they would not even have the option to
leave their jobs due to financial considerations.
Source: SQA, Mini case study, 2012. (Personal information has been changed to
protect the privacy of the respondent.)

20

Findings

Notwithstanding these findings, it should be highlighted that while traditional

norms do not directly impact womens decisions to participate in the labor
market, they do affect womens ability to stay in the workforce and pursue
career opportunities.

Evolution of gender roles in Bhutan

Perceptions of gender roles in Bhutan have evolved with economic growth.
Over the past 30 years, Bhutan has seen an increasing number of women
participate in the work force. Tsherings life story echoes Bhutans development
progress and also highlights the role of social norms in womens work and career
advancement. Perceptions of gender roles have also changed. In this regard,
evidence from qualitative surveys show that women are now expected to work
to supplement family income in the face of the rising cost of living.
As more women are working, respondents representing three generations share
a positive perception of working mothers (see Table 5). In all of the focus groups,
especially in the female groups, participants expressed that working mothers are
appreciated and respected except in situations when they are seen as neglecting
their children.

21

Findings

Table 5: View about working mothers across generations

Male
Today working women are
encouraged to work and are also
respected.

Elderly

Adult

Youth

In the past, women were

discouraged from going and
were expected to work at home
unless they held a high- profile
job in government. People rarely
expected mothers to work.

Today people appreciate and

respect working women as long
as they do not neglect their
responsibilities of housework
and child care.

Today people view working

women with respect and
encourage and, appreciate them.
Few people perceive working
women negatively from an
economic perspective.
In focus group discussions, some
participants mentioned the
desire to adhere to traditional
norms, which has resulted
in negative views of working
mothers (Paro).

Source: SQA, 2012

22

Female
Today people are happy and proud
of working women. They also admire
and appreciate them. There is no
problem as long as their children get
proper care, and they do not neglect
household responsibilities.
In the past, there were few working
women, but they were respected
and appreciated. However, in general
women were expected to stay
home and be involved in farm and
household work.
Today most respondents shared
that people see working women as
capable, and respect and appreciate
them. They consider women
working normal and would wonder if
educated women stayed home.

Today people respect, appreciate,

and consider working women capable
and responsible.
In focus group discussions, some
participants said that working women
were not paying enough attention to
their household chores and child care
(Paro).

Findings

The robust economic environment is a driver to change social norms. In

Bhutan, the qualitative data show that economic factors such as the rising cost
of living constitute the main rationale for the acceptance of the new norm that
both husbands and wives should work and earn income to support the family.
Comments from participants in both elderly and adult focus groups further
confirm this. On the other hand, the data also show that in parts of the country
where the local economy has been less dynamic, such as in Samtse, opinions of
both men and women tend to reflect traditional norms. For example, a female
youth opined that, Taking care of children is considered womens responsibility
and not mens responsibility (RQA, 2010).
Figure 5: Time use in a typical day among employed adults in urban areas
(hours)
Sleep time

Free time

Earning income/livelihood

HH chores other than childcare

Childcare at home

Source: SQA, 2012; Note: participants in urban areas-Thimphu and Mongarwho are employed
Mens gender roles have also evolved and now include some household
responsibilities. According to the qualitative data, traditional gender roles
regarding housework have largely remained unchanged although some small
changes are observed among working couples in urban areas. And while men
engage in child care, they are not involved in other household chores (Figure 5).
Men tend to have more free time compared to women, despite the fact that both
men and women spend an equal amount of time earning income.

23

Findings

Women still bear more responsibility in the household and also have less rest
time, facing the double burden of working both outside and inside the home. The
data also reveal that educated women in urban areas would like men to take on
more responsibility for household chores.
This section discusses the situation of women and men in the labor market and
the gender gap in job quality. Three main causes of the gap are identified from
the data analysis: education endowment at the higher secondary and tertiary
levels, sex segregation in the labor market, and gender roles in household
chores and child care. The analyses also drill down to the root causes of these
factors. In sum, gender roles in household chores and childcare represent
constraints to womens opportunities at various stages of life in that they limit
girls study time, affect career choice, and impede career advancement. On the
other hand, perceptions about gender roles have changed and are now more
supportive of gender equality; Bhutanese society as a whole is of the opinion
that women should work outside the home and that men should play a greater
role in child care.

24

Policies to promote
gender equality

romoting gender equality in Bhutan is an essential development

issue that is aligned with the two overarching goals of the country: (i)
gross national happiness and (ii) economic well-being. Furthermore,
gender equality is an economic development issue because it
improves the quality of womens jobs and increases the productivity
of female workers, which can contribute to economic growth. Addressing gender
gaps in the Gross National Happiness Index (GNHI) will contribute to the overall
goal of pursuing gross national happiness. While the keen interest of the RGOB
and stakeholders in discussing gender issues in recent years and the progress
made to date in closing many gender gaps in the country are promising, more
remains to be done.
By examining patterns related to specific aspects of the economic empowerment
of men and women in the Bhutan context, this Gender Policy Note (GPN) aims to
provide policy guidance for addressing the existing gender gaps in the country. In
addition to identifying the main causes of gender gaps, it also proposes several
policy actions which, if implemented, could improve gender equality.
This report identifies the root causes of gender gaps in Bhutan. Many of these
causes are intertwined and affect more than one gender gap, particularly those
that have to do with social norms, which influence all areas of gender equality in
Bhutan. Moreover, measures aimed at correcting market failures and institutional
constraints can yield significant productivity gains and broader economic benefits.
Such measures are important, as in todays more competitive and integrated
world, even modest improvements in how efficiently resources are used can have a
meaningful effect on a countrys competitiveness and growth.

4.1. Recommendation area 1: Promote equal ownership and agency

over land
4.1.1. Continue to promote equality in inheritance and land holding
The distribution of inheritance should be carried out in an equal and transparent
manner, and women, especially the eldest daughters, need not be the default
recipients of all ancestral land.

25

Policies to promote gender equality

It should also be noted that inheritance practices are not rigid in matrilineal
communities. The survey data show that land inheritance practices are changing
and becoming more gender equal. In recent years, there has been a shift toward
gender equal inheritance, which the younger generations across all communities
are increasingly in favor of. The practice of dividing property equally among all
children is also gaining popularity, especially in urban communities. The main
reasons that respondents of the SQA cited are the Land Inheritance Act and the
fact that more people are aware of the laws governing property inheritance.
Nevertheless, the application of this law in practice depends on parents
education and childrens awareness of the law (SQA, 2012).
The Land Inheritance Act has been an effective tool in improving gender equality.
In this regard, the government and stakeholders in communities should make
further efforts to promote awareness of the law, particularly in communities that
have not moved toward equal practices.

4.1.2. Foster womens agency to use land and improve access to finance
and entrepreneurship
Women in Bhutan are in a fortunate situation as land is often registered in their
names. In order to reap full benefits of land ownership, women should have
the agency to use their land, which will enable them to have greater decisionmaking power and the ability to use land as assets to access loans and set up
businesses. According to the 2009 Investment Climate Assessment (World Bank,
2010), almost a third of firms in Bhutan are owned by women. In addition, firms
owned by women tend to be larger than firms owned by men and span across
sectors.13 Furthermore, a recent survey on financial inclusion revealed that rural
women often take charge of bringing the harvest to market in nearby cities where
they manage the money from sales and make purchases. However, while women
tend to be knowledgeable about the financial products available to them, they
use those products less frequently than men (Niang et al, 2012).
Still Womens access to finance remains limited, and it has been cited as
the number one obstacle to women-owned businesses (World Bank, 2010).
Financial products and business line targeting women could be a solution to
expand financial institutions business and provide female entrepreneurs with
improved access to finance. In this regard, IFCs Banking on Women Program
is playing a catalytic role in working with partners and financial
13 According to the 2009 Investment Climate Survey, 12 percent and 5 percent of large firms owned
by women are owned by women and men, respectively.

26

Policies to promote gender equality

institutions worldwide to serve businesses owned and run by women.

Savings groups could also be promoted as a platform to reduce barriers to
womens access to finance, empower women within the households, and
increase childrens education. International experience and impact studies show
the positive roles that savings groups can play, not only in relation to resilience
to shocks and increased poverty outreach, but also in terms of households
economic management, childrens education, and the empowerment of women
within households. In Bhutan, savings groups in communities are playing an
increasing role. Welfare associations, in particular, are becoming more active, as
some of them lend mobilized funds to their members.
In the context of this discussion, it should be highlighted that womens economic
opportunities should not be measured only by employment and career
advancement. Self-employment and entrepreneurship are important vehicles
that allow women to become empowered within the family unit. Such vehicles
enable them to generate income while maintaining flexibility with respect to
family and work/life balance. Examples and case studies about ways to promote
womens self-employment and entrepreneurship can be found in the Womens
Economic Empowerment Resource Point14, which bundles and disseminates
knowledge about interventions that promotes women as entrepreneurs and
employees.

4.2. Recommendation area 2: Improve womens education endowment

Recent trends in higher secondary enrollment are encouraging as the ratio of girls
enrollment to that of boys in public schools is moving closer to gender parity. In
order to maintain this momentum and ensure that it translates into tertiary level
enrollment, possible policy actions could include providing more study time for
girls attending secondary schools, promoting higher aspiration among girls, and
reducing early pregnancy.

4.2.1. Improve academic performance of girls at the secondary level

Sufficient study time for female youth is essential to their academic achievement.
As most girls surveyed reported that they have little time to study after school
because they have household chore responsibilities, education interventions
could be used to address this challenge. After-school programs could be
considered.

14 The website for resource point can be found at http://go.worldbank.org/UI27QY1330

27

Policies to promote gender equality

4.2.2. Reduce early pregnancy

Greater contraception use can reduce early pregnancy. In this regard, the data
showed that adolescents and youth are less likely to use contraceptives than
older women. The 2010 BMIS reported contraceptive use in women ages 15-19
is only 30.2 percent compared to 56.5 percent for the 20-24 year old age group
and 70.9 percent for the 40-44 year old age group. It is worth noting that the
promotion of contraception is far from controversial; participants in all focus
group discussions, both elderly and youth focus groups, suggested that access
to affordable contraceptives and increase awareness can be used as preventive
measures to combat rising teenage pregnancy (SQA, 2012).
Interventions should be targeted. Early pregnancy is also highly negatively
correlated with family wealth as the 2010 BMIS data reveal a correlation between
families wealth and early pregnancy. Girls from poorer families are much more
likely to become pregnant and have children early. Furthermore, early pregnancy is
higher in the East, which is one of the poorest regions of the country.
Box 3: The Adolescent Girls Initiative

dolescent girls often find themselves in situations that are in between school
and productive work. More than a third34 percentof young women in
developing countries are joblessout of the labor force and not in school.
Although the gender gap in school enrollment has been closing, the gender
gap in labor force participation is on the rise. Adolescent girls are often less
qualified for jobs and lack the right skills for higher-wage jobs. When it comes to finding
a job, young women struggle because they are more socially isolated, lacking confidence
and contacts to help them search for jobs.
Launched on October 10, 2008, the Adolescent Girls Initiative (AGI) aims to help adolescent
girls and young women make a successful transition from school to work. The program is
being piloted ineight low-income countriesincluding some of the toughest environments
for girls, with the common goal of discovering what works best in programmingwith
training focus on employable skills and life skillsto help adolescent girls and young women
succeed in the labor market. Early results of evaluations are encouraging. In Lao, PDR,
project monitoring data show that 37 percent of participants have started or expanded a
small business seven months after business training. Furthermore, more than 40 percent of
students who used Career Counseling Office (CCO) services found jobs within 2-3 months
following graduation/ In Liberia, the program led to a 50 percent increase in employment and
a 115 percent increase in average weekly income among project beneficiaries, compared
to those in the control group.
Source: AGI Status of Pilot Implementation, October 201215
15 Information on results of AGI can be found at http://go.worldbank.org/

28

Policies to promote gender equality

4.3. Recommendation area 3: Improve womens job quality and career

advancement
4.3.1 Vocational and life-skills training tailored for girls
Vocational training should be tailored to meet womens needs and the
challenges they face in the labor market. The regression results show that
receiving training can marginally reduce the probability of unemployment among
urban female youth. According to participants in youth focus groups, lack of
education and employment-related skills are key factors in the gender gap in
employment. In addition, a lack of confidence among young female job seekers
hampers their chances in the labor market, and both male and female youth have
little knowledge of or confidence that technical and vocational skills training will
lead to employment. In this regard, the SQA suggested negative attitudes toward
Vocational Education and Training (TVET) programs, and young people seem to
have limited information about the details of such programs.
The design of future training programs could benefit from implementation
knowledge generated by the Adolescent Girls Initiative (AGI). AGI could
offer lessons learned about what works and what does not concerning skills
development for girls and young women (see Box 3).

4.3.2. Improve access to child care

Focus group discussion participants across age groups and locations cited child
care as the main challenge facing women in the labor force. Traditional gender
roles affect responsibilities for child care, which impacts womens labor force
participation by limiting womens time to participate in the labor market and
disrupting the continuity of their participation in market work, which in turn
affects career advancement. Thus, improving access to child care would be
helpful in addressing womens time constraints.
Overall, the qualitative surveys show that there is widespread support for
improved child care options, particularly in Thimphu; however, access is still
limited. The general argument in support of child care is economic as educated
women are expected to work to supplement family income. On this basis, men
are becoming increasingly supportive about using child care services, such as day
care centers. In addition, female focus group discussion participants expressed
that men should play a more active role in child care. But some focus group
discussion participants living in areas outside Thimphu said that mothers should
stay home and take care of their children when they are young (until they are 2

29

Policies to promote gender equality

years old). In addition, some women were of the opinion that men are not good
at caring for young children.
Access to child care in Bhutan is still limited. Options for child care in Thimphu
include grandparents, babysitters, daycare centers, or siblings. Onsite child
care facilities rarely exist in workplaces. Furthermore, focus group discussion
participants viewed day care as expensive and inconvenient. While the policy
environment encourages childcare, the normal practice is that child care centers
only take children age above 3 years old.
Many middle-income countries, especially in Latin America, have made
significant public investments and subsidize child care services to support
working mothers. In addition to the direct economic benefits from higher female
labor force participation, the rationale for these programs can be justified by
redistribution or other externalities. Another consideration is whether the
increase in labor force participation is comparable to the net cost of the policy
(subsidies offered minus new tax revenue collected). An impact evaluation of Rio
Box 4 Rio de Janeiros public daycare program

io de Janeiros public daycare program is an integrated early childhood

development program for children ages 0-3 living in low-income
neighborhoods. The program consists of a variety of center-based
interventions, including full time daycare, health services, meals, and the
provision of instructional toys and materials for children. As of January
2008, there were 244 daycare centers providing these services in most of the low
income neighborhoods of Rio de Janeiro. In addition, the program foresees involvement
by parents as a way of improving knowledge about good parenting practices. In sum, it
is expected that access to these well-equipped and managed daycare centers, which
provide a nurturing and stimulating environment for disadvantaged children, will: (i)
boost human capital accumulation by the poor; and (ii) encourage mothers to seek
employment and increase their earnings, thereby improving their own well-being and
the well-being of their households.
A randomized control trial was conducted to evaluate the impact of this program. It
was found that access to free publicly provided child care services led to a very large
increase in the use of care (from 51 to 94 percent), a considerable increase in mothers
employment (from 36 to 46 percent), and an almost doubling in the employment of
mothers who were not working previously (from 9 to 17 percent). However, it was also
determined that the cost of care exceeded the short-term income impact (Olinto et al,
2011)

30

Policies to promote gender equality

de Janeiros public day care program methodically addresses these questions

(Box 4) and shows that the program increased mothers labor force participation.
Turkey is another example. In 2010, the government included a prior action to
launch universal preschool education (initially in 32 of 82 provinces) with the
hiring of 15,000 preschool teachers in conjunction with a $1.3 million World Bank
Development Policy Loan. In any event, fiscal considerations and externalities
from subsidized child care should be taken into account in the design of publicly
provided child care programs.

4.4. Recommendation area 4: Address social norms that lead to gender

inequality
4.4.1. Promote men as fathers and caregivers, and promote mens
participation in housework
Bhutanese men are increasingly taking on more responsibility as fathers, where
they already have a significant role. Men in urban areas spend time taking care
of their children, which is a highly positive trend. In this regard, it is essential to
further promote the greater role of men as fathers and caregivers to all types
of families across Bhutan, and also encourage greater participation of men in
housework. An example from the US shows that over time, against the back
drop of women entering the workforce, the amount of housework carried out
by husbands and wives becomes more equal, and men participate more in
housework (Box 5).

Box 5: Changing attitudes concerning gender roles and housework in the United States

A time use study from the United States offers a promising prospect that the
distribution of household chores between husbands and wives are becoming more
equal, although the adjustment process may take time. The number of overall hours
of domestic labor (excluding child care and shopping) has continued to decline
steadily since 1965 while mens hours of housework are increasing. The trend of
weekly housework hours by married adults shows that over time, married men spend
more time doing housework, from 4.7 hours per week in 1965 to 10.4 hours in 1985
and 1995. On the other hand, women spend less time on housework. The authors
suggest that this increase has occurred in conjunction with changing attitudes about
mens contribution to household maintenance. According to the author, this increase

31

Policies to promote gender equality

also indicates some degree of cultural change in ideas about womens work, and
greater acceptance of men doing cooking and cleaning.

Source: Suzanne M. Bianchi; Melissa A. Milkie; Liana C. Sayer; John P. Robinson (2000), Is
Anyone Doing the Housework? Trends in the Gender Division of Household Labor, Social
Forces, Volume 79, Issue 1 (Sep., 2000).
Changing norms related to gender roles in housework is neither quick nor easy.
International experience shows that social change begins with negotiation and
conversations at the individual level with community support. Dialogue and
harmonious relations have an instrumental, beneficial value, not only for family
life, but also for economic decision-making within households. Notably, the task of
initiating more open dialogue is placed on men. It is both seemingly contradictory
and expected, given that men are the main power holders and traditional leaders
of households.

4.4.2. Promote gender-equal upbringing of children: equal household

responsibility among sons and daughters
Assigning an equal workload of household chores to boys and girls could be
an effective measure, especially as perceptions about gender roles are usually
passed on to and formed by children at an early age. In this regard, the qualitative
surveys include numerous examples regarding focus group discussion participants
whose parents socialize girls with gender roles related to housework and being
child care providers. Moving forward, parents also need to play an important role
in teaching their sons about gender roles and can be key agents for change in
their sons attitudes and behaviors. Furthermore, the willingness of mothers and
fathers to embrace gender equality in their childrens education may result in
significant change and could make gender relations in the next generation more
equitable and harmonious (Boudet, et al, 2012).

32

Policies to promote gender equality

Interventions that aim to promote more equal responsibilities among men and
women should take into account sentiments related to traditions. Qualitative
surveys show that some participants in focus group discussions appear to confuse
traditions that are related to Bhutanese cultural heritagesuch as traditional
sports, community festivals, artisan skillswith practices prevalent in the past
like the traditional role of women doing housework. With a broad desire to
preserve Bhutanese culture and traditions, this confusion could complicate efforts
to promote equal responsibility between the sexes. In possible interventions,
it would therefore be important to address this confusion by making a clear
distinction between cultural traditions and perceptions about gender roles.

4.4.3. Improve basic literacy among women of all age groups

Table 6: Illiteracy rates (%)
Age group

Male

Female

Total

less than 10

43

45

44

10 to 19

11

18

15

20 to 29

25

44

35

30 to 49

42

78

61

50 to 69

60

94

77

70 and older

78

96

87

Total

36

53

45

Source: BLSS 2007

Women lag behind men in literacy16 and knowledge; illiteracy data in Bhutan
reveal a large gender gap. Women have higher illiteracy rates than men across
all age groups; the difference is largest among women between 30 to 70 years of
age (Table 6). Improving literacy would allow people to be more open and receive
new ideas. It would also improve womens agency to exercise their land rights,
connect with the larger community, and use new technology

4.5. Recommendation area 5: Conduct further research to better

understand the gender gap in happiness
Bhutan leads the world in quantitatively measuring the gross national happiness
(GNH). According to the 2010 GNH survey, men are happier than women. About
49 percent of men are happy, while only one third of women are happy, a result
16 According to GNHI methodology, a person is considered literate if he or she is able to read and
write in one of the following languages: English, Dzongkha, or Nepali.

33

Policies to promote gender equality

which is both striking and statistically significant. The RQA also attempted to
study the factors affecting happiness by gender. In general, men attributed their
happiness to factors such as safety, public services, infrastructure, and employment
opportunities, and their unhappiness to the nature of their jobs, low earnings,
unemployment, and declining business performance. By contrast, female focus
group participants indicated that factors affecting womens happiness are related
to family income, spouse behavior and support, family relationships, childrens
educational attainment and support, and adequate fulfillment of basic needs.

34

Conclusion

he body of knowledge about gender differences in happiness and

how policies affect men and women is still limited. As gross national
happiness is the overarching development philosophy of Bhutan, more
attention should be paid to the gender difference in happiness. In this
regard, Bhutan should conduct further research to better understand
this subject as part of the RGOBs effort to promote GNH as a development goal.
This type of research is also timely. As UN member states are engaging in the
MDGs/post-2015 process and are seeking cutting-edge development ideas,
Bhutan could contribute its unique knowledge about GNH to the international
community.
This Gender Policy Note has investigated economic and social factors behind
the gender gaps in Bhutan. Overall, Bhutan has made tremendous progress
toward gender equality. The report identifies two main areas of focus: gender
gaps related to job quality and land. Due to the maternal inheritance practice,
Bhutanese women tend to own land. In this regard, the agency to use the
land still needs to be enhanced. Land holding can limit womens mobility and
constrain their access to new economic opportunities. In terms of the gender
gaps in job quality, the report identifies three key factors: education endowment,
gender segregation in the labor market, and gender roles in the households. The
diagnosis and policy framework is shown graphically in Figure A.3 of Annex 3.
The report recommends policy interventions in five main areas. First, it promotes
equal ownership and agency over land. The policy appears to be working well in
most areas of the country, and families are moving toward equal inheritance.
However, the agency of women to use land could be further enhanced so
that women could gain better access to finance and economic opportunities.
Second, womens economic endowment could be augmented to increase labor
productivity and earnings. This can be done by improving academic performance
of girls at the secondary level. Third, child care, along with vocational and lifeskills training tailored for girls could womens access to good jobs. Fourth, social
norms that lead to gender inequality could be addressed by promoting a greater
role for men as fathers and caregivers and mens participation in housework.
Moreover, gender=equal attitudes could be introduced to children through the
distribution of equal household responsibilities among sons and daughters. Basic
literacy, especially among women, could also be improved to encourage more

35

Conclusion

open attitudes, expand womens agency to exercise their land rights, and enable
them to be more connected with larger community. Finally, the report recognizes
the need to conduct further research to better understand the gender gap in
happiness.
Policy interventions should be targeted. Given Bhutans diverse geography and
cultural practices, policy interventions should target specific populations and
tailor the design of interventions to fit their conditions in order to maximize
effectiveness. Analyses in the report also identify target groups of interventions
based on a combination of qualitative and quantitative data. For example, women
in rural areas who hold agricultural land will benefit from the expansion of access
to finance and entrepreneurships. Working couples in urban areas, on the other
hand, could benefit from provision of child care where economy of scale allows.
A summary matrix of interventions and target groups can be found in Annex 3.

36

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39

Annex 1: Data Description

The Gender Policy Note (GPN) examines patterns related to specific aspects of
the economic empowerment of both men and women (e.g., access to and use of
labor, land, financial and product markets), by using the analytical framework of
the 2012 World Development Report on Gender and Development and applying
it to the Bhutan context. It analyzes existing quantitative and qualitative data in
Bhutan.
In terms of quantitative data sets, the report mainly relies on the following: (a)
the Bhutan Living Standard Survey 2007 (BLSS). The BLSS, the national household
survey, contains data related to poverty, education, labor, agriculture, access to
infrastructure, etc. Since the survey also collected data at the individual level, it
is possible to generate sex-segregated information. (b) Bhutan Multiple Indicator
Survey, which was conducted between March and August 2010. The surveys
main objective is to provide up-to-date information on the situation of children
and women with the goal of improving data and monitoring systems in Bhutan.
(c) Various rounds of the Labor Force Surveys (LFS), which provide information
related to earnings, unemployment, occupations, and other labor market
outcomes. The LFS are generally conducted in April of every year.
In addition to quantitative data, the task team also analyzed qualitative data
from the Rapid Qualitative Assessment (RQA) and the Supplemental Qualitative
Assessment (SQA). The rapid qualitative assessments were undertaken in Bhutan
and 18 other countries around the world to examine trends in gender roles and
norms, and what women and men say drive their major economic decisions and
inform the WDR 2012. The samples of the survey were designed to capture a mix
of urban and rural contexts as well as more modern and traditional gender norms.
The fieldwork covered both middle income and poorer neighborhoods of cities and
towns, as well as prosperous and poor villages.

RQA data description

A rapid qualitative assessment (RQA) on gender and economic decision in four
communities of Thimphu, Paro, Samtse and Mongar in Bhutan was carried out in
December 2010 through January 2011. The main purpose of the assessment was
to explore: i) womens and mens subjective views of and experiences with making
key economic decisions, such as how to make a living and how to build and protect
major assets; and ii) whether and how the gender norms that surround these
choices have changed due to factors such as expanded educational opportunities,

40

more developed and complex economy, and better connectivity. Although

extensive quantitative analysis on some gender dimensions of development is
possible from household surveys, their insights are limited because most do not
examine intra-household and community-level dynamics. In addition, they often
cover only a limited set of economic, demographic, and human development
factors.
The information was collected by using: (i) a community questionnaire, (ii) three
focus group discussions of adults for ladder of power and freedom; youth for
making economic choices; and adolescence for reaching for success and family
and community life; health and safety; supported by (iii) a mini case study. It
should be noted that in this RQA, adolescents were referred to population ages
(12-16yrs), youth, ages 18 24, and adult, 25 60 years old.
The four communities were chosen based on the rural and urban divide and
economically more vibrant and economically less vibrant as follows:

Urban (more economically vibrant) Thimphu Town (West)

Urban (less economically vibrant) Mongar Town (East)

Rural (more economically vibrant) Community in Paro (West)

Rural (less economically vibrant) Community in Samtse (South)

Figure A.1: Districts (Dzongkhag) where surveys were conducted

41

Table A1: Sample of focus group discussions

Age Groups

Adult (Male)
Adult (Female)

Communities
Samtse
Mongar
11
12
11
12

Thimphu
8
11

Paro
9
10

Total
40
44

Youth (Male)

10

10

36

Youth (Female)

31

Adolescent (Male)

10

35

Adolescent (Female)

30

Total

55

52

53

56

216

A total of 24 focus group discussions were held in four communities of Thimphu,

Paro, Samtse, and Mongar. The total participants recorded was 216, of which
55 participants were from Thimphu, 52 participants from Paro, 53 participants
from Samtse and 56 participants from Mongar. In the category of gender, 105
participants were female and 111 participants were male. Apart from the focus
group discussions, four interviews for community questionnaire and five mini
case studies were carried out.

SQA data description

The methodology adopted for collecting information for the SQA is designed
to enable rich and detailed discussions of the factors and processes shaping
economic decisions and outcomes for men and women, and to provide a basis
for comparative analysis across gender, generations, and community contexts. It
is expected to provide better insights into intra-household and community-level
dynamics, and supplement the available quantitative information on economic,
demographic, and human development factors.
The methodology features three key data collection tools, which use a mix of
focus group discussions and individual interviews with a selected number of
key participants. The details concerning how the tools are administered are as
follows:
Focus group discussions with three different age groups: i) Youth Group (age 18 to
24 years both male and female); ii) Adult Group (age 25 to 55 years both male
and female); and Elderly Group (over 55 years old both male and female);

42

Individual informant interviews in each of the survey sites to update community

information, through a structured community questionnaire; and
Mini case study through individual interviews (both in rural and urban
communities).

43

Annex 2: Statistical tables

Table A2.1: Probit regression results for unemployment, Bhutan 2011 (LFS)
Factors affecting unemployment
RURAL
All
Age
Age squared
Married
Region: Western
Region: Eastern
Migration during past year

0.04123

(0.67)

-0.00098

-0.00089

(1.00)

(0.60)

-0.02639

-0.04170

(2.25)**

(2.24)**

-0.03587

-0.04655

(2.99)***

(2.80)***

-0.01320

-0.01698

(1.12)

(1.02)

0.14446
-0.00849
(0.53)

Education: Secondary
Education: Higher Secondary

Female

(1.31)
0.02305
(0.80)
0.14692

(2.92)***

(2.95)***

0.11886

0.05729

0.15522
(0.73)

Received training

0.22331

0.08385

(1.46)
Education: University

0.04056

(1.03)

(1.20)
Education: Primary

Female

(0.91)
0.14511
(0.60)

0.11107

0.29749

(1.97)**

(2.15)**

0.03276
(2.49)**

Female x high school

-0.01279
(0.55)

R2_P

0.1717

0.2322

1,038

591

* p<0.1; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01

44

URBAN
Male
0.06639

All

Female

Male

0.31392

0.33972

0.17595

(1.05)

(4.84)***

(3.95)***

(2.05)**

-0.00163

-0.00781

-0.00830

-0.00462

(1.04)

(5.01)***

(4.02)***

(2.24)**

-0.03269

-0.04537

0.01853

-0.14856

(1.75)*

(2.47)**

-0.03336

0.01540

(0.77)
0.03606

(6.34)***
-0.00216

(1.52)

(0.62)

(1.27)

(0.06)

-0.00600

-0.05775

-0.06419

-0.02377

(0.26)

(2.15)**

(1.92)*

(0.65)

0.01943
(0.68)

0.01569
(0.57)
0.09752
(1.40)

0.03542
(0.65)

0.05962
(1.47)

-0.03247
(1.16)

0.10377

0.14049

0.08677

(2.58)***

(2.68)***

0.13333

0.10514

0.20322

(4.74)***

(3.15)***

(3.45)***

0.27549

0.18670

0.27554

(5.80)***

(4.41)***

(4.12)***

0.26935

0.11073

0.37116

(1.21)

(4.11)***

(1.75)*

(3.61)***

-0.04404

-0.04546

-0.02341

(2.18)**

(1.66)*

(0.98)

0.09130
(4.26)***
-0.07176
(2.44)**
0.1019

0.0647

0.0453

0.1862

354

2,280

1,420

860

45

Table A2.2: Earnings Regressions

OLS
All
Female

Female

Heckman
Male

-0.10813

-0.09936

(7.36)***
Age
Age squared
Married
Urban
Region: Western

Migration during past year

Education: Primary

0.08718

0.05951

0.6545

(14.55)***

(9.38)***

(10.92)***

(36.92)***

-0.00072

-0.00101

-0.00061

(11.96)***

(7.98)***

(8.83)***

(29.99)***

0.06259

-0.05418

0.14510

0.05541

Education: Higher Secondary

Education: University
Received training
Access to finance
Work for government
enterprise

(3.45)***

(1.74)*
-0.24338

(2.60)***

(5.57)***

0.02216

-0.18758

0.08286

0.01822

(3.78)***

(3.53)***

(2.47)**

0.05011

0.12074

0.0947

(7.58)***

(16.68)***

0.01424

-0.0099

0.10318
(7.09)***

(1.56)

-0.00751

-0.05848

(0.28)

(1.01)

0.07784

46

0.01606
(0.25)

(6.41)***

(8.46)***

0.00926

-0.05435

(0.45)

(0.49)

(8.28)***

(1.1)

0.07937

0.07369

(3.63)***

(10.13)***

0.35271

0.42420

0.31655

0.34503

(18.74)***

(9.80)***

(15.50)***

(50.58)***

0.57146

0.59250

0.54130

0.5622

(23.34)***

(11.56)***

(19.42)***

(64.05)***

0.88626

0.86159

0.87847

0.87520

(33.57)***

(14.49)***

(30.55)***

(91.08)***

0.13497

0.07532

0.14976

0.12437

(9.27)***

(2.25)**

(9.50)***

(20.41)***

0.00447

0.00514

0.00405

0.00443

(9.65)***

(5.41)***

(7.76)***

(28.57)***

0.09081

0.15409

0.06132

0.08934

(1.88)*
Work for private enterprise

-0.00069

-0.04946

(3.64)***
Education: Secondary

(17.21)***

0.06789

(1.02)
Region: Eastern

All

0.04448

(1.86)*
0.02686

(1.01)
0.05447

(5.54)**
0.04309

OLS
All
(0.92)
Occupation: Legislators,
senior officials & managers
Occupation: Professional
Occupation: Technician and
associate professional
Occupation: Service worker &
shop & market sales workers
Occupation: Skilled
agriculture workers
Occupation: Craft & related
workers
Occupation: Plant & machine
operators & assemblers
Occupation: Elementary
occupation
Occupation: Armed force

(0.33)

Male
(0.90)

All
(2.68)***

0.23566

0.38019

0.19875

0.23570

(6.25)***

(5.10)***

(4.46)***

(18.73)***

0.24221

0.23124

0.26575

0.24213

(8.91)***

(5.00)***

(7.67)***

(26.69)***

0.06976

0.20695

0.03756

0.06988

(2.50)**

(4.01)***

-0.01199

0.00904

(1.09)
0.00477

(7.52)***
-0.01171

(0.40)

(0.17)

(0.13)

(1.17)

-0.40370

-0.32072

-0.44339

-0.40261

(8.03)***

(3.77)***

(6.85)***

(23.99)***

-0.02510

-0.06137

-0.01753

-0.02510

(0.74)

(0.86)

(0.44)

(2.21)**

0.08003

0.01570

0.07640

0.07993

(2.44)**

(0.14)

(2.04)**

(7.31)***

-0.18759

-0.25504

-0.15583

-0.18731

(6.08)***

(4.24)***

(4.16)***

(18.19)***

0.12413

0.18725

0.12477

0.12342

(3.58)***
Constant

Female

Heckman

(3.19)***

(10.66)***

6.97528

6.78503

7.02826

7.06195

(72.05)***

(37.75)***

(60.41)***

(160.00)***

0.4179

0.4194

0.4179

2,795

6,869

9,664

(0.85)

31901

* p<0.1; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01

47

Note: In the earning regression, log of earning for all working population ages 1564 years whose income is more than zero was taken as the dependent variable.
The relevant independent variables used were demographic characteristics such
as sex (female=1& 0 otherwise), age in completed years, square of age, marital
status ( whether married or not) migrated (those who migrated within 1 year=1&
0 otherwise), Education (Primary, Secondary, Higher secondary, and graduate
=1& 0 otherwise, where no education is the reference variable), trained (received
vocational training more than one month = 1, 0 otherwise); spatial characteristics
such as region (western, eastern=1& 0otherwise, and central is the reference
variable), area ( rural=0; urban=1). The number of individual accounts as a
proportion of adult population was also used. The employment-related variable
includes enterprises categorized as government, private and agriculture, and
agriculture was used as reference variable. For occupation, clerk was used as a
reference variable.

48

Annex 3: Framework and targeting policy interventions

Figure A.3: Diagnosis and policy framework
Gender
equality

Causes
Time use for
housework
Traditional gender
roles
Academic
performance

Quality of jobs

Inheritance practices

Agency to use land

Early child-bearing
Education at
secondary level and
above
Gender segregation in
employment
Lack of child care
options

What can be
done?
Continue to
promote equality in
inheritance and land
holding
Improve womens
endowment
Improve womens job
quality and career
advancement
Address social norms
that lead to gender
inequality
Conduct further
research to better
understand gender
gap in happiness

49

Policies to promote gender equality

Target groups

Recommendation area 1: Promote equal ownership and agency over land

Continue to promote equality in inheritance
and land holding

Patrilineal communities

Foster womens to use land and improve

access to finance and entrepreneurship

All women who own land, particularly in

rural areas

Recommendation area 2: Improve womens education endowment

Improve academic performance of girls at the
secondary level

Girls in secondary and higher secondary

level

Reduce early pregnancy

At risk girls in secondary schools: focus on

eastern region and in poorer households

Aspirations and education: role model for

female youth

Girls in rural areas and economically

stagnant communities

Recommendation area 3: Improve womens job quality and career advancement

Vocational and life-skills training tailored for
girls
Improve access to child care

Girls who do not perform well

academically
All working families, particularly in urban
areas

Recommendation area 4: Address social norms that lead to gender inequality

50

Promote a greater role for men as fathers

(where they already have a big role) and
caregivers, and promote mens participation
in housework

All working families, particularly in urban

areas

Promote gender-equal upbringing of children

with an emphasis on distributing equal
household responsibilities among sons and
daughters

All families

Improve basic literacy among women of all

age groups

Women age between 20 -50 years old

Recommendation area 5: Conduct further

research to better understand gender gap in
happiness

Research institutions

51