Agnieszka Fulinska
Jagiellonian University, Faculty of History, Faculty Member
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Reception of Antiquity, Napoleonic Europe, Neoclassicism, Alexander the Great, Jacques-Louis David, French Second Empire, and 26 moreClassical Reception Studies, Ancient Greek Iconography, Neoclassical art, History of Ancient Macedonia, Hellenistic Royal insignia, Alexander Romance, French Revolution and Napoleon, Achaemenid Persia, Late Classical Greek Art, Iconography, Reception Studies, Hellenistic Iconography, Neoclassical realism, Neoclassical sculpture, Medals, Historical medals, Medallic Art, Napoleonic History, French revolution and napoleonic period in Italy, Napoleonic Wars, Napoleon, Antonio Canova, Classical reception, Imperial ideology and representation, Ottocento, and Hellenistic Ruler Cult edit
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PhD in Literary Studies (Jagiellonian University); PhD in Classical Art and Archaeology (Jagiellonian University); MA in Modern History (in progress).edit
In: Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Alexander the Great, ed. K. Moore, Leiden/Boston (Brill) 2018 (forthcoming), s. 545-575
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W: Zwierzęta na polu walki, red. J. Lasota, M. Palczewska, Warszawa (Akademia Sztuki Wojennej) 2017, s. 87-103
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In: "Du champ de bataille au salon: le textile et la mode (militaire) vers 1815", ed. I. Bogaerts et al., Bruxelles (Musée royal de l’Armée et d’Histoire militaire) 2016, pp. 78-87.
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The paper examines the iconography, chronology and possible circumstances of the production of a medal belonging to the collection of the Numismatic Cabinet of the National Museum in Krakow, which combines the dies known from Napoleonic... more
The paper examines the iconography, chronology and possible circumstances of the production of a medal belonging to the collection of the Numismatic Cabinet of the National Museum in Krakow, which combines the dies known from Napoleonic period original medallic production to produce a obverse/reverse type absent from existing catalogues and literature of the subject. The medal relates to the birth of the King of Rome (after 1818 known as the Duke of Reichstadt), son of Napoleon I and Marie-Louise of Austria in 1811 but was struck in mid-19th century, most likely under the Second Empire.
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In the A Bandera Museum of Corsican History in Ajaccio there is a small collection of coins excavated at the Roman sites on the island, and among them a very characteristic small bronze with a crocodile chained to a palm tree. Several... more
In the A Bandera Museum of Corsican History in Ajaccio there is a small collection of coins excavated at the Roman sites on the island, and among them a very characteristic small bronze with a crocodile chained to a palm tree. Several streets away, in the Salon Napoléonien of the
Hôtel de Ville of Ajaccio, an almost identical image – a crocodile chained to a palm tree – different mainly in stylistic details appears on a much larger and better preserved medal. These numismatic artefacts are 1800 years apart, they differ dramatically in terms of their size and the quality of execution, but they seem to share not more than just the image. This paper aims at the reconstruction of the notions behind the iconographic programme of the series of three medals commemorating the Egyptian expedition of Bonaparte, and also poses questions concerning their dating.
Hôtel de Ville of Ajaccio, an almost identical image – a crocodile chained to a palm tree – different mainly in stylistic details appears on a much larger and better preserved medal. These numismatic artefacts are 1800 years apart, they differ dramatically in terms of their size and the quality of execution, but they seem to share not more than just the image. This paper aims at the reconstruction of the notions behind the iconographic programme of the series of three medals commemorating the Egyptian expedition of Bonaparte, and also poses questions concerning their dating.
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Epigram 36 of Poseidippos presents the reader with the perplexing image of an ‘armed Arsinoe’, which fnds no analogies in the texts and works of art portraying Queen Arsinoe II Philadelphos of Egypt. This paper aims at the... more
Epigram 36 of Poseidippos presents the reader with the perplexing image of an ‘armed Arsinoe’, which fnds no analogies in the texts and works of art portraying Queen Arsinoe II Philadelphos of Egypt. This paper aims at the interpretation of this particular poetic fragment in the context of the imagery of the armed Aphrodite, on the one hand, and the particularities of the cult of the goddess in Cyprus on the other hand.
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Mitrydates VI Eupator Dionysos jest jedną z najbarwniejszych postaci świata hellenistycznego. Historia zapamiętała go jako władcę o ogromnych ambicjach i zdolnościach politycznych oraz militarnych, rozmiłowanego w kulturze helleńskiej i... more
Mitrydates VI Eupator Dionysos jest jedną z najbarwniejszych postaci świata hellenistycznego. Historia zapamiętała go jako władcę o ogromnych ambicjach i zdolnościach politycznych oraz militarnych, rozmiłowanego w kulturze helleńskiej i występującego w jej obronie przeciwko ekspansji Rzymu, a zarazem człowieka bezwzględnego i okrutnego.
Nie jest to jedyna ambiwalencja w jego portrecie historycznym: ten wykształcony na sposób grecki król, piszący traktaty naukowe i korespondujący z uczonymi całego greckiego świata, był ponoć jednocześnie człowiekiem skrajnie przesądnym i zabobonnym. Zaprawiony w bojach żołnierz, który wygnany w dzieciństwie z dworu przez ojca miał wychowywać się w dziczy, nabierając Heraklesowej siły podczas walk z dzikimi zwierzętami, był jednocześnie sybarytą rozmiłowanym w luksusie i przepychu.
Autorka – uwzględniając zarówno artystyczne formy prezentacji wizualnej, jak i te, które w swoim czasie posiadały zastosowanie czysto praktyczne – próbuje odtworzyć obraz Mitrydatesa VI, jaki król sam propagował wśród sobie współczesnych.
(Tekst z ostatniej strony okładki)
Nie jest to jedyna ambiwalencja w jego portrecie historycznym: ten wykształcony na sposób grecki król, piszący traktaty naukowe i korespondujący z uczonymi całego greckiego świata, był ponoć jednocześnie człowiekiem skrajnie przesądnym i zabobonnym. Zaprawiony w bojach żołnierz, który wygnany w dzieciństwie z dworu przez ojca miał wychowywać się w dziczy, nabierając Heraklesowej siły podczas walk z dzikimi zwierzętami, był jednocześnie sybarytą rozmiłowanym w luksusie i przepychu.
Autorka – uwzględniając zarówno artystyczne formy prezentacji wizualnej, jak i te, które w swoim czasie posiadały zastosowanie czysto praktyczne – próbuje odtworzyć obraz Mitrydatesa VI, jaki król sam propagował wśród sobie współczesnych.
(Tekst z ostatniej strony okładki)
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Wśród oficjalnych medali epoki napoleońskiej projekty emisji w imieniu Joachima Murata jako króla Neapolu w latach 1808-1815 wyróżniają się wysokim poziomem artystycznym i zróżnicowaniem kompozycyjnym, mimo iż w ogólnym zarysie większość... more
Wśród oficjalnych medali epoki napoleońskiej projekty emisji w imieniu Joachima Murata jako króla Neapolu w latach 1808-1815 wyróżniają się wysokim poziomem artystycznym i zróżnicowaniem kompozycyjnym, mimo iż w ogólnym zarysie większość z nich wpisuje się w model ustalony przez Dominique Vivanta Denona dla całej napoleońskiej histoire métallique w wersji paryskiej mennicy medali.
W moim wystąpieniu omówię nieliczne i nieodbiegające projektem od głównego wzorca paryskiego medale związane z panowaniem w Neapolu Józefa Bonaparte (1806-1808), skupiając się jednak na znacznie ciekawszych medalach jego następcy, by pokazać ich związek z szerszym wizerunkiem publicznym Joachima Murata i Karoliny Bonaparte-Murat jako pary królewskiej Neapolu, ale i członków rodziny cesarskiej Francji. Ze względu na ten szerszy kontekst omówione zostaną także medale wybijane w imieniu Napoleona, ukazujące siostrę i szwagra w kontekście odmiennym niż neapolitański.
W moim wystąpieniu omówię nieliczne i nieodbiegające projektem od głównego wzorca paryskiego medale związane z panowaniem w Neapolu Józefa Bonaparte (1806-1808), skupiając się jednak na znacznie ciekawszych medalach jego następcy, by pokazać ich związek z szerszym wizerunkiem publicznym Joachima Murata i Karoliny Bonaparte-Murat jako pary królewskiej Neapolu, ale i członków rodziny cesarskiej Francji. Ze względu na ten szerszy kontekst omówione zostaną także medale wybijane w imieniu Napoleona, ukazujące siostrę i szwagra w kontekście odmiennym niż neapolitański.
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In his short life Napoléon François Charles Joseph Bonaparte, the only legitimate son of Napoleon I, held a number of titles: the King of Rome, the Emperor of the French, the Duke of Parma, the Duke of Reichstadt. At his birth he was... more
In his short life Napoléon François Charles Joseph Bonaparte, the only legitimate son of Napoleon I, held a number of titles: the King of Rome, the Emperor of the French, the Duke of Parma, the Duke of Reichstadt. At his birth he was hallowed as the long expected heir and dressed in the most expensive and elaborate clothes, worthy of an imperial prince. Confined to Vienna and its environs after the Congress of Vienna, and separated from his French family, he was portrayed mainly in a military attire, in the uniforms of various Austrian regiments, which reflects one of his greatest dreams: to become an officer. The last portraits, however, are again in civil clothes.
In my paper I would like to analyse the various stages of the portraiture of Napoleon II, and look closer at the interplay between the military and the civil persona of the prince as shown through the costume, as well as to show to what extent the portraiture is conform with the changing fashion of the years 1811-32. I will also discuss a case in which the analysis of a uniform’s details may help in the accepting or rejecting of one of the presumed identifications.
In my paper I would like to analyse the various stages of the portraiture of Napoleon II, and look closer at the interplay between the military and the civil persona of the prince as shown through the costume, as well as to show to what extent the portraiture is conform with the changing fashion of the years 1811-32. I will also discuss a case in which the analysis of a uniform’s details may help in the accepting or rejecting of one of the presumed identifications.
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In the early 1800s Antonio Canova executed a number of portraits of various members of the family of Napoleon Bonaparte in the guises of mythological figures. The most famous ones, that attract most of scholarly attention, are the over... more
In the early 1800s Antonio Canova executed a number of portraits of various members of the family of Napoleon Bonaparte in the guises of mythological figures. The most famous ones, that attract most of scholarly attention, are the over life size statue of Napoleon himself (commissioned during the Consulate and executed under the Empire) as Mars Pacificator and the portrait of Pauline Bonaparte-Borghese as Venus Victrix. However, the series comprised several more busts and statues, and only the analysis of the whole group can give the idea about the artistic and ideological expression of the series.
In my paper I would like to discuss the group of 6 full statues representing Napoleon, Pauline Borghese, Letizia Bonaparte (Madame Mère), empress Marie-Louise, Alexandrine de Bleschamps and Elisa Bonaparte-Bacciocchi, and their mythological counterparts, against the general ideological programme of the period, other Canova’s works executed for Napoleon’s family (e.g. Josephine), as well as a series of busts of other members of the family, represented in ancient costume without mythological associations, in order to show how the visual representation in mythological guise served the imperial propaganda as well as the private family image.
Please note that I strongly disagree with most views presented by C. M. S. Johns in his publications on Canova
In my paper I would like to discuss the group of 6 full statues representing Napoleon, Pauline Borghese, Letizia Bonaparte (Madame Mère), empress Marie-Louise, Alexandrine de Bleschamps and Elisa Bonaparte-Bacciocchi, and their mythological counterparts, against the general ideological programme of the period, other Canova’s works executed for Napoleon’s family (e.g. Josephine), as well as a series of busts of other members of the family, represented in ancient costume without mythological associations, in order to show how the visual representation in mythological guise served the imperial propaganda as well as the private family image.
Please note that I strongly disagree with most views presented by C. M. S. Johns in his publications on Canova
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The transition from the French Republic to the first Empire was modelled on the Augustan ‘revolution’ in terms of political terminology, execution and character of power change. This fact is quite well known, even if it has not yet been... more
The transition from the French Republic to the first Empire was modelled on the Augustan ‘revolution’ in terms of political terminology, execution and character of power change. This fact is quite well known, even if it has not yet been thoroughly analysed in the existing scholarship from the point of view of Classical studies and reception of ancient models. In my paper, however, I do not intend to focus on the political aspects, but on the visual and textual reception thereof, as far as the use of imagery referring directly to Augustus is concerned. Despite its apparent attractiveness, the subject of ancient models and inspirations in the self-representation and propaganda of Napoleon Bonaparte is surprisingly absent from scholarship, and its Augustan face is almost entirely neglected. And yet, even though Napoleon is in the first place remembered as the military leader, in contemporary literature and art consistently compared to Caesar, Hannibal, Scipio and Alexander, his own ambition was to become the new Augustus: peacemaker and legislator, patron of arts and sciences and urban designer. Panegyric poetry from the years of his early campaigns, as well as from the periods of consular and imperial rule, the memoirs written during the exile, and also the eulogies written after Napoleon’s death in 1821, abound in direct comparisons and veiled allusions to the Augustan model, and this literary image is supplemented by iconography, both official and unofficial. In my paper I would like to survey in the first place the topoi of Napoleon as the ‘new Augustus’, and of his rule as the ‘Saturnia regna’. I intend to focus not on the well known documents such as the memoirs, but rather on far more obscure poetical texts and pamphlets belonging to the sphere of ‘popular’ literature, epitomized by the verse from a poem by Vincenzo Jacobacci quoted in the title of the proposed paper. The literary examples will be illustrated with visual material corresponding with the main ideas.
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Opublikowane kolejno w 1896, 1922 i 1969 roku trzy wersje anonimowej „Pieśni o Napoleonie”, z których jedna jest znajdującym się w sylwie z połowy XIX w. zapisem pieśni dziadowskiej, dwie pozostałe zaś – dokonanymi przez etnografów... more
Opublikowane kolejno w 1896, 1922 i 1969 roku trzy wersje anonimowej „Pieśni o Napoleonie”, z których jedna jest znajdującym się w sylwie z połowy XIX w. zapisem pieśni dziadowskiej, dwie pozostałe zaś – dokonanymi przez etnografów (odpowiednio: amatora i profesjonalistę) zapisami pieśni ludowych, śpiewanych przez chłopów we wschodniej i zachodniej Galicji w drugiej połowie XIX w. stanowią fascynujący dokument wędrówki tekstu w przekazie oralnym. Wszystkie trzy wersje nie zostały nigdy zestawione ze sobą, żadna z nich nie posiada nawet indywidualnego rzetelnego opracowania filologicznego, wszystkie bowiem były publikowane jako ciekawostki folklorystyczne.
W moim referacie chciałabym przedstawić analizę potencjalnych zależności poszczególnych tekstów od siebie oraz hipotezy dotyczące tekstu oryginalnego (opowieści dziada-lirnika, weterana wojen napoleońskich), będącego podstawą wszystkich zachowanych wersji, z których żadna nie sprawia wrażenia tekstu pierwotnego ze względu na istniejące w nich ślady zniekształceń tekstu, zarówno na poziomie leksykalnym i gramatycznym, jak i znaczeniowym. Ślady te stanowią niezwykle interesującą ilustrację procesów zachodzących podczas przekazu ustnego.
„Pieśń” wpisuje się w bardzo interesujący sposób w trwanie legendy napoleońskiej w Polsce, stanowi również świadectwo zjawiska opisanego przez Adama Mickiewicza w Panu Tadeuszu (I 906-917) – byłych legionistów, którzy krążyli po wsiach opowiadając „dziwniejsze od baśni historyje”.
W moim referacie chciałabym przedstawić analizę potencjalnych zależności poszczególnych tekstów od siebie oraz hipotezy dotyczące tekstu oryginalnego (opowieści dziada-lirnika, weterana wojen napoleońskich), będącego podstawą wszystkich zachowanych wersji, z których żadna nie sprawia wrażenia tekstu pierwotnego ze względu na istniejące w nich ślady zniekształceń tekstu, zarówno na poziomie leksykalnym i gramatycznym, jak i znaczeniowym. Ślady te stanowią niezwykle interesującą ilustrację procesów zachodzących podczas przekazu ustnego.
„Pieśń” wpisuje się w bardzo interesujący sposób w trwanie legendy napoleońskiej w Polsce, stanowi również świadectwo zjawiska opisanego przez Adama Mickiewicza w Panu Tadeuszu (I 906-917) – byłych legionistów, którzy krążyli po wsiach opowiadając „dziwniejsze od baśni historyje”.
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Even though Napoleon Bonaparte is first of all remembered as the military genius, his lifelong ambition attested by documents and visual propaganda had been to emulate the ancients not only in war but also in the makings of the empire.... more
Even though Napoleon Bonaparte is first of all remembered as the military genius, his lifelong ambition attested by documents and visual propaganda had been to emulate the ancients not only in war but also in the makings of the empire. While Alexander, Caesar, Hannibal and Scipio appear in official writings, art and popular culture as the models and comparisons for Napoleon’s military achievements, the civic programme draws mostly upon the figure of Augustus, as it is epitomized by the quotation from Vicenzo Jacobacci’s sonnet dedicated to Bonaparte: ‘Nuovo Alessandro in guerra, in pace Augusto’. Augustus’ presence looms over the political idea of the pax Napoleonica and the transition from Consulate to Empire, as well as over the reforms of the state, legal projects, and the vision of monumental renovation of the architectural and urbanistic face of Paris.
My paper will be focused on this Augustan agenda as reflected in arts, and particularly in the medallic production, presented in the context of literary allusions and quotations. The selection of cases will illustrate the various aspects of Napoleon’s emulation of Augustus as peacemaker, lawgiver and patron of arts, and the contribution of these motifs to the Napoleonic legend will be discussed.
My paper will be focused on this Augustan agenda as reflected in arts, and particularly in the medallic production, presented in the context of literary allusions and quotations. The selection of cases will illustrate the various aspects of Napoleon’s emulation of Augustus as peacemaker, lawgiver and patron of arts, and the contribution of these motifs to the Napoleonic legend will be discussed.
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"One of the recurring issues in the scholarship concerning the visual imagery of Hellenistic monarchy is the distinction between ‘kings in the guise of gods’ and ‘gods with the [physiognomic] traits of... more
"One of the recurring issues in the scholarship concerning the visual imagery of Hellenistic monarchy is the distinction between ‘kings in the guise of gods’ and ‘gods with the
[physiognomic] traits of [identifiable] kings’. This question is inevitably connected with another: to what extent the attributes of the kings belong respectively to the sacral and ‘civic’ spheres, which is particularly problematic in the case of the epitomic insigne, the diadem. Underlying many of such approaches is the modern notion of necessary shift of mind frame in an age of scientific and technical progress, analogical to what happened to art in the 19th century. The Hellenistic period and its culture, however, seem to preserve the same mentality that shaped the Classical imagery, and resulted in the highly allegorical iconography, where mythical scenes represented actual, current historical events (the most prominent case being the Amazonomachy and Iliupersis scenes as representatives of the Persian wars).
In my paper I am going to propose a different approach to the assimilation of kings and gods or heroes in art: within the framework of Hellenistic deification of rulers combined with the
historical representation there is space for the mythical way of thinking, very much the same as the one described by Aristotle as belonging to the sphere of literature and not history. In other words: the Hellenistic kings in official portrait art represent at the same time the individual themselves and the idealized model of kingship, associated and identified with the figures of gods. This approach, inspired by Roger Hinks’ analysis of the Greek allegory and myth, but modified in respect to the particular type of portraiture, which is the official royal portrait, and which does not belong to the ‘secular, rational world of images’, can in my
opinion not only reconcile the aforementioned problems, but also shed new light on our understanding of the Hellenistic monarchy. "
[physiognomic] traits of [identifiable] kings’. This question is inevitably connected with another: to what extent the attributes of the kings belong respectively to the sacral and ‘civic’ spheres, which is particularly problematic in the case of the epitomic insigne, the diadem. Underlying many of such approaches is the modern notion of necessary shift of mind frame in an age of scientific and technical progress, analogical to what happened to art in the 19th century. The Hellenistic period and its culture, however, seem to preserve the same mentality that shaped the Classical imagery, and resulted in the highly allegorical iconography, where mythical scenes represented actual, current historical events (the most prominent case being the Amazonomachy and Iliupersis scenes as representatives of the Persian wars).
In my paper I am going to propose a different approach to the assimilation of kings and gods or heroes in art: within the framework of Hellenistic deification of rulers combined with the
historical representation there is space for the mythical way of thinking, very much the same as the one described by Aristotle as belonging to the sphere of literature and not history. In other words: the Hellenistic kings in official portrait art represent at the same time the individual themselves and the idealized model of kingship, associated and identified with the figures of gods. This approach, inspired by Roger Hinks’ analysis of the Greek allegory and myth, but modified in respect to the particular type of portraiture, which is the official royal portrait, and which does not belong to the ‘secular, rational world of images’, can in my
opinion not only reconcile the aforementioned problems, but also shed new light on our understanding of the Hellenistic monarchy. "
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Some literary traditions make Alexander the son of Darius in order to legitimise his rule in Persia; there is also the ongoing scholarly dispute concerning the adoption of Persian customs. It is, however, worth asking to... more
Some literary traditions make Alexander the son of Darius in order to legitimise his rule in Persia; there is also the ongoing scholarly dispute concerning the adoption of Persian customs.
It is, however, worth asking to what extent Alexander was immersed in Persian traditions as a Macedonian ruler, since Macedonia had been a vassal state of the Great King at the end of the 6th century BC, which coincided with its emergence on the Greek political scene.
I intend to present archaeological testimonies showing that many elements of public and private life in Macedonia drew on the Persian customs rather than emulated Greek traditions, and that despite the breaking of political ties during the Persian Wars and the philhellenism of the kings, the Persian impact on Macedonia shaped the kingdom. Since this was the reality in which Alexander was brought up, its interpretation may be crucial for the understanding of his activities in the East.
It is, however, worth asking to what extent Alexander was immersed in Persian traditions as a Macedonian ruler, since Macedonia had been a vassal state of the Great King at the end of the 6th century BC, which coincided with its emergence on the Greek political scene.
I intend to present archaeological testimonies showing that many elements of public and private life in Macedonia drew on the Persian customs rather than emulated Greek traditions, and that despite the breaking of political ties during the Persian Wars and the philhellenism of the kings, the Persian impact on Macedonia shaped the kingdom. Since this was the reality in which Alexander was brought up, its interpretation may be crucial for the understanding of his activities in the East.