Interwar

The present research explores the use of terrazzo and mosaic floors in the Interwar buildings of Greece, particularly in its capital Athens. The main objective is to demonstrate that floors are a highly important element of architectural expression and therefore worth preserving. The paper’s aim is to highlight how these ancient techniques, while remaining unaltered in time, were also used in a modern architectural context. The architectural and social context related to these floor finishes will be examined in order to understand their use and subsequently how location and use affected their preservation status. Finally, going through an analysis of how classic conservation principles should be
modified, some proposals for their theoretical and practical  conservation issues will be formulated.
Number of pages: xxi + 91
Number of illustrations: 79 in the chapters and 252 in the case study cards
Number of case studies cards: 58 (45 in chapter 3 and 13 in the appendix)
Appendices: 2 (13 cards)

The aim of the article is to present the initiating of the ghetto benches at Polish universities in comparison to the situation of Jewish students which changed after 1935. Since then, there has been unprecedented student occurrences that paralyzed life of the university and led to many concessions from the authorities who wanted to restore peace and order. Student riots which started in autumn 1935 were ‘part of the wave of political activity in the society’. Researchers link them with the campaign undertaken by the rejuvenated leadership of The National Democrats (Endecja) and directed against the government camp weakened after Pilsudski's death. The Nationalists planned to use the increase of the anti-Semitic and anti-government sentiments in the society to strengthen their position in the political arena. Moreover after boycotting parliamentary elections in 1935, universities became their very crucial field of work which they intended to make a domain of their influence and students were supposed to be an important, social base of The National Democrats.
On the wave of anti-Jewish occurrences in autumn 1933 took place the first attempt at settling Jewish students in certain place in an auditorium. However, the actual campaign to initiate the ghetto benches at universities has started in autumn 1935. For the first time an order to isolate the Jewish students was issued by the academic authorities in the Technical University of Lviv on 9 and 11 December 1935. And though it was lifted right away, it became a precedent for other universities. Using violence, the young Nationalists stepped up efforts to bring the project to the university authorities as fait accompli. Excesses at the Technical University of Lviv found a great response at Warsaw University (since 1935 the University of Josef Pilsudski).
Also, the attitude of the professors towards these anti-Semitic ideas is very interesting. The indecisiveness and lack of determination were one of the main features of the academic authorities. This attitude, slightly neutral, in the professors’ community, who confined to making statements about examination and explanation certain matters, was just an incentive for the national students to continue their action.

Archived on 23 Dec 2015: https://web.archive.org/web/20151223054530/http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/critical-issues/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/SDAndras_wpaper-beau3.pdf ||
In the period 1929-1936, Romania evolved from a traditional agricultural society to a modern, cosmopolitan and consumerist society. Bucharest, its capital, synthesized these transformations. The ideal of beauty-as reflected in fashionwas subject to the same processes of modernization and commodification. Beauty contests showed how the changing beauty ideals were constructed and promoted in order to fit the requested pattern. While the ideal Romanian beauty was diversified in the contemporary media, Miss Contests were much stricter, adding restrictive moral criteria to the physical requirements. i Aesthetically, the ideal woman who could become Miss Romania, and subsequently compete internationally, was closer to the Western-Hollywood type. The published portraits of the participants merged the idyllic, national-based beauty ideal with a host of the Hollywood role models: the siren, the vamp, the innocent, the glamorous, the voluptuous and the intelligent. My paper focuses on the official Miss Romania-Europe / Universe contests between 1929 with the first such official event and 1936 when they were cancelled due to the imminent war. Embedded in the Fashion Studies and Gender Studies, my research investigates the relevant interwar Romanian magazines, journals, fiction and non-fiction literature in order to identify and interpret the Interwar ideals of beauty in Romania and Bucharest. It explores the intricate mechanisms of gender relations, the role and position of women in Interwar Romania, as filtered through the pursuit and glorification of beauty. In conclusion, the ideal of female beauty in Interwar Romania was a complex phenomenon, encapsulating the social, political and historical issues, that were at times converging and at other times were dissonant. These issues, however, managed to blend together and coexisted in the multicultural Romania of that period.

În mod evident, istoria universitară și viața academică din România interbelică sunt insuficient cunoscute, în ciuda rolului major jucat de instituțiile de învățământ superior și de corpul lor profesoral pe scena culturală, și nu mai puțin în sfera politică. Abia din anii ’90 au început cercetătorii români să se preocupe mai intens de aspecte care țineau de istoria intelectuală, în acest context trecutul universităților ieșind pe alocuri la suprafață, departe de izul festivist ce o caracterizase până atunci. Dintre cei care au adus contribuții necesare în acest domeniu, mulți sunt prezenți cu articole și în cadrul acestui volum. Cu toate acestea, abordarea tematicii este, considerăm noi, abia la început. Mai mult, odată stabilite cadrele generale privind trecutul universitar – chestiunile care țin de organizare, legislație și evoluții instituționale – apar adevăratele necunoscute și dileme. Transpare mai ales faptul că, în contextul născut după primul război mondial, această instituție seculară ar fi fost nevoită să-și redefinească misiunea din când în când. Cum aceste redefiniri nu s-au prea întâmplat, devine explicabil faptul că nu de puține ori universitatea a intrat în derivă. 
Se pune întrebarea, în ce măsură, spre exemplu, dezvoltarea  unor domenii de studiu și evoluțiile curriculare (sau lipsa lor) – inevitabil strâns legate de contextul ideologic - au influențat modernizarea societății românești sau, dimpotrivă, au adâncit clivajele? Apoi, care au fost interesele – de multe ori economice sau politice – care au determinat adoptarea anumitor legiuiri în domeniul învățământului superior, dar și în ce măsură au fost aceste reglementări respectate sau eludate? Pe de altă parte, demne de analizat mai în profunzime sunt organizațiile și mișcările studențești, cu atât mai mult cu cât ideologiile și activitățile acestora se dovedesc a fi mult mai complexe decât simplista antagonizare stânga-dreapta, care a monopolizat până de curând cercetările pe această temă. Nu pot fi ignorate nici relaţiile dintre universitate şi alte instituţii sau organizaţii (asociaţii studenţeşti, partide politice, mişcări sociale, guverne, monarhie, biserici), la fel cum nici identităţile duble de universitar - om politic, înalt funcţionar, cleric etc. -, cu efecte majore asupra educației și politicii universitare. Nu în ultimul rând, prezintă un interes deosebit realizarea și dezvoltarea în această perioadă a unor structuri de cercetare extrauniversitare, atunci când instituțiile de învățământ superior deveniseră nefuncționale.
Toate aceste aspecte nu pot fi elucidate decât prin metode și perspective variate, de tip antropologic, care să evidențieze realitatea cotidiană a trecutului universitar de la noi și să permită plasarea temei într-un câmp cultural și social concret. Este tocmai ceea ce își propune și volumul de față.
Cele treisprezece studii pe care le cuprinde, grupate în patru secțiuni, abordează fie aspecte de ordin social și politic referitoare la organizarea și funcționarea universităților - și implicit la activitatea profesorilor și studenților de aici -, fie teme mai puțin cunoscute, chiar „exotice”, privind un anume domeniu de studiu și cercetare – de pildă cel sociologic în cazul acestui volum. La acestea se adaugă contribuțiile legate de mediul academic polonez, care au meritul de a plasa subiectul volumului într-un context mai larg, central-est european, și de a permite compararea unor procese sociale ce țin de viața universitară. Iar la final, transferul cultural și experiențele academice din străinătate, etapele și complicațiile inevitabile construirii unei cariere universitare, precum și pendularea între mai mulți mentori, partide politice și ideologii în vederea câștigării unui statut profesional și politic sunt ilustrate prin studii de caz reprezentative.

Ernst Robert Curtius is well known as an advocate of European literature, which transcends national boundaries. Most importantly, he is recognized as a literary historian, who wrote European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, 1948). Nevertheless, Curtius published a lot of critical works during the inter-war years and after World War II. In order to consider the processes through which he developed a European spirit, I would like to focus on his literary critics concerning contemporary writers like Romain Rolland, André Gide, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and José Ortega y Gasset. I pay particular attention to Curtius' network of friendships with these writers and try to reconsider the relation between his journalistic works and European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages.

The first part of Hillel Zeitlin’s (1871-1942) mystical diary appeared in print in Warsaw 1919. Zeitlin continued to write the diary till the holocaust, and the manuscript is presumed lost. In this paper, I shell reconstruct the content of the lost part of the diary on the basis of the manuscript correspondence between Zeitlin and other Authors. I shell also discus the unsuccessful attempts of Zeitlin to have his diary published. In this discussion, mystical aspect of Zeitlin’s work will come forth.

El estudio trata sobre la Corona española y el catolicismo, analizando el peso de la religión dentro del monarquismo y de la propia monarquía en los sectores católicos, tanto a nivel discursivo como práctico o simbólico. Se destaca especialmente el peso del nacionalismo atendiendo a la conjunción nación-catolicismo desarrollado durante estos años, de ahí la relevancia de la crono-logía escogida. De la misma forma se aplicará una metodología comparada tanto a nivel temporal (Restauración) como espacial (en un contexto europeo).
The study is about the Spanish Crown and catholicism, analyzing the weight of religion within monarchism and the monarchy itself in the catholic sectors, discursively and practically or symbolically. The weight of nationalism is especially emphasized, considering the nation-catholic conjunction developed for these years, hence the relevance of the chosen chronology. In the same way, a comparative methodology is applied at the temporal level (Restoration) as spatial (in a European context).

In this study, we intend to present, using a socio-historical approach, the political and administrative aspects of the interwar Romanian society and state, as it has been investigated, from the perspective of monographic methodology, by the Sociological School of Bucharest, headed by Professor Dimitrie Gusti. The article aims at highlighting the existing legislative conflict between the traditional local government organization in the “old” Counties of Făgăraş and Vrancea, for example, and the modern administrative codes, adopted after 1864, by the “new” centralized Romanian state. Furthermore, we also highlight the negative perception of the population in the Romanian villages of Bessarabia and Transylvania (who lived under the tsarist and Austro-Hungarian rule until World War I) on the deficient administrative functioning of the interwar Romanian state. Although various projects of administrative reform attempted to correct these shortcomings, within the interwar period studied, excessive bureaucratization of the state and poor salaries of the public servants remained constant elements of the Romanian administrative political life.

This paper – which is a summary of my doctoral thesis – consists of studies of the politico-administrative works published by the Sociological School of Bucharest, as a result of the monographic campaigns, conducted in the interwar period, under the leadership of Professor Dimitrie Gusti.

Na temelju neobjavljene arhivske građe, koja se nalazi unutar fonda Dubrovačka oblast u Državnom arhivu u Dubrovniku, autor proučava iseljavanje iz Vrgorske krajine u razdoblju od 1921. do 1931. Iseljavanje stanovništva jedan je od najznačajnijih demografskih i povijesnih čimbenika Zabiokovlja, koji je u velikoj mjeri oblikovao današnju sliku ovoga kraja. Glavni uzroci iseljavanja bili su gospodarska i politička zaostalost Dalmacije, unutar koje je Zagora bila nerazvijeniji dio. Uspoređujući podatke iz popisa stanovništva 1921. i 1931. s procijenjenim prirodnim prirastom između dvaju popisa, na temelju podataka iz izvješća o kretanju stanovništva u razdoblju od 1924. do 1928., autor dolazi do zaključka da je razlika nastala uslijed masovnog iseljavanja te da je iz Vrgorske krajine u istraživanom desetljeću iselilo 14% stanovništva. Katastrofalne posljedice iseljavanja mogu se vidjeti tek nakon analize podataka kotarskog upravitelja o 941 dopuštenoj putovnici osobama s boravištem na tom području. Prema njima, iseljenici su bili 96 % muškarci te u 88 % slučajeva osobe mlađe od 40 godina, a najčešće su putovali  u Australiju, Argentinu, te Novi Zeland.

Jedným z príslušníkov generácie, ktorá v tridsiatych rokoch prirodzene upresňovala svoj status aj v kultúrnospoločenskej sfére, bol mladý Alexander Matuška. Mladí nastúpili v atmosfére zmeny – ako očakávaný subjekt kultúrnych, spoločenských a politických pohybov. Formovalo ich demokratické československé školstvo a – aspoň formálne – boli odborne pripravení na prevzatie úloh, ktoré diktovala súčasnosť. Pracovníčka ÚSlL SAV Magdalena Bystrzak v monografii Kritik v spoločnosti. Spory Alexandra Matušku (1930 – 1938) (Veda, 2021) kritikove state z tridsiatych rokov interpretuje ako súčasť dialógu, ktorý prebiehal v demokratických podmienkach 1. ČSR a ktorý bol definitívne ukončený rozbitím štátu. Zámerom publikácie je predovšetkým rekonštruovať kultúrnohistorické súvislosti kritikovho polemického gesta. Jednotlivé kapitoly sledujú konfliktné momenty, v ktorých sa zviditeľňovali problémové stránky súdobej slovenskej kultúry a spoločnosti. Mnohokrát išlo o ostrú, nie vždy obojstranne dostatočne fundovanú výmenu názorov alebo o citovo založené spontánne reakcie, ktorým chýbalo hlbšie argumentačné zdôvodnenie. Bystrzak sleduje ako sa menili pojmy „národa“, „kultúry“ alebo „tradície“ a akú pozíciu v spore o modernú slovenskú spoločnosť, jej kultúru a napokon literatúru zaujal Matuška. Je pritom známe, že zámerne ironizoval, rád hyperbolizoval. Vystupoval z pozície rétora, miestami aj moralizátora, vedome sa prihlásil k figúre „výtržníka“, ktorý „špiní“ do vlastného hniezda. Išlo o gesto, štylizáciu, uplatnenie autorských individuálnych ambícií v podmienkach, ktoré ponúkala doba. Časové rámce sú situované do obdobia rokov 1930 – 1938 a zohľadňujú „ranú“ etapu Matuškovej kritickej činnosti, ktorá predchádzala jeho postupnej klasicizácii, určujúcej kritikov status v povojnovej slovenskej kultúre. Voľba časového rámca je pritom motivovaná nielen ustálenou periodizáciou Matuškovho diela, ale aj presvedčením, že nebyť demokratickej republiky, kritikovo formovanie, intelektuálne dospievanie a napokon aj vzťah k slovenskej kultúre by mali úplné inú podobu.
PDF knihy: https://studovnaliteratury.sav.sk/wp-content/uploads/Bystrzak_Matuska-def.pdf

This article addresses the audience reception of sensationalist newspapers in interwar Australia through a case study of Sydney weekly Beckett's Budget. During a libel trial brought against Beckett's in 1928, readers came to its defence and their testimony reveals ...

Iseljavanje predstavlja jedan od najznačajnijih demografskih i povijesnih čimbenika Dalmacije, koji je u velikoj mjeri oblikovao njenu današnju sliku. Masovniji odlazak lokalnog stanovništva, uglavnom u prekooceanske zemlje, može se pratiti već od šezdesetih godina 19. stoljeća, da bi ovaj proces prekinuo početak Prvog svjetskog rata. Nakon 1918., uslijed brojnih restrikcija od strane najvećih useljeničkih država, iseljavanje nikada nije više doseglo stope kao do 1914., no nije ni prestalo. Tako je tijekom dvadesetih godina došlo do snažnijeg iseljavanja u do tada manje atraktivne prekooceanske destinacije te u europske države, ali nakon 1929. i ono slabi uslijed jačanja posljedica velike gospodarske krize. Stoga se početak tridesetih godina može smatrati završetkom jednog ciklusa iseljavanja. Cilj izlaganja je na temelju neobjavljene arhivske građe i dostupne literature donijeti procjenu o snazi iseljavanja iz makarskog kotara tijekom ovog razdoblja. Pri tome će kotar Makarska imati ulogu svojevrsne studije slučaja za Dalmaciju u cjelini, jer će istraživanje biti provedeno na tri razine, koje karakteriziraju kako kotar, tako i regiju u cjelini, a to su: grad na obali, ruralno primorsko područje te Dalmatinska zagora. Posebna pozornost obratit će se na rodnu i dobnu strukturu iseljenika, jer su migracije po svojoj prirodi vrlo selektivne te u određenim uvjetima pretežno emigrira stanovništvo s određenim strukturnim obilježjima, što ima dugoročne posljedice na cjelokupni društveni razvoj.

En mars 1918, les troupes allemandes se lancent à l'assaut des tranchées françaises et britanniques et réalisent en quelques heures ce qui semblait depuis quatre ans impossible : la grande percée. Huit mois plus tard, l'Allemagne est épuisée et défaite militairement : elle signe un armistice qui marque la fin d'un conflit meurtrier dont l'issue venait de se jouer sur le sol de France. Conflit mondial, la guerre avait aussi, et peut-être avant tout, été franco-allemande.
L'angoisse de la mort faisait désormais place au soulagement mais la fin des hostilités ne devait par marquer la fin de l’hostilité. Du côté du vainqueur comme du vaincu, le ressentiment dominait et le traité de paix signé à Versailles le 28 juin 1919 ne devait pas apaiser les esprits. De fait, la présence militaire française sur la rive gauche du Rhin, en Sarre ou dans la Ruhr ou encore la campagne de haine raciste contre les troupes coloniales françaises en Allemagne furent les traductions les plus visibles de cette sortie de guerre marquée par un profond malaise. Pourtant, les relations entre les deux pays ne se résumèrent pas à cette inimitié héritée de la Grande Guerre et renforcée par l’exécution difficile du traité de Versailles. Les transferts culturels, les tentatives de rapprochement intellectuels, les efforts de Briand et Stresemann marquent aussi la période.
Fondé sur une recherche en plein renouvellement, ce livre propose une lecture véritablement transnationale de cette « sortie de guerre franco-allemande » et lui restitue, avec une grande clarté, toute sa complexité.
Lauréat du Prix Parlementaire franco-allemand, décerné par l'Assemblée Nationale et le Bundestag.

The end of World War I caused a major change in the geopolitical map of Europe, when four continental empires fell apart and a large number of nation-states were formed in their territories. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was among them. Actually, it was a multinational state, created by the unification of the Kingdom of Serbia with the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, which was created only a month before by South Slavonic provinces of the Austro-Hungar-ian Monarchy up to 1918. The changes that occurred during that process were particularly strong in the field of economy, because a completely new economic territory was formed. The goal of this paper is to research their strength and volume in the province of Dalmatia, which was the least developed province of the Austrian part of the Monarchy up to 1918. The research was conducted as a case-study, for which purpose the district of Makarska was selected. All major branches of economy were studied (agriculture and fishery; industry; trade; tourism) in the period from 1918 to 1929, when due to the introduction of King Alexander's dictatorship and the onset of the Great Depression great changes in the economy life of the Kingdom occurred. Gospodarka dalmacji po i wojnie światowej na przykładzie makarskiej I wojna światowa przyniosła znaczne zmiany na geopolitycznej mapie Europy; nastąpił rozpad czterech imperiów, na których terytoriach powstało wiele państw narodowych. Jednym z nich było Królestwo Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców. Było to państwo wielonarodowościowe, powstałe ze zjednoczenia Królestwa Serbii oraz Państwa Słoweńców, Chorwatów i Serbów, utworzonego zaledwie miesiąc wcześniej z południowosłowiańskich ziem monarchii austrowęgierskiej upadłej jesienią 1918 roku. Najintensywniejsze przemiany w życiu nowego państwa zaszły w dziedzinie gospodarki, ze względu na to, że stworzono całkiem nowe terytorium ekonomiczne. Celem ni-niejszego artykułu jest ukazanie intensywności i zasięgu owych zmian w Dalmacji, która była najmniej rozwiniętą prowincją austriackiej części Monarchii Habsburgów do roku 1918. Badania przeprowadzono jako studium przypadku – na jego obiekt wybrano rejon Makarskiej. Omówio-no wszystkie główne gałęzie gospodarki (rolnictwo i rybołówstwo, przemysł, handel i turystykę) w okresie lat 1918–1929. Druga data związana jest z wprowadzeniem dyktatury przez króla Alek-sandra i nadejściem Wielkiego Kryzysu, co wpłynęło znacznie na życie gospodarcze Królestwa.

U radu se na temelju izvorne arhivske građe, dostupne periodike i relevantne literature na primjeru Makarske analizira razvoj i djelovanje lokalne samouprave u Kraljevini SHS/Jugoslaviji u razdoblju između dva svjetska rata. Makarska je u tom razdoblju bila sjedište Makarsko-primorske općine i kotara koji su činile i općine Gornje Primorje i Vrgorac, a iako je imala status grada, njena je općina funkcionirala kao ne-gradska. Istraživanjem situacije na lokalnoj razini nastoji se doći do zaključka o uspješnosti ostvarenja načela supsidijarnosti u međuratnom razdoblju na području Kraljevine. U tom cilju najveća pozornost bit će dana istraživanju razvoja zakonodavstva te odnosu središnjih vlasti prema najnižim jedinicama državne uprave – općinama, koji se očitovao u velikim ovlastima kotarskog predstojnika te imenovanju politički podobnih općinskih uprava umjesto legitimno izabranih.

The paper analyzes the development of local self-government in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (Kingdom of Yugoslavia) during the interwar period, using the town of Makarska as a case-study. The research is based on original archival sources, available periodicals and relevant literature. At that time Makarska was the seat of Makarska-Littoral municipality as well as Makarska district, which was constituted of Makarska-Littoral, Upper Littoral and Vrgorac municipalities. Although Makarska had the status of town, the municipality functioned as a rural one.
Throughout the studied period the state was characterized by a great subordination of periphery to the center and centralized government, while municipalities, as the lowest self-governing units, had very limited powers. However, municipalities still had a independent sphere of action and authority, so the regime tried hard to undermine that autonomy. Therefore, political conflicts of local governments and the central regime are not surprising. At the same time, municipal self-governments represented the only possibility of action by opposition parties, led by Croatian Peasant Party. It was because the system of electing representatives to the National Assembly was organized to assure the majority to regime parties. Unwillingness of the state structures to resolve the situation is evident from the fact that the harmonization of municipality legislation was postponed up to 1933. Until then municipalities were functioning according to the laws adopted before 1918, which in turn greatly differed from province to province. However, the adoption of these laws in 1933 and 1934 did not mark the beginning of the unobstructed functioning of municipal self-governments, as similar practices persisted.
Decisive role in the political life of Makarska had the Head of the District, who was a state official. Political affairs at the state level were directly reflected in the choice of the municipal administration, which resulted in relatively frequent changes of municipal officials. The municipality of Makarska-Littoral during the studied period was mostly governed by appointed officials, and not elected ones, so it can be concluded that there was no realization of the principle of the subsidiarity. Therefore, the existence of self-government has not fulfilled its purpose. Based on the available literature and sources it can be also concluded that the similar conditions prevailed in other municipalities in Dalmatia, as well as in other regions. All important decisions regarding the appointment of mayors and municipal councils were taken by the central government completely on its own or in consultations with their representative on the field, i.e. the Head of the District. In order to this practice, residents, who were represented by those appointed municipal managers, were not participating in those decisions at all.

The paper investigated the development of legal concepts of most common types of violent crimes against women in the Interwar Lithuania’s criminal law focusing on three chapters of Penal Statute of Lithuania: deprivation of life, bodily injury and violence, indecency. Criminal law that defined violent crimes against women did not change dramatically and was static during 1919–1940 period. It can be assumed that violence against woman was firstly a latent phenomenon in the conservative society that was not understood as a social problem and society did not encourage the legislators to evolve the laws to better protect woman who were psychologically, physically, and sexually abused. Another reason for no changes in the laws could be the martial law effect on the whole penal system with capital punishment for the most serious crimes – mostly political ones, but also for the homicides. It was believed that there was no need to change the laws as the capital punishment had to work as a preventative measure for homicides against women as well.

The article analyzes the political dynamics leading to the passing and the implementation of anti-extremist legislation in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938), a little-studied case in comparative politics. Despite unfavorable domestic and international conditions for much of its existence, and the presence of significant anti-system forces, it managed to remain a pluralist democracy until Nazi conquest. This unexpected outcome was also due to the enactment of several laws that reinforced the democratic state’s hand against extremist organizations and propaganda aiming to subvert democracy. The Czechoslovak case is analytically interesting for the comparative study of “militant democracy” primarily because it shows that the “democratic dilemma” of “how much freedom for the enemies of freedom” can be politically solvable without democratic breakdown even in extremely difficult political conditions. The article advocates a comparative research agenda on the empirical analysis of the responses to extremism in democratic regimes.

The rebuilding of the Polish state after World War I was accompanied by a quantitively significant number of returns to the country. One of the re-emigration streams was created by an influx of Polish optants from Germany, i.e. ethnic Poles who had decided to take up Polish citizenship under the Versailles Treaty. The principal area of emigration was the Ruhr region. The purpose of this paper is to examine the demographic structure of the people who made up this migration stream in its late phase (1925). The analysis is based on lists of optants which were drawn up for the purpose of statistical grouping and showing the optants’ spatial distribution. The research concerns a population of 1,727 people included in the source. In addition to aggregate and cartographic methods, the paper also uses the comparative method based on the available data for other areas in the state of Prussia. The research helps describe the population of Polish optants in the Ruhr area in terms of their spatial distribution, professions, feminisation, type of migration, household forms, fertility, and anthroponyms.

... The opposition party deputies, including Rauf Orbay himself, cast their votes against the creation of the Ministry of Marine without an independent staff.Ix Ali 1hsan [Eryavuz] was appointed the first Minister of Marine of the republic. ...

Nicolaos Zachos, who had graduated from the École spéciale d’architecture in 1898,  is one of the Greek diaspora architects who remain virtually unknown in their country of origin. This is due in part to the fact that his work was realized in France. But it is also explained by other more essential reasons. Representative of a transition period, and of the same generation as architects Auguste Perret (1874-1954) or Henri Sauvage (1873-1932), who have long remained in the shadow of the modern radicals of the 20s and 30s, it was natural that Nicolaos Zachos opted for the moderate modernity of the "École de Paris". Most architects of his generation have also followed a similar path, in France and elsewhere, striving to combine modernity and the the Beaux-arts academic tradition. This presentation outlines the career of Nicolaos Zachos, focusing on his major work, the student home of the Hellenic Foundation in the Cité Internationale Universitaire in Paris (1930-1932).  This work  allowed him to tackle the challenge of identity in a cosmopolitan inter-war milieu.

The colonate was a long-term system of sharecropping widely used on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, especially in Dalmatia. It was a private-law relationship between a landowner and a tenant, who was usually a peasant with hereditary character, and it was similar to other forms of sharecropping across the Mediterranean. This paper argues the colonate was not a rigid system that directly reflected social and economic hierarchies, as it has often been described, but that both landowners and tenants entered into the agreement with the ability to make rational economic calculations. The second part of the paper focuses on the process of abolishing the colonate after World War I. To gain support from peasants, who represented 79 percent of the total population, the government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes announced the implementation of comprehensive agrarian reform in 1919, which included the dissolution of all traditional agrarian relations and the allocation of land to landless peasants. Unlike in other parts of the Kingdom, however, this policy was only slowly implemented in Dalmatia as the government was unwilling to put it into practice. They supported Dalmatian landowners, many of whom were members of the governing parties and who sought to delay the implementation of the reform. In the end, the colonate was the only traditional agrarian relation not completely abolished during the interwar period. It was only phased out after the end of World War II.