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First published August 1999

The Social Construction of Violence: The Case of Sexual and Domestic Violence

Charlene L. Muehlenhard and Leigh Ann KimesView all authors and affiliations
Volume 3, Issue 3
https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327957pspr0303_6

Abstract

What counts as “violence” is socially constructed, has varied over time, and reflects power relationships. Informed by social constructionism, we illustrate these points using as examples sexual violence and domestic violence. We review changes in how society and social scientists have defined and understood these topics during the last 30 years. We then discuss 3 areas of continuing controversy: who should decide if sexual or domestic violence has occurred, what to count as sexual and domestic violence, and the role of gender in defining sexual and domestic violence.

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1 Interestingly, this editorial implied that abortions are a form of child abuse: “By making abortions illegal except under limited circumstances, civilized society now protects the child in utero. It should continue to give adequate protection through the early years of life when the child is still too young to defend himself” (“The Battered-Child Syndrome,“ p. 42). This example highlights the socially constructed nature of what counts as abuse.
2 Society's response to child abuse was “rapid” compared with its response to other forms of intimate violence. However, the first case of child abuse to glean public attention occurred in 1874. Mary Ellen Connolly was abused and neglected by her stepparents. Police would not intervene, and there were no organizations to protect children from abuse. The child was finally removed from her home by the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (Bergen, 1998). From this perspective, passing these reporting laws by 1967 was a long time coming. Furthermore, the topic of child abuse is still contested today; “corporal punishment” of children is legal in the United States and is supported by many people (Gelles & Straus, 1988).
3 Legal scholars debate whether Hale was reciting English common law or custom. Either way, husbands could not be charged with raping their wives (Estrich, 1987).
4 Pizzey (1974/1977) herself thought that American feminists had it backward:
I knew [America] was one of the most violent countries in the world and that it had pioneered the studies on baby battering, but all that one ever read about was rape crisis centers. It seemed obvious to me that America had put the cart before the horse and that the huge publicity about rape (horrifying as it is) obscured the fact that the man who rapes is also the boy who as a child has been conditioned to see all women as objects for his service. (pp. 6-7)
5 There is some disagreement about whether the component of Koss et al.'s(1988) definition of rape involving alcohol and drugs actually corresponded to Ohio's legal definition of rape (for a discussion, see Muehlenhard et al., 1994). When this component is included in the definition, Koss et al. found that 15% of college women had been raped; when this component is excluded from the definition, the prevalence is 11% (Koss & Cook, 1998). Thus, this component of the definition cannot account for the large percentage of women who met Koss et al.'s definition of rape but who did not construe their experiences as “rape.” A substantial percentage of women who reported experiencing sexual intercourse, oral or anal sex, or penetration with objects because they were physically forced still did not describe their experiences as rape.
6 Victims of acquaintance and stranger rape differed in how they labeled their experiences but not in their subsequent depression, anxiety, problems with relationships and sex, or thoughts of suicide.
7 Data suggest that women are more seriously injured than men and that women and men often have different motives for striking their partners: Violent wives typically report self-defense or retaliatory reasons for their violence, whereas violent husbands more often report external or situational factors or coercive and controlling reasons (Hamberger & Potente, 1994; White & Kowalski, 1994).
8 Some feminists of color also have argued that the dominant theory of the battered women's movement does not reflect their experiences (Merrill, 1996).

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Volume 3, Issue 3
Pages: 234 - 245
Article first published: August 1999
Issue published: August 1999

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PubMed: 15661674

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Charlene L. Muehlenhard
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Leigh Ann Kimes
Department of Psychology, University of Kansas
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