ABSTRACT Social origins theory proposes that countries cluster around different models according to how public welfare spending affects nonprofit sector scale (Anheier & Salamon, 2006; Salamon & Anheier, 1998). This... more
ABSTRACT Social origins theory proposes that countries cluster around different models according to how public welfare spending affects nonprofit sector scale (Anheier & Salamon, 2006; Salamon & Anheier, 1998). This article confronts these assumptions about a liberal, corporatist, and social democratic model with results from a comparative analysis of highly industrialized countries with extensive welfare arrangements. We focus on nonprofit sector employment in relation to total employment in the welfare field, including education and research, health, and social services. Explanatory factors are public welfare spending, share of income from donations, and religious homogeneity. Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) (Ragin, 2000) is applied to sort countries in types. The results show that the consequences of public sector welfare spending on nonprofit welfare employment vary depending on other social conditions. In liberal countries, low public sector welfare spending results in a small nonprofit share of employment. The preconditions are low religious homogeneity and large shares of nonprofit income from donations. In other Western European countries, the size of public sector welfare spending is inversely proportional with the size of the nonprofit share of employment, depending on religious homogeneity. The Nordic countries have the highest religious homogeneity, and largest public welfare costs, and accordingly, the smallest share of nonprofit welfare services. However, a similar “crowding out” pattern can be found in the presumably corporatist countries such as France, Austria, and also to some extent in Germany and Italy. In the other end of the line, we find the Netherlands, which is the clearest example of the presumed corporatist pattern in this sample. Religious homogeneity comes into play in both the liberal and the Western European causal constellation in accordance with Weisbrod's theory of government failure/market failure (Weisbrod, 1977), which indicates that this factor is more important for nonprofit welfare regimes than previously thought.
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Indigenous peoples throughout the circumpolar north have made significant progress in terms of securing self-determination through greater political autonomy. Although such change is important, it must be accompanied by greater economic... more
Indigenous peoples throughout the circumpolar north have made significant progress in terms of securing self-determination through greater political autonomy. Although such change is important, it must be accompanied by greater economic control aimed at reducing state dependencies. Using an analytical framework developed by Norwegian political scientist, Stein Rokkan, this article explores the interplay between economy, territory, and identity among the Inuit in Canada and the Sámi in Norway. It reveals that the economic destinies of both groups have been profoundly influenced by both domestic and international factors that determine the focus and type of economic development they undertake. While the Inuit have pursued a balance of modern and traditional forms of economic development that is grounded in a regionally based model of self-rule, the Sámi have opted for an economic development model that emphasises traditional economic activities and is supported by Norway’s internation...
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This is the first major European political science book to discuss the growing interdisciplinary field of'cultural theory', proposing a coherent and viable alternative to... more
This is the first major European political science book to discuss the growing interdisciplinary field of'cultural theory', proposing a coherent and viable alternative to mainstream political science. The authors argue that three elements-social relations, ...
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The emergence of the Sámi Parliament has lifted Norwegian Sámi politics into an international discourse on indigenous peoples. The clearest imprints of the new Sámi political space are found in the High North region of Norway, where the... more
The emergence of the Sámi Parliament has lifted Norwegian Sámi politics into an international discourse on indigenous peoples. The clearest imprints of the new Sámi political space are found in the High North region of Norway, where the Sámi account for a significant proportion of the population. The article shows to what extent and how Sámi agency affects governance structures and business development in the north in an increasingly globalised economic setting. From its origin, Sámi agency has influenced development in the High North through three processes: the first is through the Sámi institution building and strengthening of Sámi communities; the second is through its links to local and regional societal development; and the third is through the role of Sámi politics in globalised development processes. One main finding is that the boundaries between these links to the surrounding environment have become more diffuse. Sámi agency is taking a more important role in the economic ...
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Saamelaisten oikeuksien eteenpain vieminen Suomessa on kohdannut haasteita. Tama tutkimus pyrkii vastaamaan valtioneuvoston maarittelemaan tietotarpeeseen, joka liittyy erityisesti saamelaisten maa ...
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Part I Women in Nordic politics: introduction - Scandinavia - a case apart, Lauri Karvonen and Per Selle the political representation of women - a bird's eye view, Nina Cecilie Raaum. Part II Women as voters and party members: gender... more
Part I Women in Nordic politics: introduction - Scandinavia - a case apart, Lauri Karvonen and Per Selle the political representation of women - a bird's eye view, Nina Cecilie Raaum. Part II Women as voters and party members: gender gaps in Nordic voting behaviour, Maria Oskarson women in Scandinavian party organizations, Jan Sundberg. Part III Organizational participation: social democracy, women and the European union, Ulf Lindstroem trade unions and the feminization of the labour market in Scandinavia, Lauri Karvonen the changing role of women within local voluntary organizations - sex segregation in the voluntary sector, Per Selle and Bjarne Oymyr an alternative movement in a "state-friendly" society - the women's shelter movement, Kristin Morken and Per Selle. Part IV Public institutions: the declining corporatist state and the political gender dimension, Christina Bergqvist feminization of the central public administration, Per Laegreid women in local democr...
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The paper underlines the importance of the concept of political culture by using two so highly different empirical examples as the role of Norwegian voluntary organizations as agents of cultural and social policies and Latin American... more
The paper underlines the importance of the concept of political culture by using two so highly different empirical examples as the role of Norwegian voluntary organizations as agents of cultural and social policies and Latin American attitudes towards revolution and democracy. The purpose of the disparity in the choice of examples is precisely to underline methodologically why a historical and typologocal approach is generally necessary in political analysis. The authors argue that sociological causal explanations are inadequate as long as one doesn't simultaneously consider the influence of both structure (external) and meaning (internal). The authors hope to demonstrate that without such a dual perspective it is possible to end up supporting phenomena which are not only doomed to failure but which even do not merit our support given certain values and interests.
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This chapter describes the historical and institutional background of the Scandinavian organizational society in detail. The popular mass movements are analysed as core institutions in the building of the modern Scandinavian mass... more
This chapter describes the historical and institutional background of the Scandinavian organizational society in detail. The popular mass movements are analysed as core institutions in the building of the modern Scandinavian mass democracies. Particular attention is devoted to the organizational model that characterized the popular mass movements and their organizations. In this model, local members played a decisive role. Another characteristic feature is the vertical integration between local branch organizations and regional and national organizations that provided a communication channel from the local level to the national level and vice versa. The chapter also provides an overview of the density, structure and composition of the Scandinavian voluntary sectors and demonstrates the lasting dominance of the sport, culture and leisure fields, though the welfare field is becoming more important in all countries. Finally, the decreasing significance of membership and member-based associations, in particular in Norway and Denmark, is analysed. This development may be consequential for the historically strong political and democratic role of voluntary associations and for their position more in general in society.
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Bürgerrechte, Einbindung und Demokratie in Europa. Themen: 1. Wohnen: Wohndauer in der Gemeinde; Wichtigkeit ausgewählter Lebensbereiche (Skalometer: Familie, Freunde, Freizeit, Politik, Arbeit, Religion und Vereine); Lebenszufriedenheit.... more
Bürgerrechte, Einbindung und Demokratie in Europa. Themen: 1. Wohnen: Wohndauer in der Gemeinde; Wichtigkeit ausgewählter Lebensbereiche (Skalometer: Familie, Freunde, Freizeit, Politik, Arbeit, Religion und Vereine); Lebenszufriedenheit. 2. Politik: Häufigkeit politischer Diskussionen allgemein und mit ausgewählten Personen (Skalometer: Freunde, Familie, Nachbarn, Kollegen oder Kommilitonen und Mitglieder aus den eigenen Vereinen) sowie in der Jugendzeit zu Hause. 3. Organisationen: Verbundenheit mit Organisationen allgemein und einer im Besonderen: Mitgliedschaften in ausgewählten Vereinen und Organisationen sowie Teilnahme an Organisationsveranstaltungen, Geldspenden und freiwillige ehrenamtliche Tätigkeit im letzten Jahr; persönliche Freundschaften innerhalb der Organisation; Häufigkeit von Organisationstätigkeiten: Teilnahme an Entscheidungsfindung, Planen oder Leiten einer Besprechung, Vorbereiten oder Halten einer Rede, Verfassen eines mehrseitigen Textes; Häufigkeit gemeinsamer Aktivitäten: gegenseitiges Helfen bei alltäglichen Angelegenheiten, private Besuche, Gespräche über Probleme und Ziele der Organisation, Diskussionen oder Streitgespräche; regelmäßiger Kontakt zu Freunden oder Bekannten; Engagement für Kranke, Alte, Nachbarn oder Bekannte außerhalb der Organisation; Zeitaufwand für Organisationsaktivitäten oder Hilfsdienste im letzten Monat. 4. Lebensumstände: Verbundenheit mit der Umwelt (Skalometer: Nachbarschaft, Gemeinde, Region, Land insgesamt, Europa, die Welt und Menschheit insgesamt) und ausgewählten Personengruppen (Skalometer: Personen gleicher Religion, gleichen kulturellen Hintergrunds, gleichen Geschlechts, einer bestimmten sozialen Klasse); Abneigung gegenüber bestimmten Gruppen in öffentlichen Versammlungen und in der Nachbarschaft: christliche oder islamische Fundamentalisten, Linksextreme, Immigranten, Homosexuelle, Menschen mit krimineller Vergangenheit, Rassisten, Menschen anderer Rasse, Rechtsextreme, AIDS-Kranke, Drogensüchtige; Vertrauen in Mitmenschen; allgemeine Einschätzung [...]
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... sua nazione, che è un esempio tipico di una comunità immaginata (Anderson 1991, 6), i due tipi di relazione condividono chiara-mente importanti ... maggiore è il numero di contatti si-multanei, maggiore è la possibilità che persone... more
... sua nazione, che è un esempio tipico di una comunità immaginata (Anderson 1991, 6), i due tipi di relazione condividono chiara-mente importanti ... maggiore è il numero di contatti si-multanei, maggiore è la possibilità che persone provenienti da ambienti diversi si in-contrino. ...
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A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship... more
A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship between the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society from several perspectives: those of the party leaders and representatives, the civil society organizations, and the voters. We find that Sámi interest and participation in civil society is at the same level as that of the population at large when we measure participation in Sámi and Norwegian organizations combined. We also find that the level and type of contact between the parties represented in the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society organizations is limited, and that little points to these organizations having an important advocacy role. Their control and opposition role is weak. We conclude that the political role of Sámi civil society is weak and challenging for the Sámi political system and demo...
This article is about the importance of an institutional perspective of trust. The core argument is that the type, scope and organization of civil society play a crucial role for the high level of trust and social capital in the... more
This article is about the importance of an institutional perspective of trust. The core argument is that the type, scope and organization of civil society play a crucial role for the high level of trust and social capital in the Scandinavian countries. We argue that both the legitimacy of public institutions and their ability to deliver over time depend on a vibrant organizational society in which the organizations have independent institutional significance in their own right. Similar to other key social institutions, their functions include shaping sets of values and reducing vulnerability and uncertainty. Furthermore, these organizations constitute an entirely necessary infrastructure for cooperation, which makes it possible for trust to be institutionalized, reinvested and converted into action, and which also demonstrates that cooperation is rational and yields results. The aftermath of the terror attacks in Norway in 2011demonstrated the existence of a strong civil society and...
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In this chapter, we investigate the changes in the relationship between the state and the voluntary sector and discuss the implications the increased role of the market sector within health and human services has for the relationship... more
In this chapter, we investigate the changes in the relationship between the state and the voluntary sector and discuss the implications the increased role of the market sector within health and human services has for the relationship between sectors. First, we discuss the changes in voluntary sector policy in Norway over the last couple of decades, where the sector experienced increased expectations as to its society contribution. Thereafter, we try to understand these changes by going back in time and look at the ideological and institutional structure of the voluntary sector just before and during the heyday of the welfare state. An important distinction is drawn between voluntary work and activities going on mainly at the local level in traditional voluntary organizations (small scale) and the institutionalized voluntary-based service production in the health and welfare sectors (large scale). We find that market solutions have strengthened its position in fundamental ways on behalf of the voluntary sector when looking at large-scale institutional service delivery, while the small-scale voluntary sector is as vibrant and extensive as ever before. These changes imply deep-going changes in the Nordic welfare model and the relationship between sectors, where market solutions increasingly take over as service providers at the expense of the voluntary sector.
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Nonterritorial autonomy (nta) decouples governance of ‘people’ and ‘place’, allowing demographically submerged minorities to protect their cultural – but not territorial – interests. Indigenous peoples are often submerged and culturally... more
Nonterritorial autonomy (nta) decouples governance of ‘people’ and ‘place’, allowing demographically submerged minorities to protect their cultural – but not territorial – interests. Indigenous peoples are often submerged and culturally vulnerable. At the same time, they are often especially interested in protecting the territories that have long sustained them. So, is nta well-suited or ill-suited for Indigenous self-governance? To explore this, we study Norwegian Sami self-governance, an oft-cited case of Indigenous nta. We make several contributions. We enumerate the variety of Sami-specific rights and powers in Norway, categorising them as either territorial or nonterritorial and tracking their evolution over time. By doing this we reveal that Sami self-governance has recently taken a ‘territorial turn’. We explore why this has happened, concluding it is due to the insufficiency of nta. Finally, we discuss likely limits to further Sami territorialisation.
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Law and Political Science
Around the world, Indigenous peoples seek increased control of traditional lands. In northern Canada, such control may be afforded by claims-based co-management regimes. Such regimes are a common, and sometimes celebrated, component of... more
Around the world, Indigenous peoples seek increased control of traditional lands. In northern Canada, such control may be afforded by claims-based co-management regimes. Such regimes are a common, and sometimes celebrated, component of treaty federalism. In Norway,…
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This chapter studies the individual life cycles of specific Membership Associations (MAs) as units of analysis, not the collective life cycles of MAs, as prevalence rates across territories as units of analysis (Handbook Chapter 50). Life... more
This chapter studies the individual life cycles of specific Membership Associations (MAs) as units of analysis, not the collective life cycles of MAs, as prevalence rates across territories as units of analysis (Handbook Chapter 50). Life cycles of MAs are seen as usual or average patterns of origins/formation, growth, stability, merger, decline, and demise/dissolution/exit of specific MAs as organizations. As the spectrum of MAs is very broad, so also their life cycles can vary markedly. Not all MAs follow the average life-cycle patterns mentioned in this chapter, and not all stages may exist for a given MA. Research suggests that many MAs typically develop in the manner described here, although a specific MA may be at any stage of the usual life cycle at present.
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... gender, education, age, employment, marital status, residential stability and population density) was included in order to control for the impact of other potential sources of social capital. THE DATA The analyses are based on the... more
... gender, education, age, employment, marital status, residential stability and population density) was included in order to control for the impact of other potential sources of social capital. THE DATA The analyses are based on the Survey on Giving and Volunteering, a nation ...
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Abstract This article explores the case of the Sámi in the Nordic countries, with a specific focus on the most extensive Sámi political system, that found in Norway. The Norwegian Sámi parliament is an indigenous parliament in a unitary... more
Abstract This article explores the case of the Sámi in the Nordic countries, with a specific focus on the most extensive Sámi political system, that found in Norway. The Norwegian Sámi parliament is an indigenous parliament in a unitary and ‘state-friendly’ society. As will be seen, that is not an easy position to be in. While most of the Sámi are concentrated in the most northern part of Norway, the Sámi language has a general protection by law. The language has a particularly strong protection within the so-called management area of the Sámi language (which includes 10 out of 428 Norwegian municipalities). The territorial dimension and the strong emphasis upon the traditional Sámi settlement areas are at the core of the Sámi political project. Even so, the Sámi parliament covers the whole of Norway, and a Sámi can register to vote for the Sámi elections independently of where in Norway that person is living. The Sámi are thus an indigenous people, for whom the development of a new public space since the 1980s has as its core the question of ownership of land and water in the key Sámi areas, while the jurisdiction of the Sámi parliament extends not only over the traditional Sámi areas, but also over the whole territory of Norway. The article discusses how this non-territorial model came about and what it implies for the Sámi political project. What kind of boundaries or limits concerning Sámi self-determination and self-rule do we see after 25 years of a Sámi Parliament?