Fascism

In recent years RSS along with it‘s frontal organisations rose to prominence with three incidences starting with the anti-reservation riots in Gujarat in 80s, followed by Advani‘s rathayatra and the attempt to demolish Babri Masjid. On the other hand Modi rose to fame with the smart operation of Muslim genocide with steadiness, applying the apparatus of state machinery. For all reasons around and its multitude Modi has already emerged as a populist leader among the communal fascist section who has been consistently engaged in a number of background campaign in his favour through social media, print and electronic media, organising charity meetings, business meets, academic seminars, public meetings, consultations, conferences, etc. There are critical ideological discussions on BJP and RSS fronts, which essentially has a communal colour. The recent communal riots between the Hindus and Muslims in Muzaffar  Nagar have a lot to do with the communal frenzy for a number of reasons. It would not be out of  place to state that these philosophical and ideological postulations have not arisen from the blue, rather it had a steady and thorough progress in history. It is time to examine these ideological  positions, which essentially has a communal colour.

Examining it from the Dalit-Adivasi viewpoint is crucial since it would unfold the dynamics of the social, religious and political of communal fascism to the lowest level. In a broader perspective, communalism of polity is preliminary to fascism of polity. In today‘s context what is going on in India it is not mere communalism of polity, rather it is the politics of fascism under the Hindutva brigade. Hence as a critical outlook, I discuss on some of the major threats faced by the Dalits and Adivasis or Indigenous people.

These two volumes contain the official proceedings of the international symposium «School Exercise Books: a Complex Source for a History of the Approach to Schooling and Education in the 19th and 20th Centuries» (Macerata, September 26-29, 2007).
The school exercise book in the contemporary age can be seen both an essential teaching aid and as a formidable tool for communication, thus as a unique source for exploring school culture and the approach to education in a given historical context. From cover to content, and including the codification process in its capacity as a material object, the school exercise book can tell us a great deal about the history of schools and education, about teaching methods and language, and about the educational projects and policies that the various nation states sought to implement in the 19th and 20th centuries. Within that framework, the history of education and literacy goes hand in hand with the history of educational ideas and of concrete educational practice, offering hitherto unexplored scenarios for research. These proceedings – which include papers submitted by scholars from all over the world (Europe, America and the Far East) – offer a broad panorama of the potential (and the limits) of such a complex source with its wealth of implications. They represent a corpus of study and enquiry based on a truly exhaustive and complete range of methods and tools of investigation. The exercise book seen as a vessel for writing, as a testimonial of educational practice as implemented by teachers, and as an essential part of the political and cultural socialisation pursued in schools, helps us to focus the historical and educational dynamic on the relationships that impart concrete substance to the rapport between educational theory, teachers, institutes of education and education policy on the one hand, and the real-life players – the men, women and children – who experienced those relationships in the first person.

https://classiques-garnier.com/l-histoire-et-la-question-de-la-modernite-chez-antonio-gramsci.html

Le marxisme ouvert d’Antonio Gramsci permet de redéfinir la philosophie de l’histoire en échappant à tout dogmatisme. Gramsci cherche en effet à penser le processus historique dans sa consistance tout en accordant un rôle central à l’activité et aux luttes humaines, en particulier grâce aux notions de praxis, d’hégémonie et de rapports de forces. L’auteur des Cahiers de prison s’attache ainsi à comprendre la complexité de la modernité européenne, depuis ses origines jusqu’à la crise organique qui marque son temps, et s’arrête notamment sur la Renaissance, la Réforme, la Révolution française, le Risorgimento, l’américanisme, le fascisme et le socialisme soviétique.

While the very possibility of a philosophy of history has been widely questioned, this book shows that Antonio Gramsci’s open Marxism gives it new life, away from all dogmatism. Gramsci seeks to conceive the historical process in its consistency while giving a central role to human agency and struggles, thanks to notions such as praxis, hegemony and relations of force. His determination to understand both the coherence and the complexity of European modernity leads him to trace its development from its origins to the organic crisis it was undergoing in his time, from the Renaissance and the Reformation to Americanism, Fascism and Soviet socialism, via the French Revolution and the Risorgimento.

Any cursory review of the past five years of Italian historiography on fascism obviously would be subject to multiple criticisms and be Condemned for partiality, especially since the time span under investigation is relatively brief and only the work of select Italian scholars can be considered.
Not all the published literature on fascism could be taken into
account, given the enormous attention still given to the subject in academic monographs and journalistic accounts.

Just as Neon Genesis Evangelion remains a cultural touchstone that signalled the end of Japan’s unfounded optimism of the bubble economy era, Attack on Titan is the revenant marking the post-2008 cultural shift from the free movement of globalised neoliberalism to the rising populism of the far-right and the normalisation of conspiracy theories. Game of Thrones, in the end, succumbed to the temptation of uncomplicated crowd-pleasers, which is why it has no re-watch value for me under lockdown. AoT and Eva, on the other hand, tackle what Mark Fisher termed the sense of a cancelled future under capitalist realism.

In questi ultimi anni, varie formazioni di estrema destra – fasciste, populiste o nazionaliste – sembrano aver assunto una maggiore visibilità e capacità di penetrazione politica tra le popolazioni europee. Prodotto dei forti cambia- menti che stiamo attraversando, sintomo di una progressiva frantumazione sociale, tali formazioni si battono sia contro una Unione europea che ha espropriato gli Stati nazionali della loro sovranità, sia in difesa di una pre- sunta identità culturale dell’Occidente, oggi “minacciata” dai crescerti flussi migratori.
Nel nostro paese, una delle espressioni più evidenti e paradigmatiche di una generale deriva sovranista, nazionalista e identitaria, cui assistiamo in questi anni di crisi economica e sociale, è sicuramente rappresentata da Ca- saPound. Studiarne pertanto la struttura, la cultura e l’azione, come si pro- pongono queste pagine – che raccolgono anche le ragioni di appartenenza espresse dai suoi militanti –, costituisce un contributo importante alla com- prensiene di una cultura politica che va ben al di là di coloro che la riven- dicano apertamente definendosi “fascisti del terzo millenio”. Dall’osserva- zione e dall’analisi antropologica di un caso concreto, cogliendone le pecu- liarità, analizzandone la matrice culturale, il programma politico, le forme della militanza e le tensioni che lo attraversano, emergono in realtà molti degli elementi che in vario modo e in forme diverse connotano i sentimenti e i comportamenti di una parte sempre più consistente delle nostre società, prese nel gorgo di una trasformazione di cui è difficile cogliere il profilo e prevedere gli esiti.

Enclosed is the syllabus and course notes from the upper division course I teach in PostModernism and Post-Marxist Critical Theory. It occurs to me that some of these essays--ranging from Horkheimer and Adorno, Baudrillard, Foucault, and the feminist post-modern theorist Donna Haraway may offer some insight and some tools for comprehending the dark times in which we live. While these essays may not be directly aimed at understanding the rise of phenomena like the Alt-Right, toxic masculinity, and particularly violent forms of patriarchy, I think they can show us something about the ideological trends that set us on out current morally troubling path.

This study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the “Euromaidan.”

The book describes and analyses the life and work of Julius Evola. Based on archivial documents and on a wide survey of primary and secondary literature the book investigated the cultural and political activity of Julius Evola, in the esoteric milieus and in the conversative revolution, The relations to fascism and to intrasigenti are reported as well as Evola's idea of racism.

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

In the wake of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution and Russia’s subsequent war on Ukraine, Russian political thinker Aleksandr Dugin has become an object of many western analyses of Russia’s foreign policy. Various media have called Dugin “the mad mystic who inspired Russia’s leader” or “Putin’s brain”. Indeed, the man behind Russia’s Neo-Eurasianism has received significant attention and his ideas have evidently entered mainstream political thought.

This study briefly presents the history of the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism, paying special attention to the geopolitical circumstances which formed this movement. Then, it analyzes some aspects of this phenomenon, such as its main ideologists, racism, antisemitism, religion, rituals, leaders, concepts of revolution, and the ethnic, political and mass violence conducted before, during, and after the Second World War. This short monograph argues that the extreme and genocidal form of Ukrainian nationalism did have a fascist kernel and should be considered a form of European or East-Central European fascism. Nevertheless, because of the specific cultural, social, and political Ukrainian circumstances the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism differed from better-known fascist movements such as German National Socialism or Italian Fascism, and thus it requires a careful and nuanced investigation.

This book is 260 pages long and I include a table of organization of the US military intelligence and the OSS and its behind the lines commando operations.  I focus some on the developing of US signals intelligence and military history that has been declassified, but I think is still censored in our high school history books regarding US war crimes and etc.  I have been adding to this book over the years since the last time I published in on Academia.edu and this is edition as of Nov. 2019.  research.

"The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist" is the first comprehensive and scholarly biography of the Ukrainian far-right leader Stepan Bandera and the first in-depth study of his political cult. In this fascinating book, Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe illuminates the life of a mythologized personality and scrutinizes the history of the most violent twentieth-century Ukrainian nationalist movement: the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and its Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Elucidating the circumstances in which Bandera and his movement emerged and functioned, Rossolinski-Liebe explains how fascism and racism impacted on Ukrainian revolutionary and genocidal nationalism. The book shows why Bandera and his followers failed—despite their ideological similarity to the Croatian Ustaša and the Slovak Hlinka Party—to establish a collaborationist state under the auspices of Nazi Germany and examines the involvement of the Ukrainian nationalists in the Holocaust and other atrocities during and after the Second World War. The author brings to light some of the darkest elements of modern Ukrainian history and demonstrates its complexity, paying special attention to the Soviet terror in Ukraine and the entanglement between Ukrainian, Jewish, Polish, Russian, German, and Soviet history. The monograph also charts the creation and growth of the Bandera cult before the Second World War, its vivid revivals during the Cold War among the Ukrainian diaspora, and in Bandera's native eastern Galicia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

The great exhibition of Volta in 1899 and the exhibition of Ercole Ferrata and the Intelvesi masters held in Pellio in 1910 had the merit of focus the attention of scholars on a historical and artistic heritage still largely unexplored as warned Francesco Malaguzzi Valeri and Peter Toesca, engaged on the territory in cataloging campaigns and on the press in complaint action. After the end of World War I, in 1920, they were held exhibitions aimed to present to a wider audience the works of art admitted to wartime in warehouses set up in Rome and returned to their places of origin, under the guidance of Nello Tarchiani. This exhibition program had a dual purpose: on the one hand the public awareness towards heritage, on the other the celebration of victory, and the effectiveness of the protection measures implemented by the military command and the organs of the Ministry of Education. In this vein it is located, a few decades later, the publication of the Inventario degli oggetti d’arte della provincia di Sondrio, the ninth volume of a historic ministerial series, published in 1938. However, when that same year it was organized in Sondrio a big exhibition of painting and portrait from the XVth to the XIXth century, the intent were far from conservation and protection and turned to nationalistic propaganda. The article means to establish the mixed reception by scholars and the public, through the study of reviews and museographic programs, highlighting the connection with the activities of protection and cataloging in the territory and with the historical research.

During the past decade, particularly under the presidency of the third Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010) there have been repeated attempts to turn the leading figures of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its armed wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) into national heroes. As these fascist organizations collaborated with the Nazi Germany, carried out ethnic cleansing and mass murder on a massive scale, they are problematic symbols for an aspiring democracy with the stated ambition to join the European Union. Under Yushchenko, several institutes of memory management and myth making were organized, a key function of which was to deny or downplay OUN-UPA atrocities. Unlike many other former Soviet republics, the Ukrainian government did not need to develop new national myths from scratch, but imported ready concepts developed in the Ukrainian diaspora. Yushchenko’s legitimizing historians presented the OUN and UPA as pluralistic and inclusive organizations, which not only rescued Jews during the Holocaust, but invited them into their ranks to fight shoulder to shoulder against Hitler and Stalin. This mythical narrative relied partly on the OUN’s own post-war forgeries, aimed at cover up the organization’s problematic past. As employees of the Ukrainian security services, working out of the offices of the old KGB, the legitimizing historians ironically dismissed scholarly criticism as Soviet myths. The present study deals with the myth-making around the OUN, the UPA, and the Holocaust, tracing their diaspora roots and following their migration back and forth across the Atlantic.

Il saggio fornisce spunti e chiavi di lettura su due figure fondamentali della stampa satirica in Italia, Gabriele Galantara e Giuseppe Scalarini, i più importanti disegnatori politici dell’Italia tra fine Ottocento e avvio del Novecento. In parallelo, uno sguardo sul sodale di Galantara, il giornalista Guido Podrecca, con la traiettoria politica che lo portò dalle comuni posizioni socialiste all’irreparabile frattura ideale e personale. Di Galantara e Scalarini si esaminano anche le relazioni con le vicende dei giornali e periodici di riferimento, L’Asino e l’Avanti!. I due disegnatori sono protagonisti di una vera e propria lotta delle idee, per l’emancipazione sociale delle classi più umili. Vignette e iconografia diffondono tra grandi masse popolari, allora poco o punto alfabetizzate, elementi di immediata percezione ai fini della maturazione politica e della crescita culturale.

Em 1971, saía no Funchal um livro de Liberto Cruz (1935), Gramática Histórica, que se propunha desconstruir paródica e satiricamente a linguagem e a ideologia do regime salazarista. A obra, como nos lembra o autor na edição de 2007, esgotou numa semana.
Quando a crítica oficial se apercebeu do registo subversivo dos textos, já todos os exemplares estavam nas mãos de “atentos e desobedientes leitores” (Cruz, 2007: 10), como se lê no apontamento introdutório da edição de 2007, assinado por Liberto Cruz, que opta por um título muito oportuno, porque abrange os leitores que necessitam da nota para compreenderem o contexto em que surgiu o livro, mas também visa aqueles leitores que conhecem já a história deste livro: “Nota desounecessária dos autores” (entenda-se: “desnecessária”, “ou necessária”), porque na primeira edição o autor oculta a sua identidade sob um pseudónimo: Álvaro Neto, que, em 1966, no segundo e último caderno da Poesia Experimental, aparece como autor de vários poemas.
Esta Gramática Histórica, escrita entre 1962 e 1966, “revisita categorias e fórmulas de uma gramática tradicional, utilizando, porém, práticas da Poesia Visual e Experimental do século XX que revolucionaram a literatura e as artes visuais no contexto português e no contexto internacional”, nas palavras de João Fernandes, no texto, que acompanha esta nova edição, “A propósito desta nova edição da Gramática Histórica”. O livro, organizado ironicamente em quatro partes, que correspondem às áreas fundamentais da linguística (Fonética, Morfologia, Sintaxe, Semântica), apoia-se nesse movimento de dissecação e reconstrução de Portugal e da sua gramática oficial.
Liberto Cruz associa, desmonta, recompõe palavras, destaca e combina grafemas, cria uma arrojada sintaxe visual e significante: propõe uma nova gramática, um novo discurso, um novo pensamento, novos comportamentos e novas atitudes. Cada texto, do mais breve, como as “Frases idiocráticas” (“É um grande prazer estar entre esta gente calma, paciente, ordeira, resignada, crente, esta gente bem portuguesa”; “Um verdadeiro português contenta-se com um quarto de pão e uma sardinha assada” (Cruz, 2007: 82 e 83) ou os “Provérbios” (“Emigrar ou não emigrar/ eis a questão”; “É preciso trocar o certo pelo incerto” (Cruz, 2007: 108-109)), ao mais longo, como as “Minutas de requerimentos, actas, ofícios e atestados” , é um exercício de inteligência criativa, estética e ética. A atividade lúdica, que E. M. de Melo e Castro valoriza como “parte vital do acto crítico desmitificador (sob a forma de ironia) e, indo mais longe, como via de descoberta e criação” (Castro, 1984: 207), entra nesta obra de Liberto Cruz como força vital de transgressão, invenção e liberdade.
[....]
Esta Gramática Histórica é uma gramática para o presente e para um futuro com menos atas, ofícios, requerimentos e outros tipos de discurso completamente subjugados pela frase feita, pela subordinação a poderes arbitrários e a metodologias obsoletas; é uma Gramática que nos diz que, hoje como ontem, há “Um Ministro que serve./ Um Imbecil campeão./ Um Ingénuo português!/ Um Salário salgado./ Um Pedante que ensina./ O Menino senhor./ O Escritor que ainda usa o estilo./ Um padre solteiro./ O Indecoroso decente” (Cruz, 2007: 89); é uma Gramática que, embora dita Histórica, foi também premonitória de não poucas tragédias lusitanas consubstanciadas em três anos de troika (2011-2013) em Portugal, que o texto “Emigrar ou não emigrar/ eis a questão” (Cruz, 2007: 108) sintetiza exemplarmente.
Por tudo isto, mas também pelo muito que ficou por dizer, não exagerarei se disser que impressiona a “disponibilidade interior de ação” (Castro, 1984: 208) de Liberto Cruz: tanto a disponibilidade que o levou, há mais de quatro décadas, a produzir tão sugestivos textos, como a disponibilidade mais recente de reeditar, em 2007, esta Gramática Histórica, como ainda a disponibilidade de nos dar a ver as suas obras (cada texto é uma obra, um fazer) em exposições (como a que teve lugar numa galeria de arte de Lisboa, em abril de 2017).

This short article considers the life and political activities of Mrs. Flora Drummond, a former Suffragette who, in 1920, founded the Women's Guild of Empire and took a rightwing direction in the 1920s, to the point where she was prepared to cooperate with early forms of British fascism.

Parmi les thèmes et engagements jalonnant l’œuvre et le parcours de Denis de Rougemont, le rapport à la démocratie, au fascisme et au national-socialisme dans les années 1930 suscite des jugements contrastées chez les historiens. Les exégèses du Journal d’Allemagne, publié par Rougemont après un séjour à Francfort en 1935-1936, en sont une bonne illustration. Quand les unes soulignent les prises de position condamnant le régime hitlérien, les autres pointent au contraire les efforts de Rougemont pour se mettre dans la peau des Allemands de l’époque, le peu d’attention accordée au destin des Juifs, la fascination mêlée de répulsion pour le chef charismatique. Ces éloges ou ces critiques, abordant la relation au national-socialisme en termes de répulsion-attraction ou de résistance-adaptation, font écho à la polarisation du débat historiographique qui s’est opérée suite aux travaux de Zeev Sternhell au début des années 1980. Sans ignorer les résultats de ces recherches, nous souhaitons ici renouveler l’interprétation des écrits de Rougemont en examinant le problème central que s’est posé l’écrivain face au national-socialisme : l’émergence d’une religion de substitution, dans un contexte de déchristianisation accélérée. Nous évoquerons tout d’abord le milieu intellectuel dans lequel Rougemont évolue au début des années 1930, en soulignant les tensions qui agitent ce milieu et qui sont exacerbées du fait de l’émergence du national-socialisme sur la scène politique allemande. Puis nous testerons la validité du concept de « religion de substitution » en montrant les conséquences, à la fois religieuses et politiques, du déclin du protestantisme en Allemagne. Nous évoquerons enfin l’une des limites de l’interprétation de Rougemont, ainsi que la manière dont son protestantisme conditionne non seulement son diagnostic du national-socialisme mais aussi la réponse qu’il lui oppose.

La pubblicazione di parte dei Diari di Ioannis Metaxàs qui raccolti, quelli che vanno dal 1936 al 1941, offre  la possibilità di rivisitare il periodo precedente all’attacco italiano alla Grecia del 1940 dalla prospettiva greca, offrendo una serie di indicazioni che chiariscono in che termini la stessa recepisse e rispondesse, negli anni immediatamente precedenti, alle lusinghe ed alle minacce italiane; la Grecia in realtà non aveva più dubbi su quanto attendersi a seguito dell’invasione italiana dell’Albania.

Tale documento è anche primario complemento alle memorie dell’Ambasciatore Grazzi (Il Principio della fine: l’impresa di Grecia, ETPbooks, 2018), unitamente alle quali è possibile ricostruire, per voce dei due protagonisti di quelle vicende, un quadro esauriente dei fatti preliminari al conflitto.

Nondimeno, i Diari di Metaxàs offrono un dettagliato rapporto dei complessi rapporti diplomatici tra la Grecia e gli altri paesi dell’area balcanica. Tali rapporti si articolarono in un complesso intreccio di alleanze e di proclamate non ingerenze, che permise alla Grecia di proteggere la propria fragilità militare ed economica da quella polveriera costituita da Paesi ancora soggetti alle precarie conseguenze delle guerre balcaniche.

E infine i Diari rappresentano valido strumento per indagare sulla figura del Metaxàs, ancora oggi indagato da parte degli studiosi internazionali per la natura della sua dittatura, sulle cui caratteristiche il dibattito non si è esaurito.

Mired in inconsistency, contradiction, and scandal, Donald J. Trump’s presidency appears to be anything but normal. This has prompted a great deal of searching among social scientists and journalists to understand what exactly is behind Trump’s erratic governing style. These narratives center the new normal of American presidential politics on the extreme form of Trump’s narcissistic behavior and his flagrant commitment to ethno-nationalist, authoritarian, and neoliberal practices. However, because these narratives rely on traditional political strategies and theories, they do not fully capture the most novel aspects of the Trump mode of governance. What is “not normal” about President Donald Trump is that his governing style is irreducible to conventional statecraft and political goals because Trump is not just a celebrity/businessman-turned-politician. Rather, Trump the person is inherently tied to Trump the personal brand, and the governing style of President Trump follows the market-oriented logic of personal brands, which is primarily oriented towards maximizing symbolic capital. Rather than position Trump’s governing style as motivated to achieve self-adulation, white supremacy, an authoritarian state, or neoliberal utopia, we reconsider Trump’s governing style as an attempt to capture the attention of the collective consciousness and focus it on Trump as a personal brand.

사회 세계 (MSW)를 aking에 자세히 언급하기 전에 m나는 먼저 철학 (설명 심리학)과 Searle (S)와 비트 겐슈타인 (W)의 작품에서 예시로 현대 심리학 연구와의 관계에 대한 몇 가지 의견을 제공 할 것입니다, 나는 이것이 행동에 Searle 또는 어떤 해설자를 배치하는 가장 좋은 방법이라고 생각하기 때문에, 적절한 관점에서. 그것은 크게 설명 심리학의이 두 천재에 의해 PNC, TLP, PI, OC, TARW 및 기타 책의 내 리뷰를 볼 도움이 될 것입니다.

S는 TLP의 메커니즘으로 W의 선견지명 진술과 그의 후기 작업에서 그의 파괴에 대한 언급을하지 않습니다. W, S는 행동의 이러한 기계적 견해의 주요 해체자가되었다, 그리고 가장 중요한 설명 심리학자 (철학자), 하지만 W가 그를 완전히 예상하고, 크게, 다른 사람을 수행 (하지만 W, 튜링과 AI에 프라우드 풋과 코플랜드의 많은 논문과 책을 참조하십시오). S의 작품은 W보다 훨씬 쉽게 따라할 수 있으며, 일부 전문 용어가 있지만 올바른 방향으로 접근하면 대부분 극적으로 분명합니다. 자세한 내용은 W S 및 기타 책에 대한 내 리뷰를 참조하십시오.

전반적으로, MSW는 작업의 S의 반세기에서 발생하는 Wittgenstein을 통해 많은 실질적인 발전의 좋은 요약이지만, 내 보기에, W는 여전히 그가 말하는 것을 파악하면 기본 심리학에 대한 타의 추종을 불허합니다 (내 리뷰 참조). 이상적으로,  그들은 함께 읽어야한다 : S1 / S2의 운영W의 기발한 예와 함께 설명 S2 / S3의 운영에 명확한 일관된 산문과 일반화에 대한 Searle, 그의 화려한 격언. 제가 훨씬 어렸을 때, 저는 그 일을 하는 책을 쓰곤 했습니다.

현대 의 두 시스템 보기에서인간의 행동에 대한 포괄적 인 최신 프레임 워크를 원하는 사람들은 내 책을 참조 할 수 있습니다'철학의 논리적 구조, 심리학, 민d와 루드비히  비트겐슈타인과 존 Searle의언어'  2nd ed (2019). 내 글의 더 많은 관심있는 사람들은 '이야기 원숭이를 볼 수 있습니다-철학, 심리학, 과학, 종교와 운명 행성에 정치 - 기사 및 리뷰 2006-2019 3 rd 에드 (2019) 및 21st  세기 4번째  에드 (2019)  및 기타에서 자살 유토피아 망상.

Providing an innovative conceptualization to extremist political movements founded upon "world-historic" populations and vanguard party organizations, Vanguardism sets out a new path in investigating the intellectual and historical influences that created extremist politics, the totalitarian movements and regimes of the twentieth century, and a framework for interpreting extremism in the present.

Expanding its view across the turbulent intellectual currents of the nineteenth century, Philip W. Gray illustrates how these ideas shaped the shared ideational and organizational structures that would develop into Leninism, Fascism, and Nazism in the early twentieth century. Moving beyond the Second World War, the book explicates how vanguardism did not vanish with the war’s conclusion, but was modified throughout the period of national liberation movements and Western extremist groups over the ensuing decades. Concluding in the present with an eye to the future, Gray presents a framework for comprehending the extremist movement of today, and how organizational shifts can give us clues to the forms of totalitarian politics of tomorrow.

Original and provocative, Vanguardism will become essential reading for everyone looking to understand totalitarianism and extremist politics of our time.