![Sample our Humanities journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5939/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Humanities.jpg"})
Abstract
This article examines Irish taoiseach (prime minister) Charles J. Haughey’s involvement with the Falklands War of 1982; a hitherto neglected subject related to a defining episode in the history of Great Britain in the post-war era. Specifically, it focuses on Haughey’s relationship with British prime minister Margaret Thatcher during the depths of this crisis and the immediate diplomatic and political fallout between the British and Irish governments in the aftermath of the Falklands War. At the heart of this article is the argument that Haughey’s modus operandi during the Falkland War was motivated by a blend of political opportunism and cynical anglophobia.
Notes
1. Interview with David Neligan, January 2, 2015.
2. For further reading in relation to Haughey’s alleged ‘deep-rooted anglophobia’, including his involvement with the so-called ‘Arms Crisis’, see Kelly, ‘Fresh Evidence from the Archives’, 155–170.
3. With access to newspaper reports, published parliamentary debates and a selection of secondary writings, MacQueen provided an astute examination of the Irish government’s public stance in relation to the Falklands War, chiefly at the UN. However, when analysing Haughey’s private actions and motivations during this crisis, MacQueen was less successful. This is not a criticism of the mentioned author, per se. Rather, due to the unavailability of hitherto classified departmental British and Irish government files, and a reluctance on behalf of civil servants and politicians, alike, to place on the record their involvement with the Falklands War, Haughey’s involvement with the crisis has remained difficult to decipher. See MacQueen, ‘The Expedience of Tradition’, 38–55 and 42–53. Apart from MacQueen’s article, the respective studies by Ben Tonra (‘The Internal Dissenter: Ireland Esther Barbeand’) and Gregg O’Neill (‘A Failure of Statesmanship and an Abdication of Political Responsibility’), likewise, did not have access to the aforementioned archival governmental files vis-à-vis Haughey’s attitude to the Falklands crisis. See also, Doherty, Ireland, Neutrality and European Security Integration, 56–57; and Martin, ‘Institutions and Cooperation: Sanctions during the Falkland Islands Conflict’, 152, 156 and 162–168.
4. Freedman, The Official History of the Falklands Campaign: War and Diplomacy, Volume Two, 405, 424–425 and 448. Moreover, the following works related to the Falklands War neglect to examine Haughey’s contribution to this aforementioned subject: see Middlebrook, The Falklands War; Hastings and Simon, The Battle for the Falklands; Boyce, The Falklands War; and lastly, Parsons, The Falklands War.
5. See, for example, Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 656–758; Aitken, Margaret Thatcher: Power and Personality, 320–371; Evans, Thatcher and Thatcherism, 96–100; Fry, The Politics of the Thatcher Revolution, 53–58; and Green, Thatcher, 155–162. See also Goodlad, Thatcher; Sharp, Thatcher’s Diplomacy.
6. See, for example, Patterson, Ireland’s Violent Frontier; O’Kane, Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland since 1980; Cunningham, British Government Policy in Northern Ireland, 1969–2000; and Sloan, The Geopolitics of Anglo–Irish Relations in the Twentieth Century.
7. See, for example, O’Brien, The Modern Prince: Charles J. Haughey and the Quest for Power, 85–94; Arnold, Haughey: His Life and Unlucky Deeds, 189–190; Stephen Collins, The Haughey File; and Dwyer, Charlie: The Political Biography of Charles J. Haughey.
8. See, for example, Whelan, Fianna Fáil, a Biography of the Party, 212–213; O’Donnell, Fianna Fáil, Irish Republicanism and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1986–2005, 53–66; and Collins, The Power Game: Fianna Fáil since Lemass, 141–151. See also Mansergh (ed.), The Spirit of the Nation: Speeches and Statements of Charles J. Haughey.
9. See Sharp, Irish Foreign Policy and the European Community, 199–235.
10. See Salmon, Unneutral Ireland, 257 and 268–272.
11. Although Sharp and Salmon, respectively, offer important background material in relation to Ireland’s role in the EEC and the history of Irish neutrality, on the subject of the Falklands War, neither author had access to the relevant British or Irish departmental government papers. See also MacQueen, ‘The Expedience of Tradition’, 39–41.
12. This article has utilised the following department files from the National Archives of Ireland (NAI): the Department of the Taoiseach (DT) and the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA).
13. This article has utilised the follow department files from the National Archives of the United Kingdom (NAUK): the Cabinet Office (CAB); the Northern Ireland files (CJ); the Foreign and Commonwealth Office files (FCO); and Prime Minister’s Office (PREM). However, readers should be aware that a substantial number of British departmental-governmental files related to ‘political’ facets of the Falklands War still remain closed to the public. See, for example, NAUK CAB 163/72; NAUK CAB 163/380-381; NAUK CAB 163/408; and NAUK CAB 163/447.
14. The Margaret Thatcher Papers (THCR) are held in the Churchill Archives Centre (CAC).
15. See Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’. Mr Dorr kindly supplied me with a copy of this cited memorandum. Copy in author’s possession.
16. Record of speech by Haughey, March 9, 1982. NAI DT 2012/90/996.
17. Under the direction of the secretary of state for Northern Ireland James Prior, the British government proposed the establishment of a devolved assembly (not specifically power-sharing) between the political parties of Northern Ireland, this became known as the ‘Prior Initiative’. Prior envisaged that the proposed assembly would eventually have executive and legislative responsibility for the administration of Northern Ireland departments (commerce, finance, manpower services, agriculture, environment, health and social services and education). Law and order, however, would remain under the control of Westminster. On 5 April 1982, the British government published its white paper, Northern Ireland: A Framework for Devolution, setting out the criteria for the establishment of a devolved government for Northern Ireland, based on a so-called plan of ‘partial or rolling devolution’. See confidential memorandum by Prior, ‘Northern Ireland: constitutional development’ for British Cabinet Defence and Overseas Policy Committee, February 9, 1982. CAC THCR 2/6/2/117 (part 2).
18. See, for example, speech by Haughey, March 9, 1982. NAI DT 2012/90/996.
19. Figg to Lord Carrington, March 29, 1982. NAUK PREM 19/749.
20. Copy of memorandum by Figg, ‘The Falklands Crisis and Anglo–Irish Relations’, June 22, 1982. CAC THCR 1/20/3/19.
21. See copy of joint British-Irish communiqué, ‘Meeting between Taoiseach and British Prime Minister’, Deccember 8, 1980. NAI DFA 2010/53/930. See also Kelly, ‘Love–Hate: The Haughey–Thatcher relationship and the Anglo–Irish Summit, December 8, 1980’, 46–49.
22. Transcript of Haughey’s press conference following meeting his with Thatcher, December 8, 1980. NAI DFA 2010/53/930.
23. The relevant declassified British and Irish departmental government files related to the Anglo–Irish summit meeting of 8 December 1980 make no reference to Northern Ireland’s constitutional future; except for Thatcher’s pledge to maintain the ‘guarantee’ that Northern Ireland would not cease to be part of the United Kingdom without the consent of the majority in that region. See, for example, official Irish government record of ‘meeting between the Taoiseach and British Prime Minister, 8 December, 1980’. NAI DFA 2010/53/930. See also NAUK CJ 4/2938-2939.
24. Comments by Dermot Nally. RTÉ television documentary, Haughey, episode 2, ‘Arise and follow’ (2005). Available from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qOoeUIRVrik.
25. For further analysis of Haughey’s role during the second Republican hunger strike of 1981 and more generally Anglo–Irish relations during this tense period see Kelly, ‘Mr Haughey’s Silence Condemns Him’, pp. (tbc). See also Hennessey, Hunger Strike: Margaret Thatcher’s Battle with the IRA; and Moore, Margaret Thatcher: the Authorized Biography, Volume One, 587–622.
26. Interview with David Neligan, January 2, 2015.
27. See Kelly, ‘Mr Haughey’s Silence Condemns Him’, pp. (tbc).
28. Interview (telephone) with Lord Robert Armstrong, October 27, 2015.
29. MacQueen, ‘The Expedience of Tradition’, 54.
30. See Irish Press, March 18 and 19, 1982.
31. Privately, Robert Armstrong said that Haughey’s aggressive stance in relation to London made it impossible for the British government to take ‘the initiative’ in Anglo–Irish relations. See Armstrong to Thatcher, March 26, 1982. NAUK PREM 19/749.
32. Sharp, Irish Foreign Policy and the European Community, 218.
33. It is not within the remit of this article to offer an in-depth, all encompassing, analysis of the British government’s military or diplomatic actions during the Falklands War. For such analysis see Freedman, The Official History of the Falklands Campaign: Origins of the Falklands War, Volume One; and Freedman, The Official History of the Falklands Campaign: War and Diplomacy, Volume Two. See also Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 656–758; and Aitken, Margaret Thatcher: Power and Personality, 320–371.
34. Howe, Conflict of Loyalty, 245.
35. Quoted in Fry, The Politics of the Thatcher Revolution: An Interpretation of British Politics, 53.
36. See Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 669–672.
37. See Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 670–671.
38. Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 667.
39. Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 678. See also Parsons, ‘The Falklands Crisis in the United Nations, 31st March–14th June 1982’, 169–178.
40. Irish government memorandum, ‘The Anglo–Irish Dispute: Note for the information of the Government’, April 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/71.
41. Irish government memorandum, ‘The Anglo–Irish Dispute: Note for the information of the Government’, April 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/71.
42. See Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’.
43. This information is sourced from a secret Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
44. O’Neill, ‘A Failure of Statesmanship and an Abdication of Political Responsibility’, 165–166.
45. Record of meeting between MacKernan and Tatham, April 5, 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/71.
46. See Department of Foreign Affairs memorandum, ‘The Falkland Islands dispute’, early April 1982. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
47. Thatcher to Haughey, April 6, 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/71.
48. See Department of Foreign Affairs memorandum, ‘The Falkland Islands dispute’, early April 1982. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
49. Irish government memorandum, ‘The Anglo–Irish Dispute: Note for the Information of the Government’, April 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/71.
50. See Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
51. Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
52. Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
53. Joyce and Murtagh, The Boss, 157.
54. See Irish Times, April 13, 1982.
55. O’Neill, ‘A Failure of Statesmanship and an Abdication of Political Responsibility’, 167. See also MacQueen, ‘The Expedience of Tradition’, 42–43.
56. O’Neill, ‘A Failure of Statesmanship and an Abdication of Political Responsibility’, 167.
57. Joyce and Murtagh, The Boss, 157.
58. See, for example, Department of Foreign Affairs memorandum, ‘The Falkland Islands dispute’, early April 1982. NAI DT 2013/27/14; and Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14. See also Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’.
59. See Sharp, Irish Foreign Policy and the European Community, 223–224.
60. See Irish Times, April 13, 1982.
61. See Dorr, A Small State at the Top Table, 138–140 and 240. Also interview with Dorr, April 8, 2014 and email correspondence, July 2015.
62. Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’.
63. Dorr, A Small State at the Top Table, 138–139. Also interview with Noel Dorr, April 8, 2014.
64. Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
65. Copy of message from Haughey to Thatcher, April 16, 1982. CAC THCR 3/1/20.
66. Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14. See also British Embassy in Dublin to the Irish government, ca. April 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/72.
67. Copy of Irish government statement: ‘Falklands dispute’, May 2, 1982. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
68. See Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 715.
69. Joyce and Murtagh, The Boss, 162.
70. Moore, Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume One, 716.
71. Joyce and Murtagh, The Boss, 164.
72. Freedman, The Official History of the Falklands Campaign: War and Diplomacy, Volume Two, 425.
73. Salmon, Unneutral Ireland, 257.
74. Copy of Irish government statement: ‘Falklands dispute’, May 4, 1982. NAI DT 2012/90/997.
75. Dáil Éireann Debate (DE), May 4, 1982. Vol. 334, No. 1, col. 36.
76. Interview with David Neligan, January 2, 2015.
77. Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’.
78. See Lillis, ‘Mr Haughey’s Dual Exocet’, undated.
79. Lillis, ‘Mr Haughey’s Dual Exocet’.
80. Dorr, A Small State at the Top Table, 185. See also Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’.
81. Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’.
82. See Collins, The Power Game: Fianna Fáil since Lemass, 176.
83. Freedman, The Official History of the Falklands Campaign: War and Diplomacy, Volume Two, 424.
84. Interview with Noel Dorr, April 8, 2014.
85. FitzGerald, All in a Life: Garret FitzGerald, an Autobiography, 408.
86. Comments by Walter Kirwan. RTÉ television documentary, Thatcher: Ireland and the Iron Lady. 2013. Available from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=foD8GMhRwFw.
87. See note by D. H. Colvan, May 5, 1982. NAUK CAB 154/6615.
88. Comments by Lord Robert Armstrong. RTÉ television documentary, Thatcher: Ireland and the Iron Lady. 2013. Available from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=foD8GMhRwFw.
89. Interview (telephone) with Lord Robert Armstrong, October 27, 2015.
90. Thatcher, The Downing Street Years, 394.
91. Record of meeting between Haughey and Figg, May 6, 1982. NAI DT 2012/90/997. See also NAUK CJ 4/3930. For an analysis of the Irish government’s traditional support for neutrality in the context of the country’s role within the EEC see Sharp, Irish Foreign Policy and the European Economic Community, 199–235.
92. Irish government memorandum, ‘Falkland Island Crisis’, May 5, 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/72.
93. DE, May 11, 1982. Vol. 334, No. 4, col. 801.
94. Figg to FCO, May 12, 1982. NAUK CJ 4/3930.
95. Copy of memorandum by Figg, ‘The Falklands Crisis and Anglo–Irish relations’, June 22, 1982. CAC THCR 1/20/3/19.
96. Copy of memorandum by Figg, ‘The Falklands Crisis and Anglo–Irish relations’, June 22, 1982. CAC THCR 1/20/3/19.
97. See Sharp, Irish Foreign Policy and the European Community, 220–226. See also Salmon, Unneutral Ireland, 82–239.
98. See O’Neill, ‘A Failure of Statesmanship and an Abdication of Political Responsibility’, 170. See also MacQueen, ‘The Expedience of Tradition’, 45.
99. See comment by Blaney. Irish Times, April 20, 1982.
100. Record of interview with Haughey, May 12, 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/72.
101. Quoted in Salmon, Unneutral Ireland, 269.
102. See Freedman, The Official History of the Falklands Campaign: War and Diplomacy, Volume Two, 426.
103. Record of telephone conversation between Thatcher and Haughey, May 17, 1982. NAUK PREM 19/628. See also NAUK CJ 4/4180. Furthermore, in a last ditch attempt to keep the Irish government onside the American government also directly intervened. On 14 May, Alexander Haig, US secretary of state, wrote to Irish minister for foreign affairs Collins with a plea that Ireland continues to support British sanctions against Argentina. His request was politically rebuffed by Dublin. See Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
104. Record of telephone conversation between Thatcher and Haughey, May 17, 1982. NAUK PREM 19/628. See also NAUK CJ 4/4180.
105. Joyce and Murtagh, The Boss, 166.
106. Record of meeting between Irish official (unidentified) Irish Embassy in London and Mike Molly, undated. NAI DFA 2012/59/1585. See also Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14; and the Irish Embassy in London to MacKernan, April 4, 1982. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
107. See note by I. C. Orr, May 24, 1982. NAUK CJ 4/3930.
108. Dorr, ‘The Falklands War: Background and Context to Ireland’s Actions on the UN Security Council’.
109. Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
110. Record of meeting between Haughey and Figg, May 26, 1982. NAUK CJ 4/3930.
111. Irish departmental-government file, ‘The Falkland Islands Crisis’. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
112. Thatcher, The Downing Street Years, 173.
113. See, for example, The Belfast Telegraph, June 30, 1982 and Irish Independent, June 29, 1982.
114. Daily Mail, June 29, 1982. See also Irish Independent, June 29, 1982.
115. Copy of memorandum by Figg, ‘The Falklands crisis and Anglo–Irish relations’, June 22, 1982. CAC THCR 1/20/3/19.
116. Record of meeting between Goodison, Tatham, Corcoran and Moran, May 25, 1982. NAI DT 2013/27/14.
117. Copy of memorandum by Figg, ‘The Falklands crisis and Anglo–Irish relations’, June 22, 1982. CAC THCR 1/20/3/19.
118. See, for example, record of Haughey’s interview on RTÉ’s ‘Today-Today’, February 9, 1982. NAUK CJ 4/3927.
119. Thatcher, The Downing Street Years, 394–395.
120. Kennedy to the Department of Foreign Affairs, Dublin, July 21, 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/1679.
121. See, for example, meeting between Douglas Hurd, minister of state at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Eamon Kennedy, July 21, 1982. NAUK CJ 4/4236. See also, copy of aide memoire, Kennedy to Figg, July 29, 1982. NAI DFA 2012/59/1679.
122. O’Malley, Conduct Unbecoming: A Memoir, 132.
123. Howe, Conflict of Loyalty, 413.
124. See comments by Ronan Fanning. Sunday Independent, December 30, 2012.
125. Interview with Garret FitzGerald, January 19, 2009.
126. O’Neill, ‘A Failure of Statesmanship and an Abdication of Political Responsibility’, 179.