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First published May 1988

New Technology, Job Content, and Worker Alienation: A Test of Two Rival Perspectives

Abstract

The introduction of new technologies into the advanced capitalist work process continues to provoke sharp theoretical debate. While mainstream theories predict an upgrading of work content, recent Marxist analyses argue that workplace automation tends to deepen the subordination of the worker beneath the means of production. This study aims to adjudicate between these rival perspectives. The analysis centers upon the communications industry in the United States, a highly automated “knowledge” industry rapidly undergoing the transition to competitive market conditions. Official statistics on the changing occupational structure of this industry, combined with survey data on job content, indicate the existence of an upgrading effect between 1950 and 1980. In more recent years, however, the onset of a deskilling trend is found: The more automated the workplace, the less autonomous and conceptually demanding the job tends to be. Further analysis suggests that workplace automation differentially affects the various occupational categories.

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1.
1. The Dictionary of Occupational Titles data have been much used, even though important problems of validity remain unresolved. For critical discussions of the DOT data, see Miller et al. (1980), Spenner (1983), and Hunt and Hunt (1984).
2.
2. Recent research has challenged the validity of Blauner's conclusions, even with respect to the chemical industry. See Nichols and Benyon (1977) and Halle (1984).
3.
3. For discussion of the consequences of ESS from a deskilling point of view, see Newman (1982) and Howard (1980). The case of the Test Desk Technician (an elite centraloffice craft that was largely destroyed by automation) is sometimes discussed as an example of the wider deskilling trend. The question here is whether this case does in fact represent the modal trend in the industry more broadly.
4.
4. Thus Kohl (1982: 64) refers to a growing “push for labor cost savings” throughout the industry, largely due to competitive pressures.
5.
5. The CWA is a large, national union representing more than half a million workers. It is the major union in the industry, with many more members than either the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers or the Telecommunications International Union. District 1 of the CWA encompasses workers employed in New York, New Jersey, and New England.
6.
6. Conceptual approaches toward technology that differ from that used here can be found in Amber and Amber (1962), Bright (1958), and Faunce (1965). Note that the present approach is more narrowly focused upon the equipment itself than is the case within the organization literature. For a discussion and an example, see Baron and Bielby (1982).
7.
7. Conceptual content is here understood to be a subset of the more general dimension of occupational complexity.
8.
8. For recent theoretical and empirical analysis grounded in the Marxist theory of alienation, see Archibald (1978), Torrance (1981), Archibald et al. (1981), and Vallas and Yarrow (forthcoming). See also Kanungo (1982: 36).
9.
9. Arguments to this effect can be found in Newman (1982) and Kohl (1982), both of whom are concerned with changes in skill levels within communications.
10.
10. When tests for interaction using dummy variable regressions are performed, interaction terms for the outside craft and clerical groups are highly significant, adding appreciably to the R2 for the additive equation.
11.
11. This finding is bolstered when we examine workers' responses to a series of items measuring perceived change in the workplace. These items asked whether “the more complex, skilled parts of your job have been computerized,” whether changes in technology have “reduced the discretion or judgment your job requires,” whether the work has become more “routinized,” and so forth. The percentage of outside craft workers who reported such adverse changes was in all cases lower than in any of the other four occupations. In addition, interviews of several local union officers reinforced the thrust of this conclusion. These interviews suggest that where advanced technologies are used by the outside craft force, foremen—whose production experience was based on the older systems—have little or no personal experience in its use. As a result, first-level supervisors are forced to depend on the workers' knowledge even more so than before.
12.
12. Interestingly, outside craft workers seem to make up the basis for local union leadership. Similar dynamics are reported by Herding (1972).
13.
13. Unstructured interviews of craft workers and local officers suggest that where the system is highly automated, problems of communication between inside and outside workers are often exacerbated. Thus outside craft workers are forced to spend very long periods of time waiting for information needed to complete their tasks, a fact that very likely reduces their involvement in the job itself.
14.
14. One reviewer quite rightly advises caution in the use of the term contradictory. My use of the term is meant to refer to phenomena subject to opposing influences at the same point in time. Erik Olin Wright's (1979: chap. 2) notion of contradictory class influences is roughly parallel.
15.
15. Note that the effect of worker autonomy on alienation is strongest among the two craft groups (see Table 6). This point underscores the persistence of a craft tradition among these skilled groups.
16.
16. Traditional notions of the class structure locate lower-level office employees “above” skilled manual workers. However, the present study suggests that such notions are increasingly obsolete. It is not so much that clerical work undergoes a reduction to the position of manual work, as is often claimed. Instead, the situation of clerical workers drops farther below that of skilled manual labor as computerization is pressed forward. For comparison of the position of clerical and manual workers, see Baron and Bielby (1982: 185) and Wright and Singelmann (1982).

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STEVEN PETER VALLAS
New York Institute of Technology

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