f ir \
BANDA SINGH BAHADUR
and
Sikh Sovereignty
Edited and Compiled by
HARBANS KAUR SAGOO
S.G.XB. Khalsa Post-Graduate (Evening) College,
University of Delhi, New Delhi
Foreword by
DR. MM. SANKHDHER
Formerly, Professor of Political Science,
University of Delhi, Delhi
DEEP & DEEP PUBLICATIONS PVT. LTD.
F-159, RAJOURI GARDEN, NEW DELHI -110 027
ISBN 81-7629-300-8
© 2001 HARBANS KAUR SAGOO
All rights reserved with the Publisher, including the right to
translate or to reproduce this book or parts thereof except
for brief quotations in critical articles or reviews
Printed in India at ELEGANT PRINTERS,
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Published by DEEP & DEEP PUBLICATIONS PVT. LTD.,
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Phones : 5435369, 5440916
DEDICATED
TO
BABA JATINDER PAL SINGH
(Present Gaddi Nashin, Dera Baba Banda Singh Bahadur)
who has dedicated his life for the cause of humanity
and
My Teacher and Mentor
DR. MOHINDER SINGH
Director Bhai Vir Singh Sahitya Sadan, New Delhi
As a token of regard and affection.
i
Contents
Foreword xi
Preface xiii
Acknowledgements xvii
1. SIKH GURUS AND MUGHAL EMPERORS 1
Relations under Guru Nanak (1469 A.D.— 1539 A.D.) 1
Guru Angad Dev (1539 A.D.— 1552 A.D.) 7
Guru Amar Das (1552 A.D.— 1574 A.D.) 8
Guru Ram Das (1574 A.D.— 1581 A.D.) 9
Guru Arjan Dev (1581 A.D.— 1606 A.D.) 14
Prince Khusrau Meets Guru Arjan 21
Jahangir's hatred for the Guru 22
Guru Hargobind (1606 A.D.— 1645 A.D.) 27
Succession of Shah Jahan 34
Battle of Amritsar (1628 A.D.) 35
Battle of Hargobindpur (1630 A.D.) 36
The Battle of Lahra and Gurusar (December 1634 A.D.) 36
The Battle of Kartarpur (April 26, 1635 A.D.) 37
The Battle of Phagwara (April 29, 1635 A.D.) 38
Guru Har Rai (1645 A.D.— 1661 A.D.) . 40
Guru Har Krishan (1661 A.D.— 1664 A.D.) 41
Guru Tegh Bahadur (1664 A.D.— 1675 A.D.) 42
viii
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Guru Gobind Singh and Aurangzeb (1675 A.D.— -1707 A.D.) 53
First Period (1675 A.D.— 1699 A.D.) 57
Conflict with Kahlur 57
First Battle of Anandpur (1682 A.D.) 59
Second Battle of Anandpur (1685 A.D.) 59
The Battle of Bhangani (April 16, 1689 A.D.) 61
The Battle of Nadaun (1690 A.D.) 64
Rustam Khan's Expedition against the Guru (1691 A.D.) 65
The Expedition of Hussain Khan (1693 A.D.) 65
Battles between 1694-96 A.D. 66
Expedition of Jujhar Singh (1697 A.D.) 67
Prince Muazzam's March into the Hills (1698 A.D.) 67
Battle with Alam Chand and Balia Chand 68
Fortification of Anandpur 68
The Post-Khalsa Period (1699 A.D.— 1708 A.D.) 69
First Battle of Anandpur (1699 A.D.) 69
Second Battle of Anandpur (1699 A.D.) 70
Battle of Nirmoh (1700 A.D.) 71
Battle of Basali (1700 A.D.) 72
The First Battle of Chamkaur (1702 A.D.) 72
The Third Battle of Anandpur (1703 A.D.) 73
The Fourth Battle of Anandpur (1703 A.D.) 73
The Battle of Kiratpur (1704 A.D.) 74
The Fifth and the Last Battle of Anandpur (1704 A.D.) 74
The Battle of Bachhora Sahib on the River Sarsa
(December 21, 1704 A.D.) 77
The Second Battle of Chamkaur
(December 22, 1704 A.D.) 77
Fateh Nama 80
Two Younger Sons of the Guru Executed
(December 27, 1704 A.D.) 81
The Zafar Nama 83
The Battle of Khidrana (May 8, 1705 A.D.) 85
Bahadur Shah and Guru Gobirid Singh
(February 20, 1707 A.D. - October 7, 1708 A.D.) 87
Contents ix
2. EARLY YEARS OF BANDA SINGH BAHADUR 112
3. ESTABLISHMENT OF SIKH STATE 144
4. RISING OF THE SIKHS 166
Yamuna-Ganga Doab Region 166
Rising in Majha 172
Rising in Jullundur Doab 175
5. BAHADUR SHAH AND THE SIKHS 182
6. THE STRUGGLE AGAINST JAHANDAR SHAH 200
7. LAST ENCOUNTER 209
8. EPILOGUE 234
BIBLIOGRAPHY 255
INDEX 271
Foreword
The identity of the Sikhs as a brave community for defending the
society from inimical forces has been firmly established by Dr. Harbans
Kaur Sagoo, especially by exemplifying the heroic deeds of Banda Singh
Bahadur. A rich source material on a small slice of Sikh history has been
used by the author to highlight the valour and achievements of Banda
Singh Bahadur who battled against the mighty forces of the Mughal
tyrants.
To recall, Aurangzeb's demise left a chaotic situation of internecine
warfare when Jats, Marathas and Rajputs were all staking their claims of
sovereignty and battling for survival against oppression and
suppression, panting for air of freedom from domination. At this critical
juncture, the emergence of JBanda Singh Bahadur heralded a new era by
giving a clarion call of unity between all sections of society. Instilling
righteousness, Dharma, upholding the dignity of the poor, he mobilised
people to sacrifice personal and narrow interests at the altar of freedom.
In the face of a serious challenge to the integrity of the nation, he fired
the imagination of the masses for achieving a glorious future.
Treating religion as patriotism par excellence, it is no wonder that the
first Sikh State was launched under his remarkable leadership signifying
the triumph of unity for liberation. The author has described this episode
in great detail, thereby throwing light on some dark periods of Sikh
history.
This book can be of great use to scholars and common citizens
curious about Hindu-Sikh relations as they have evolved in recent times.
Certain misgivings on this issue giving rise to militancy and terrorism
xii
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
might get erased from the political psyche of the people who browse
through the painstaking efforts of Dr. Sagoo.
While the contemporary relevance of this book cannot be overlooked,
the mutual inspiration drawn from Hindu-Sikh scriptures cannot be lost
sight of. The Gurbani echoes some of the finest moral homilies and
political norms of the Vedantic and Epical theology. For example, Banda
Singh Bahadur was imbued with the Dharma as preached by Lord
Krishna to Arjun in the battlefield of the Mahabharata to take up sword
against the enemy.
I see in Dr. Sagoo's publication a heroic character a great value for the
youth of our times the spirit of Rashtra Bhakti and a lesson to preserve
and strengthen national unity and territorial integrity. With India under
siege, this book needs to be prescribed for students of history in higher
education levels.
I congratulate the author for her timely endeavour.
New Delhi
PROF. M.M. SANKHDHER
Preface
Banda Singh Bahadur continues to be one of those few historical
personages who have defied the judgement not only of his
contemporaries but also of posterity. An attempt has been made here to
study Banda Singh Bahadur's multi-dimensional role in an objective
manner and setting at rest to the maximum possible extent the
misgivings about him and his career. There can be no question that
Banda Singh was a great man, one of the greatest that our land has
produced. His life's mission was to protect the oppressed against the
oppressor. He fought against injustice and tyranny of the Mughal rulers.
He upheld the honour and dignity of the common man. It was he who
introduced one of the greatest land reforms in the country by abolishing
the zamindari system of the Mughals. After Guru Gobind Singh, it was
Banda Singh Bahadur who brought about a radical change in the
character of the Sikhs and taught them how to fight and conquer. History
has upheld him as a patriot, a brave warrior, a lover of freedom, and a
man whose struggle and sacrifices added to the dignity of life and
enriched the pages of history. He lived and died like a true hero. The
purpose of this study is to give an account of the life and achievements
of Banda Singh Bahadur.
After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 A.D., the Jats, Marathas,
Rajputs and other regional powers staked their claims for sovereignty in
their respective domains and played an important role in disintegrating
the Mughal empire. During this period of political upheavals, Banda
Singh Bahadur was chosen to lead the Sikhs in their struggle against the
Mughals by the tenth Guru. Guru Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh
taught the Sikhs to take to arms in self-defence or if the cause of justice
and righteousness could not be otherwise vindicated. After meeting
xiv
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Guru Gobind Singh, Banda Singh Bahadur dedicated his life to an ideal
without any fear of privation or death. With a single-mindedness of
purpose that has few parallels in history, he resolved to carry on the
battle of freedom for his countrymen. It was Banda Singh Bahadur who
thought of establishing the Sikhs as a political power and in fact he
succeeded in establishing the pioneer Sikh state after the conquest of
Sarhind in 1710 A.D.
However, Banda Singh Bahadur had to face overwhelming odds to
lead the infant Khalsa against the Mughals who were yet too strong for
him with inexhaustible temporal resources of the then greatest empire of
the world. Whether at Sadaura or at Gurdas Nangal, it was the
overwhelming numbers and the extremes of hunger, want of food,
fodder and ammunition that turned the table against Banda Singh
Bahadur. Mughal General Abdul Samad Khan proved his superiority
because of greater resources. Hence this first attempt of its kind by Banda
Singh Bahadur was not successful. But it went on to inspire the
worshippers of equity and justice to sacrifice themselves at the altar of
freedom. Externally, he may not appear to have succeeded in the
emancipation of his people, but the fire of independence ignited by Guru
Gobind Singh and fanned by Banda Singh was not to be extinguished. It
was because of the exploits of Banda Singh Bahadur that a determination
was instilled in the ordinary masses of Punjab to resist tyranny and to
live and die for a national cause. It was the result of this will that the
Hindus and the Sikhs together drove the Afghans and the Mughals in
1763-64 A.D. out of their homeland and thus achieved freedom which
they had come to regard as their birthright.
Thus, Banda Singh Bahadur emerges as one of the most outstanding
leaders that India produced in the eighteenth century. His courage,
patriotism, devotion to a cause, indomitable spirit, fearlessness, sincerity
and his earnestness has continued to inspire the future generations. No
doubt his name has come to symbolize freedom, dedication and sacrifice.
The author of the present volume has liberally drawn on the researches
made on this subject by eminent scholars like William Irvine, Jadunath Sarkar,
Ganda Singh, Hari Ram Gupta, Khushwant Singh, Gopal Singh, Sohan Singh
Seetal, Muzaffar Alam, Attar Singh, Indubhushan Banerjee, A.C. Banerji,
J.D. Cunningham, Chetan Singh, Fauja Singh, Indu Banga, Karam Singh,
G.C. Narang, Piara Singh Data, Kahn Singh Nabha, Karam Singh, Mata
Joginder Kaur, M.K. Gill, Satbir Singh, Rajpal Singh, Deol G.S., Surinder
Singh, and some traditional Punjabi writers such as Rattan Singh Bhangu
Preface
xv
Giani, Gian Singh, Santokh Singh, Kesar Singh Chibbar, and Bhai Vir
Singh. By making use of all the available and accessible source material,
this author has tried to emphasise the historic role of Banda Singh
Bahadur for raising the huge armed strength for the establishment of the
pioneer Sikh state in Punjab, and as a liberator of the poor masses from
the clutches of the tyrants. He had the acumen to plan and the ability to
execute. After the tenth Guru, it is Banda Singh Bahadur's name that
towers above all other Sikh leaders in the history of the eighteenth
century.
The process of transformation of the power structure initiated by
Banda Singh Bahadur could not be completed during his life time. But
the sustained efforts of this champion of the oppressed and suppressed
masses kept on lingering in their memory and they naturally wished
well of the Sikh movement. This was the major contribution of Banda
Singh Bahadur to the Sikh movement that the peasants, even amidst the
most terrible dangers, gave shelter and provided food to the Khalsa, in
their struggle against the Mughals and the Afghans. In fact, Banda Singh
Bahadur was a man of the masses whom they obeyed ungrudgingly and
blindly. When he asked his followers to lay down arms, not one
disobeyed him and piled up their arms before him, and doors were
opened to the enemy to face sure death. He not only led the Sikh
movement against the Mughals but broadbased it among masses to fight
against tyranny and suppression. He broke the myth of Mughal
invincibility. He wanted to prepare his supporters to fight for freedom —
both political and economic. He wanted to infuse the spirit of self-
confidence and sense of honour and dignity. He was neither a religious
Guru of the Sikhs nor pretended to be -one. He was appointed their
temporal leader, designated as Bakshi of the Khalsa by the tenth Guru and
he accepted it smilingly.
HARBANS KAUR SAGOO
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to the authors and publishers from whose
publications she has extracted material to support or to critically analyse
the arguments put forward in the work. Due acknowledgements have
been made in the body of the book for the same. I would be failing in my
duty if I do not express my special sense of gratitude to late Dr. Ganda
Singh, without whose writings and pioneering work on Banda Singh
Bahadur, this work would not have been possible.
The author had the privilege of receiving help from a wide circle of
friends and critics. She acknowledges with gratitude the affection and
encouragement received from them all. I express my deep sense of
gratitude to Dr. Mohinder Singh, Director, Bhai Vir Singh Sahitya Sadan,
New Delhi, for his help and guidance in the preparation of this work. He
went through the entire manuscript and gave many valuable suggestions
for improvement. I would also like to place on record my gratitude to my
old teacher Dr. H.S. Chawla of the S.G.T.B. Khalsa College, University of
Delhi, and Mr. J.C. Dua of the Dyal Singh College (Evening), University
of Delhi, for their cooperation and encouragement to complete the work.
The keen and loving interest taken by my friend Dr. Tajinder Pal Kaur,
seniormost reader in the Hindi Department of the S.G.T.B. Khalsa Post-
Graduate (Evening) College, University of Delhi, in my research work.
She has been ever ready to lend me a helping hand. My thanks are due
to Principal Harmeet Singh of the S.G.T.B. Khalsa Post-Graduate
(Evening) College, University of Delhi, for his cooperation and
inspiration to complete the work. I have also to acknowledge the
encouragement I have received from Dr. Jaspal Singh, Indian High
Commissioner to Mozambique and Swaziland, whose sound and sincere
advice has greatly helped me in this endeavour.
xviii
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
I shall be failing in my duty if I omit to acknowledge the ready
assistance given to me by my friend and librarian, S. Wariam Singh of
the S.G.T.B. Khalsa College, University of Delhi, during my research on
the subject. I express my great appreciation for the help which
Mr. Anand, Librarian of the Bhai Vir Singh Sahitya Sadan, New Delhi,
has extended to me in several ways. I am also very thankful to
Mr. Ravinder Singh, Gurmeet Singh and Mr. Kamaljit Singh of the
S.G.T.B. Khalsa Post-Graduate (Evening) College Library, for their
substantial assistance and kind cooperation.
I am also grateful to the staff and manager, Golden Temple, Amritsar,
for giving me all facilities during my stay in Guru Hargobind Niwas,
while collecting the data for this book.
My grateful acknowledgement is due to my young colleague
Mrs. Shobhika Mukal of the History Department, for helping me in
several ways. I also wish to express my gratitude to the Principal of the
Mata Sundari College, University of Delhi, Dr. Mohinder Kaur Gill. She
proved to be an encyclopedia on traditional sources of Sikh history.
I gratefully acknowledge the work and active help and cooperation
of my husband Mr. J.S. Sagoo, in connection with the preparation of this
book. Without his support, my best efforts would have been futile. I
apologize to my daughter Harleen for unforgivably neglecting so many
of her simple demands during the period of my study. Words fail me in
recounting what I owe to my brother S. Sohan Singh, and Baba Jatinder
Pal Singh, the present Gaddi Nashin of Dera Baba Banda Singh Bahadur,
for his valuable information and guidance about the sect and places
related to Banda Singh Bahadur.
In this book the rare photographs are taken by our friend and
professional photographer Mr. Onkar Singh Palaha of Mumbai, who
travelled extensively with us to do the job, which only an artist of his
calibre could have done. I must record my sense of obligation to him.
Above all, I am grateful to Professor M.M. Sankhdher for having
accepted my request to write a Foreword.
Finally, I bow my head to the Almighty God with whose blessings I
have been able to accomplish this humble piece of research in the Sikh
history.
HARBANS KAUR SAGOO
1
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
In order that we may fully appreciate the magnitude of the task which
Banda Singh Bahadur undertook to perform and in order to fully
comprehend his achievements, it is essential to make a brief survey of
the Mughal-Sikh relations from Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh (1469
A.D. to 1708 A.D.). Punjab was always one of the most important parts
of the Mughal empire. Since this period of the history of Punjab is
mainly concerned with the development of Sikh religion and the lives
and works of the Sikh Gurus, it would be interesting to note that Sikh
history started with the start of the Mughal period. Punjab became a
source of strength to the Mughals and to the Sikhs a source of life. We
shall see how, when the one failed to provide justice and peace to the
country, the other watched and ultimately rose to destroy the evil and
reassert its independence.
RELATIONS UNDER GURU NANAK
(1469 A.D .—1539 A.D.)
The period of Sikh Gurus and the Mughal rulers coincided. One was
a religious movement and the other political. The Mughals entered this
country and brought about destruction and religious persecution. The
Sikh Gurus resisted them and preached the message of peace. So one day
a clash between the two was certain. Guru Nanak was a contemporary
2
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
of Babur, and Guru Gobind Singh of Aurangzeb, the last Mughal
Emperor. Just as the Mughal power in India and Punjab continued to
weaken after the death of Aurangzeb, Sikh power continued to develop
and acquire strength, till, ultimately, the former was destroyed and the
latter established itself.
Guru Gobind Singh writes in Bichitra Natak, that from one side came
Babur and from the other side came Guru Nanak. The clash was
inevitable, as the Almighty Himself had desired it. 1 In the cold winter of
1520-21, Guru Nanak was returning home from Baghdad through
Khurasan and Afghanistan. He noticed tremendous excitement
throughout these countries. On a call from Babur to invade India,
youngmen were thronging in Kabul with horses and arms. Guru Nanak
followed the traditional route via Herat, Kandahar, Ghazni, Kabul,
Jalalabad, Khyber Pass, Peshawar, Attock and Hasan Abdal. Passing
through Jhelum, Gujrat and Wazirabad, Guru Nanak halted at
Sayyidpur, 56 kms north-west of Lahore. He put up with his old disciple,
Bhai Lalo, who detained Guru Nanak for a sufficiently long time. Lalo
complained to him about the oppression of the Lodi Kings, their officials,
and the Pathans in general. The Guru replied that their dominion would
end soon as Babur was on his way to invade India. The Guru said:
As the word of the Lord comes
to me, so do I utter, O Lalo.
Bringing the marriage party of sin,
Babur has hastened from Kabul and demands
Perforce the gifts of wealth, etc. O Lalo. 2
Guru Nanak was still at Sayyidpur when Babur entered Punjab. The
Trans-Indus territory and the Sind Sagar Doab were already under him.
He now seized Gujrat and Sialkot situated in the Chaj and Rachna
Doabs, respectively, and appeared at Sayyidpur on his way to Lahore. 3
The town was mostly inhabited by Hindu traders and zamindars. They
offered considerable resistance in order to save their lives, honour and
property. This infuriated Babur. He ordered a general massacre of the
people. All the young women were reduced to slavery. The older ones
were forced to grind corn and cook food for the troops. The town was
looted and then destroyed by fire. 4 According to the Sikh tradition, Guru
Nanak was also arrested at Sayyidpur. Guru Nanak and Lalo were forced
to carry heavy loads of looted property on their heads to the camp and
then to grind corn. 5 But when Babur was informed of the Guru's saintly
character, 6 he saw him personally and begged his pardon. Babur was
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
3
very much impressed as a result of a conversation with the Guru. He
ordered the Guru's release. But the Guru refused unless others were also
released along with him. Thereupon Babur ordered all the prisoners to
be set free. 7 However, this is not confirmed by contemporary Mughal
records. There is a possibility that the Guru, who was greatly moved by
the horrors and destruction brought about by the invader, should have
personally interviewed him, though the incident might have been
passed over by the Mughals as insignificant. 8
Babur 's entry into India was not hailed by Guru Nanak. He, in his
hymns, rather painted a very pathetic picture of Babur 's atrocities in
Punjab in general and at Sayyidpur (Eminabad) in particular. He also
condemned the Lodi Sultan for not offering a strong and united
resistance to Babur and in one of his hymns he says: "No one would
remember the name of Lodi dogs." The barbarous treatment of prisoners
in the camp, particularly of women, broke the tender heart of Nanak.
The shock and pain were too acute for him to bear. In his four hymns
collectively called "Babur Vani" he says:
God has protected Khurasan and brought terror to Hindustan.
The creator takes not the blame on Himself
and has sent the Mughals as Death's myrmidon.
So much beating was inflicted that people shrieked.
Didst Thou, O God, feel no compassion?
Thou, O Maker, art the equal Master of all.
If a mighty man smites another mighty man,
then the mind feels not anger.
If a powerful tiger falling on a herd, kills it,
then its Master should show manliness.
The dogs have spoiled and laid waste the priceless country
No one pays heed to the dead
O Lord, Thou Thyself joinest and Thyself separatest.
Lo! This is thine greatness! 9
The pitiable condition of captive women is described by Guru Nanak
thus :
The tresses that adorned these lovely heads,
And were parted with vermilion,
Have been shorn with cruel shears,
Dust has been thrown on their shaven heads.
They lived in ease in palaces
4 Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Now they must beg by the roadside,
Having no place for their shelter.
When those whose heads are shorn were married
Fair indeed seemed their bridegrooms beside them.
They were brought home in palanquins carved with ivory.
Pitchers of water were waved over their heads
In ceremonial welcome,
Ornate fans glittered waving above them.
At the first entry into the new home
Each bride was offered a gift of a lakh of rupees,
Another lakh when each stood up to take her post in her new
home,
Coconut shredding and raisins were among the delicious
fruits served to them at their tables.
These beauties lent charm to the couches they reclined on.
Now they are dragged away with ropes round their necks;
Their necklaces are snapped and their greatest enemies now.
Barbarous soldiers have taken them prisoners and disgraced them.
Few, some very few,
From this havoc returned home,
And others enquire of them
About their lost dear ones,
Many are lost for ever,
And weeping and anguish are the lot of those who survive. 10
Babur's soldiers made no distinction between Hindus and Muslims
while outraging their modesty. Rape was committed mdiscriminately.
The women who suffered were Hindustani, Turkani, Bhatiani and
Thakurani. Guru Nanak says about them in Adi Granth.
There were the women of Hindus, Muslims, Bhattis and Rajputs
The robes of some were torn from head to foot and
some had their dwellings in the cremation ground
How did they, whose handsome husbands
came not home, pass their nights? 11
It was this open condemnation of the prevailing political debauchery
which distinguished Guru Nanak from the other Bhakti reformers. Guru
Nanak was the first Indian reformer who started a war of thoughts
against tyrannical rulers and prepared the way for the future clashes
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
5
between the Mughals and the Sikhs. He imparted political consciousness
to his followers. It meant the Sikhs would not sit quietly like the recluse
and saints closing their eyes towards what was happening around them.
They would rather challenge the evil and sacrifice their lives as Guru
Arjun, Guru Teg Bahadur, Bhai Mati Das and thousands others did to
eradicate it. Such utterances of the Guru added a political element to the
Sikh character which developed slowly but surely into a separate realm
of their own, however unconscious of it the Sikh Gurus themselves
might have been. In fact, says Dr. G.C. Narang: "After centuries of
subjection, Nanak was the first among the Hindus to raise his voice
against tyranny and oppression. " 12 Later it developed into a clash
between the Mughals and Guru Hargobind, and thereafter between
Mughals and Guru Gobind Singh which changed the Sikhs into Singhs,
a nation of lions, the Khalsa.
Guru Nanak was a strong opponent of imperialism: political,
religious, social and economic. He openly challenged the Lodi rulers and
condemned the invasion of Babur. While condemning the destruction
brought about by Babur, he did not hesitate in censuring even the
Almighty who considered Khurasan as his own but sent Mughals, the
messengers of death, to India. So much destruction was wrought, but he
did not feel pity. 13 Guru Nanak was a great statesman indeed. He saw
the world suffering under imperialism of different types and full of evil.
Instead of renouncing the world and going over to jungles, he
challenged the imperialists and denounced them most harshly. So, in
fact, Guru Nanak did lay the foundations of a revolution which was
completed by the time of Guru Gobind Singh. It is asserted, for instance,
that he thought of the political disabilities of his people. 14 It is also said
that he was the first medieval Indian saint to condemn war and to
denounce exploitation. 15 "Who knows that given the means which Guru
Gobind Singh has at his disposal with the work of ten generations which
has prepared the ground for him, Nanak would have met the situation
in the same way in which the former did in his own time afterwards." 16
G.C. Narang also believes that the "steel" for the "sword" of Guru
Gobind Singh was provided by Guru Nanak. 17 Indubhushan Banerjee is
of the same view when he says that the future Sikh "Nation" grew from
the foundations provided by Guru Nanak. 18 For another writer, there is
no question of "transformation" of Sikhism from Guru Nanak to Guru
Gobind Singh. The difference between them is only a "difference of
accent." 19 It is suggested by some other scholars that the apt phrase to
use is "transfiguration" for there was "no break, no digression in the
programme of Sikh life". 20 The order of the Khalsa, far from being a
6
Banda, Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
contingent phenomenon dictated by the exigencies of the moment,
appears to be "a logical development and entelechy of the teachings of
Guru Nanak." 21 So it is clear that Guru Nanak did lay the foundation of
a revolution which was completed by the time of Guru Gobind Singh.
Guru Nanak, perceiving the true principles of reforms, struck at the
root of all social and religious disabilities which had crippled the Hindu
society. He felt the need, and laid the foundation, of a new national
consciousness that might enable his followers, not only to stand erect
and united against oppressors, but also to be the instrument of uprooting
political tyranny. This was a task not to be achieved in a life-time or two.
Hence, it was that he deliberately decided upon the system of succession
of Gurus till the work of nation-building was complete with the true
instincts of a gifted reformer, he diagnosed the malady and proceeded
with the necessary treatment in a calm, scientific way. He realized that
much as he resented the oppression of the rulers and the political
bondage of the people, he could not, all at once, prepare the latter to
march into the battlefield against their political oppressors. He felt that
before the wider liberation could be attempted, the masses had to be
emancipated from the social and religious oppression of their
coreligionists. As long as they were content to bear one sort of slavery,
they could not rise to throw off another, which was still more galling and
far more degrading. About the political concerns of Guru Nanak
Dr. Gokul Chand Narang wrote thus: "that the Guru felt keenly the
barbarous inhumanities perpetuated by the then Mohammadan rulers is
evident from some of his poems or Shabads wherein he depicts the
ghastly scenes being daily enacted before him. His heart melted in agony
at the cruel spectacle, but, just then, he could do nothing towards
ameliorating the condition of the Hindus by either of the two methods
of political work, 'Constitutional agitation would have failed because
there was no constitution in India. Active resistance of the ruling
despotism was out of question because the Hindus were too weak to
make any effective resistance." Even S.M. Latif, an ardent advocate of the
idea that Guru Nanak had no political ideals, says that once Guru Nanak
was arrested and imprisoned under the Emperor's order, on the charge
that he was preaching doctrines which might prove dangerous to the
state. Dr. Gokul Chand Narang further says that Guru Nanak contended
himself, for the time, with planting the germs of his contemplated Sikh
nation in the minds and hearts of the people. The work of his nine
successors was in strict conformity with his ideals and consisted in
gradually giving a "local habitation and a name". "To the ideals of Guru
Nanak . . . Gobind himself, in fact, as well as his work, was the natural
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
7
product of the process of evolution that had been going on ever since the
foundation of Sikhism. The harvest which ripened in the time of Guru
Gobind Singh had been sown by Nanak and watered by his successors."
Guru Nanak never advocated the life of pure Bhakti, unconcerned with
the political conditions of the country on which the life of the common
man depended. If a ruler resorted to tyranny, it was the duty of a
religious man to fight against it. Guru Nanak, when arrested and
brought to the presence of Babur by Mir Khan, called Babur a "tyrant"
on his face, and asked him to stop destruction and senseless killing of the
people.
GURU ANGAD DEV
(1539 A.D.— 1552 A.D.)
After Guru Nanak, Guru Angad succeeded to the pontificate, and
after Babur, Humayun came to power. The work of elevation and
liberation started by Guru Nanak was continued by Guru Angad. He
collected and reduced to writing the hymns, as well as account of the life
and travels of Guru Nanak, and took the initial steps towards the
organization of the budding nation. Guru Angad gave Sikhs an
individuality of their own. The Institution of langar (free kitchen) started
by Guru Nanak and popularised by Guru Angad, was a distinctive
feature of the Sikh sect. It developed the spirit of equality and
brotherhood amongst the people, and gave a crushing blow to the caste
system and the social hierarchy based on birth. In other words, this was
the first step that encouraged people to sit together, dine together and
consider themselves members of one family. As a matter of fact, the
institution of langar was the first step towards developing a society on
political lines, as people learnt to assemble at a fixed place as members
of one family, regardless of race, wealth, sex, caste, occupation or
religion. 22
The Sikh tradition says that after his defeat by Sher Shah on May 17,
1540 A.D. at Kanauj, Humayun made his way to Lahore and learnt of the
way of some "wonder working priest" 23 who could restore to him his
kingdom. He was informed by one of his associates of the greatness of
the late Guru Nanak and of the succession of Guru Angad to his spiritual
sovereignty, and was advised to seek his assistance. Upon this,
Humayun, taking offerings with him, proceeded to Khandur in Amritsar
district. Guru Angad was in a deep trance, and Humayun was kept
waiting for some time. The Mughal Emperor, thereupon, lost his temper
8
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
and put his hand on the hilt of his sword with the intention of striking
the Guru. The Guru undaunted by this behaviour addressed him
fearlessly like Guru Nanak, who addressed Babur as tyrant on his face:
When you ought to have used your sword against Sher Shah, you
proved to be a coward and fled the battlefield, and now posing as a hero,
you wish to attack a body of men engaged in their devotion. 24 On
hearing the Guru's admonition Humayun felt ashamed, begged his
forgiveness and received his blessings 25 and thereafter took leave from
the Guru, crossed the Indus with great difficulty, and made his way to
Iran. 26 The Guru might have resented Humayun's attitude towards him,
but he bore no ill-will against the Emperor. The Guru was an
embodiment of forgiveness. He attached no importance to this incident
and ignored it altogether 27
GURU AMAR DAS
(1552 A.D.— 1574 A.D.)
About four years after Guru Amar Das succeeded to the pontificate,
Akbar came to power as the Emperor of India. Akbar possessed the spirit
of religious toleration and so long as he ruled India, the relations
between the Mughals and the Sikh Gurus remained very cordial and
friendly. Emperor Akbar was different from his predecessors and
ancestors. He respected saints of all religions and paid them homage
while touring through his Empire. He held the Sikh Gurus in great
reverence. After suppressing the rebellion of Bairam Khan in 1560 A.D.,
Akbar, on his way to Lahore, visited Guru Amar Das at Goindwal and
was greatly impressed to see the working of the Guru's free kitchen
(langar). He also sat on the floor in the Pangat and took his meal. The
Sikhs, both men and women, working in the kitchen had so deeply
impressed Akbar with their humility, spirit of service, feeling of
reverence for the Guru as well as for the Emperor, and devotion to God
that he offered a few revenue-free villages for the support of the langar.
The Guru respectfully declined saying that the langar depended solely on
the offerings of the Sikhs. Akbar could not go without making a present.
On hearing that the Guru's son-in-law, Jetha, the future Guru Ram Das,
was in search of some land in the heart of Majha, the Emperor granted
a tract of land not far from Chubbal to Bibi Bhani. The Guru could not
refuse a gift to the girl. A.C. Banerji writes that a visit by Akbar to Guru
Amar Das in Goindwal was a friendly tribute to the Guru's saintly
character 28 Santokh Singh writes:
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
9
Pata pargane ka likh dm,
Rahen gram sab Guru adhm
Ad Jhabal bir jeh karyo,
Bohte gram arap mard bharyo 29
Baba Budha is said to have been appointed by the Guru to manage
the property. There is no doubt that Akbar's visit to Goindwal greatly
increased the Guru's prestige and popularity and resulted in adding a
large number of new followers to Sikhism.
At this time Akbar, along with his large escort, camped at Lahore for
a long time. As a result, the prices of essential in that city and in the
adjoining areas rose. When the next harvest was ready, Akbar prepared
to march off, leaving behind a strong possibility of sudden fall in the
prices to ruin the peasants. The Guru is said to have sent a request to
Akbar who in response to it remitted the entire land tax for the year. 30
GURU RAM DAS
(1574 A.D.— 1581 A.D.)
To know the Sikh-Mughal relations under Guru Ram Das, we should
go back to the social reforms of Guru Amar Das. Guru Amar Das
initiated a number of social reforms. He denounced the practice of Sati 31
and openly asked his followers to re-marry the widows. According to
him, opportunities should be created for widow remarriage so that the
widowed women were able to lead a normal, socially respectable life and
should not fall victim to temptation. 32 Guru Amar Das settled down at
Goindwal to guide the destiny of the Sikhs. By constructing a baoli (large
well), by reforming the institution of free and common kitchen, by
dividing his spiritual empire into twenty-two provinces (manjis) by
introducing new ceremonies for birth and death, he contributed a lot
towards the cultural and social evolution of his followers.
As an instance of the social evolution brought about by Guru Amar
Das, it may be noted that when he constructed a baoli at Goindwal, he
preached among his disciples that they could wash away all their sins by
having a dip there, and thus the Sikhs were discouraged from going to
the Hindu places of pilgrimage. The foundation of this baoli marked a
highly significant step in the history of Sikhism, as Goindwal developed
into a very important place of worship, which prompted the Sikhs to
abandon the practice of going far away from Punjab to have a holy dip
at Haridwar, Prayag, Varanasi, Cuttack or Puri, especially as most of the
10
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
people could not afford to go to these distant places. It also led to the
Sikhs being disassociated from the old and extravagant customs of the
Hindus prevalent in those places. The Guru reformed the langar already
in vogue and initiated by his predecessors. The langar was intended to
feed those who were unable to work and also those who came to the
Guru from distant places in connection with the worship. This
institution helped in removing untouchability which was a great curse
within the Hindu society. "Langar proved a powerful aid in the
propaganda work. Besides serving as an asylum for the poor, it also
became a great instrument for advertisement and popularity and it gave
a definite direction to the charities of the Guru's followers." 33
The Guru divided his spiritual empire into twenty-two manjis (seats).
The number of Sikhs had greatly increased and it was very difficult for
the Guru to deliver instructions in person to all his disciples. This system
(manjis) went a long way in strengthening the foundations of the Sikh
religious order. He also introduced new ceremonies for birth and death,
and asked his disciples to perform these ceremonies differently from
those of the Hindus, which were very orthodox and uneconomical. He
decried the practice of calling Hindu priests for the performance of death
and marriage ceremonies, which now became very simple and
inexpensive. He popularised Punjabi language and Gurmukhi script,
since the Guru thought it would be better to present his message in the
language of the people. The Brahmins delivered their instructions in
Sanskrit, which they deemed the language of the gods, but it was not
commonly understood by the people. On this account, all the Sikh Gurus
had composed their hymns in the language of the people, and enshrined
them in the Gurmukhi characters so that men and women of all castes
and creeds read and understood them. He made efforts to discourage the
practice of female infanticide prevalent in many backward classes. The
Guru considered female infanticide a curse. He enjoined upon his
disciples that they should give equal affection to male and female
children. He vehemently denounced purda and prohibited drinking
alcohol.
The preaching of the Sikh view by Guru Amar Das had upset the
orthodox because the tenets of the Sikh creed were in total opposition to
the orthodox Hindu practice. These tenets were entirely unacceptable to
the Brahmins. There was no scope for the caste system, ritualistic
practices and repetition of Mantras in the Sikh philosophy as expounded
by the Gurus. The Brahmins realised that in spite of their opposition, the
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
11
Sikh organisation was becoming more powerful, and the Sikh religion
was acquiring a distinct identity.
The city of Goindwal had been founded by a man named Gonda
Marwaha who was a staunch follower of the Guru and at whose
invitation the Guru had settled down at that place. After Gonda's death,
the opponents of the Guru, Brahmins, Jogis, Sadhus and Sheikhs, etc.,
incited the son of Gonda, Marwaha Khatri, 34 who was a village
headman. The enemies of the Guru told him 35 that he was the actual
owner of the land on which the town of Goindwal had sprung up. The
Guru had occupied the land illegally. So he should evict the Guru. Under
the influence of these enemies of the Guru, Marwaha Khatri started
creating difficulties for the Guru and his Sikhs, 36 the mischievous boys
of the town started throwing stones at the pitchers of the Sikhs as they
went to fetch water. The Guru, however, told his Sikhs to remain
peaceful under all provocations. 37
Marwaha Khatri hit upon a plan to harass the Guru. He demanded
that the Guru should give him a part of the offerings made by his
disciples as an acknowledgement of his overlordship as he was the real
owner of the land, otherwise he should quit the town. The Guru told
him that he had not usurped land belonging to him and he was not
prepared to accept any interference in the way of life as laid by the
Gurus. If he needed food and ration for himself and his friends he could
get these from the langar but the Guru was not ready to pay even a single
penny from the offerings of Sikhs to acknowledge his overlordship. 38
Marwaha Khatri made a complaint against the Guru at Lahore. He
stated that a. fakir had been allowed to settle on his land but he had taken
illegal possession of his lands. He pleaded that the case should be
investigated and the Guru evicted. Nawab Jaffar Beg came to Goindwal.
He saw for himself that the Guru was a devotee of God and always
absorbed himself in meditation. He was opposed to none and free meals
were served at the langar to one and all, without any discrimination. He
dismissed the complaint made by Gonda and left for Lahore. 39
After giving a crushing defeat to the Afghan forces, Akbar was
camping at Lahore. Taking advantage of this opportunity, the opponents
of Guru Amar Das approached Akbar and complained that there was a
faair at Goindwal who had founded a -new religion 40 by completely
violating the customs and practices laid down in Hindu Shastras and
Smritis. Mahma Prakash gives a description of this incident: The Brahmins,
12
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Khatris and Muslims went together to the king to make a complaint.
Emperor Akbar had risen to power. They said that the traditions and
institutions of four varnas disappears from the world. He does not repeat
the Gayatri Mantra. He asks the people to meditate on Waheguru. This has
never happened in all the four yugas. Rejecting srutis and smritis he has
set up his own cult. 41 The Brahmins called Akbar the protector of the
traditions and prayed to him to save the Hindu religion from being
destroyed. On hearing the complaint of the Hindus of Goindwal he
called a messenger and sent a letter to Guru Amar Das at Goindwal. In
this letter he had requested the Guru to pay a visit to Lahore.
Guru Amar Das examined the letter from Akbar. He called Bhai Jetha
(Guru Ram Das) and asked him to go to Lahore to talk to Akbar
regarding the complaint made by their detractors and to acquaint the
Emperor with the Sikh way of life. Bhai Jetha left for Lahore. From the
fact that Jetha was sent to Lahore to represent Guru Amar Das, it became
very clear that the Guru was sure that Bhai Jetha would be able to
present the correct picture of the Sikh way of life to Akbar. It also
indicated that the Guru had made up his mind to appoint Bhai Jetha his
successor otherwise he would have not sent him on such a delicate
mission of great importance. Before Jetha departed, he instructed him
that there was no need to fear Akbar and that he must talk to Akbar with
courage and answer his questions accurately and with integrity. 42
Bhai Jetha reached Lahore and stayed at his birth place, Chuna
Mandi. Akbar asked both the parties to present their case the next day.
Apart from the high officials of Akbar, the Brahmins who had complained
against the Guru were present in the court. Gonda's son (Marwaha
Khatri) was the leader of this group. A list of all the complaints and
objections raised by the detractors of the Guru was read out to Bhai
Jetha.
The main objections were that Guru Amar Das, and before him Guru
Angad Dev and Guru Nanak Dev had set up a new religion which
violated the customs and traditions sanctified by the shastras. The Guru
did not believe in casteism and was trying to, create a community by
uniting all the four castes. Bhai Jetha replied to these objections with
such maturity and clarity that the courtiers were wonderstruck. He said
that "In kaliyug meditating on the Name of God and praise of the
Almighty through the singing of Gurbani is our worship. The discourses
of the Guru and his instructions are just like shastras for us. Regarding
the caste system, our position is that God has made man equal. A man
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
13
does not become high or low for the simple reason that he has been born
in an exalted or a low family. That man alone is worthy of esteem whose
actions are good and whose life is full of truth and love of mankind and
who loves God and worships him and fears him. Sikhism does not
believe in the caste system." Bhai Jetha also explained the Guru's point
of view regarding idol worship and pilgrimage to holy places. He said:
"The presence of God can be felt everywhere. The Sikhs do not believe
in the worship of idols. We are of the view that the mind of man is as
holy as Kashi and sixty-eight other places of pilgrimage. We can
understand our mind with the help of meditation on the True Name and
through understanding the essence of the shabad."^ 3
It is said that Akbar was so much impressed with the arguments of
Bhai Jetha that he declared that the detractors of Guru Amar Das were
only liars and turned them out of his court. Dr. A.C. Banerji has written
that Akbar felt that there was nothing in the teaching of the Sikh Gurus
which might be considered to be in opposition to the Hindu religion. 44
Bhai Jetha won a historic victory for the spread of the Sikh religion. It
evoked respect in the mind of Akbar for the Sikh way of life, and created
in him the desire to pay homage to Guru Amar Das and actually visited
Goindwal in 1560 A.D., (as already discussed under Guru Amar Das). It
marked the beginning of the era of friendship between the Sikh Gurus
and the Mughal kings. As a result, the Sikh religion and the Sikh
organisation gathered so much strength in the next century that even the
active opposition of the government to the Sikh Gurus after the death of
Akbar, could not do any damage to the new religion.
It appears that this incident took place in the year 1557 A.D. Guru
Ram Das has hinted at the embarrassment caused to Marwaha Khatri in
the court of Akbar and among friends and relations in a shabad written
by him. 45 The failure of efforts made by the Hindus of Goindwal and the
establishment of good relations with the Mughal court resulted in a
further increase in the influence of Guru Amar Das. After Guru Amar
Das Guru Ram Das became the new Guru. We have already discussed
how Bhai Jetha, who later on became Guru Ram Das, visited the court
of Akbar. So the friendly relations between Akbar and Guru Ram Das
continued. Bhai Jetha was asked by Guru Amar Das to select a place for
himself 46 At a distance of 40 km. from Goindwal he chose a jungle site
surrounded by villages of Gilwali, Gumtjiala, Sultanwind and Tung
having a sacred pool of water.
14
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
It was a common land or ShamlaT Deh, and seemed to have been
granted by Emperor Akbar with the consultation of the chaudharis of
these villages who must be following in the train of the Emperor
according to an old-custom and practice. The digging of the tank was
started in 1577 A.D. This is considered as the foundation year of
Amritsar. According to the Gazetteer of Amritsar District, "in 1577 he
obtained a grant of the site, together with 500 bighas of land from the
Emperor Akbar on payment of Rs. 700 Akbari to the Zamindar of Tung
who owned the land. 47 There he dug a tank to which he gave the name
of Amritsar, the tank of nectar, 40 km. north-west of Goindwal. Thus the
relations between Guru Ram Das and Akbar were very cordial. Akbar
never obstructed the Sikh movement in any way. Rather he favoured the
Sikh Gurus whose views and ideas he admired. It is also said that Akbar
visited Amritsar in 1577 and offered 101 gold coins to the Guru (Guru
Ram Das) 4i3 Guru Ram Das nominated his third son Arjan, a youngman
of eighteen, to be his successor, since he was the ablest and the most
promising. Guru Ram Das died in September 1581 A.D. 49
Simple and saintly life of the Gurus (Amar Das and Ram Das) and
their disciples, the prevailing sense of equality fostered by the institution
of langar, devotion to God, absence of ritualism, meditation and fervour
for social reforms created an abiding sense of goodwill for the Gurus and
their disciples in the mind of Akbar. As a result, the Sikh movement
which was still in its infancy, could strengthen itself during the next fifty
years when many detractor of the Sikh faith approached the royal
authorities with complaints against the Guru. But they failed to achieve
any success in their nefarious activities. Their complaints were rejected
by Akbar who told them that they were jealous of the Gurus and their
complaints were baseless. It was during Akbar 's rule that the city of
Amritsar was founded, Harimandar was built and Guru Granth was
compiled. The credit for establishing cordial relations with Akbar goes to
the third and fourth Gurus. The reign of Akbar in the Sikh history has
been called the era of goodwill and friendly understanding.
GURU ARJAN DEV
(1581 A.D.— 1606 A.D.)
Akbar was the Emperor of India even when Guru Arjan Dev came to
the pontificate in 1581 A.D. So long as Akbar lived his friendly relations
with Guru Arjan Dev continued. As a result of the teachings of the first
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
15
four Gurus, a distinct community appeared on the scene, which differed
from its neighbours in religious outlook, social customs and latent
political ideals. They had a common object of worship — God — and a
common source of diyine knowledge — their Guru. The pride of caste, on
one side, and the sense of inferiority, on the other, had been replaced by
a sense of love and brotherhood. The rising nation was growing in
strength and organization, and was coming into prominence. Guru Arjan
Dev, "who was a born poet, a practical philosopher, a powerful organizer
and a great statesman," 50 supplied what was wanting. He compiled the
sacred Book for the guidance of the faithful and installed it in the Golden
Temple at Amritsar. He developed a regular system for the collection of
the affectionate offerings of the Sikhs, so that they might serve the
purpose for which they were meant, namely, the advancement of the
nation's cause. He made his darbar resemble a princely court in
splendour and magnificence. He laid the foundation of the future Sikh
cavalry by encouraging adventure and enterprise, and inducing them to
buy horses from Turkistan and sell them in India. He also exhorted his ,
followers to take to various profitable trades, crafts and occupations.
This raised the economic status of the community. It also taught the
Sikhs the lesson of self-help, self-reliance and mutual cooperation.
The teachings of the Sikh Gurus had from the beginning attracted
converts equally from amongst the Hindus and the Muslims. Whole
villages with hundreds of Muslims bowed before the Gurus and became
their disciples. Up to the time of Akbar, the Mughal Emperors had not
interfered much with this peaceful movement of conversion by
persuasion and demonstration of lofty ideals in actual life.
Guru Arjan Dev set himself the task of consolidation and
organisation of the Sikhs. He went on tours, preaching and organising
Sangats or congregational worship, which he declared to be of greater
merit than individual worship. He reorganised and gave a permanent
character to those missionaries who had been appointed by his
predecessors to spread the Sikh religion and collect the offerings of the
faithful. The Sikhs were exhorted "to give a tithe of their substance to
God". In a way, such offerings were made compulsory. The masands and
their deputies, called meoras, collected the offerings from place to place.
"This band of Guru's agents {masands) were stationed in every city from
Kabul to Dacca, wherever there was a Sikh, to collect the tithes and
offerings of the faithful; and this spiritual tribute, so far as it escaped
speculation by the agents, reached the central treasury at Amritsar". 51
They were not allowed to use this revenue so collected for their own use.
16
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Thus a steady flow of revenue to the central treasury at Amritsar was
assured, which made it possible for the Guru to found towns like Tarn
Taran, Amritsar, Kartarpur (Jullundur) and undertake extensive building
and excavation operations. In the middle of the Amritsar tank he began
to build the Golden Temple, which was calculated to become a central
place of worship for the Sikhs — a sort of Kaba 52 of the Muslims.
In the early years of the pontificate of Guru Arjan, some of the
Mughal officials in the Punjab like Sulhi Khan took up the cause of the
pretender, Prithia (elder brother of Guru Arjan Dev) and tried to create
trouble for the Guru. Prithia even tried to poison the ears of the Emperor
against the Guru, but all his attempts failed. 53 Akbar, throughout his
reign, remained friendly to the Sikh Gurus and the Persian historian of
his reign, Badaoni, tells us that the Emperor visited Goindwal to see
Guru Arjan whose teachings and character he appreciated.
Akbar 's Prime Minister and court historian, Abul Fazl, writes in
Akbar Nama that Emperor Akbar crossed river Beas at Goindwal on an
elephant while his army passed over by a bridge. The Emperor called at
the residence of Guru Arjan on November 24, 1598 A.D. Guru Arjan was
then 35, in the prime of life. His attractive and handsome appearance,
sweet and melodious voice, and fascinating and charming manners, his
princely style of living, his warm reception of the Emperor, and his
singing of the hymns, deeply impressed Akbar. Sujan Rai Bhandari gives
greater details of this meeting. "When his Majesty left Lahore and
reached the neighbourhood of Batala, he came to know that a fight had
taken place in the house of Achal between Musalman Faqirs and a group
of Hindu Sanyasis. The Muslim Faqirs prevailed and by way of retaliation
they demolished the temples there. His Majesty King Akbar in order to
do justice against the excesses committed, put many of them into prison
and ordered that the demolished temples should be built anew. From
there he crossed the river Beas and visited the dwelling place of Guru
Arjan, successor of Baba Nanak, who was famous for divine love. The
Emperor was highly pleased to meet him and with his recitation of the
hymns of Baba Nanak in praise of God. Guru Arjan offered him a
suitable present out of regard for his visit. He represented that during
the stay of the imperial army in Punjab, the price of grain had gone up,
and the revenues of parganas had been increased. Now on the departure
of royal troops the price of corn would come down. It would be difficult
for the subjects to pay the enhanced revenue. The Emperor acceded to
his request and issued orders to his chief Diwan to reduce the revenue
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
17
by l/6th. He instructed that the revenue must be charged according to
the concession granted and nothing more should be demanded." 54 The
Emperor's visit considerably raised the prestige of the Guru. The rural
traders and peasants of the Majha became Sikhs in large numbers.
The most valuable achievement of Guru Arjan was the compilation
of a holy book for the Sikhs known as Adi Granth and popularly called
Granth Sahib or Guru Granth. In Sikhism worship consisted of singing the
hymns of Gurus. The Guru wished to lay down the exact hymns to be
sung at particular hours of the day and correct rituals to be performed
by the Sikhs. This was necessitated by the fact that his elder brother,
Prithi Mai, who had been excluded from Guruship was composing his
own hymns and was spreading them among the Sikhs as those of Nanak
and other Gurus. Guru Arjan also desired to raise the status of Sikhs
from the followers of a sect to that of a religion. This object could be
attained by providing the Sikhs with holy scriptures of their own, like
the Vedas, the Bible and the Quran. He, therefore, decided to collect the
hymns of all the Gurus including his own in the form of a book in
Gurmukhi script. The research for material began soon after Akbar's visit
early in 1599 A.D. Adi Granth was completed in July 1604 A.D. and
contained 3384 hymns and 15,575 stanzas. Of these, 13,658 stanzas are
composed by Gurus and 1917 stanzas are the compositions of other
saints and bards. It contains the Bani of five Gurus, fifteen saints and
seventeen bards. The original Granth Sahib was installed in Hari Mandir
at Amritsar on 16 August 1604 A.D. Baba Budha was appointed the first
Head Granthi. The original copy of the Adi Granth of Guru Arjan exists
in the Gurdwara at Kartarpur near Jullundur. 55
The compilation of the Adi Granth formed an important landmark in
the history of the Sikhs. It became the sacred book of the new faith and
created consciousness among the Sikhs of their being a separate
community It served as a source of divine wisdom, felicity and bliss. Its
fascinating hymns chanted in deep reverence and devotion inspired the
minds of listeners to lofty ideas of simple living and high thinking. The
-Granth serves as the symbolic representation of the Gurus, who are came
to be represented as a single person, Nanak, the light of whose soul
passed on to each of his successors one by one. The hymns established
a deep spiritual unity between man and God. The hymns of Bhakta
represent three schools of thought, Vaishnavism of Ramanand, Krishna
cult of Surdas and Sufism of Farid. The Adi Granth is like the holy water
of the Ganga. Everybody, men or women, rich or poor, high or low,
Brahmin or shudra, white or black people, can have a dip without any
18
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
restriction. The Ganga water washes dirt, cools body and refreshes mind.
Similarly, the Adi Granth purifies heart, stimulates mind and animates
the soul.
The Granth is a repository of many languages. The Guru's hymns are
in a mixture of Hindi and Punjabi. The compositions of Ramanand and
Kabir are in Hindi. Farid's verses are in Punjabi. The language of
Trilochan and Namdev is Marathi. Adi Granth contains words of Lahndi,
Persian and Sindhi also.
The Adi Granth embraces territorially the whole of India and people
of all castes and creeds. The Gurus themselves and Farid, a Muslim saint,
belonged to Punjab, Surdas to Haryana, Kabir, Ramanand and Ravi Das
to U.P., Jaideb to Bengal, Namdev and Trilochan to Maharashtra, Sain to
Madhya Pradesh, Dhanna to Rajasthan, and Sadhna to Sind. As regards
religion, Farid and Kabir and Mardana were Muslims. Of the Hindu
castes Jaideb, Ramanand and Surdas were Brahmins. The Gurus were
kshatriyas. Trilochan was a vaish, Namdev, Ravidas, Sadhna and Sain
were shudras, and Dhanna was a Jat. The Adi Granth is indeed the
greatest work of Punjabi literature.
In 1605 A.D. Emperor Akbar was at Batala during his visit to Punjab.
A complaint was lodged with him by the opponents of the Guru that the
Adi Granth contained some passages blasphemous to Islam. The Emperor
called for the Granth to his presence. The Guru sent it in the custody of
Bhai Gurdas and Baba Budha. Bhai Gurdas, who had written every word
of it, assured the Emperor that there was nothing against Islam and, on
the contrary, it contained hymns of Muslim saints. Akbar got the Granth,
read out at random in the presence of learned qazis and pandits. On the
first opening of the Granth, a hymn said: We are all children of our father
God. On the second opening it stated: God pervades all his creation and
the creation resides in him. When there is nothing but God whom should
one blame. On other pages also there was praise of God. The Emperor
was satisfied. He made an offering of 51 gold coins to the Granth and
awarded robes of honour for the Guru and to both the custodians of the
Granth. 56
The liberal policy of Akbar gave the Sikh Gurus an opportunity to
carry on their socio-religious work as best as they could. The Emperor
saw nothing particularly objectionable ^either in the movement or in the
organisation. Guru Arjan Dev's period of Gurgaddi coincided with the
latter half of Akbar 's reign, a period of intellectual quest when Akbar 's
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
19
restless, inquiring mind sought the revelation of absolute truth from
somewhere. Sikhism might have hoped to make considerable progress,
but for its being an eyesore to the landed and religious aristocracy of the
Punjab. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi bitterly opposed Guru Arjan's activities.
Unfortunately, the tolerant and friendly Emperor Akbar died in 1605
A.D. and was succeeded by his fanatic son Jahangir. Under him the
conspirators against the Guru got all the opportunity for their activities
which resulted into the Guru's martyrdom of being tortured to death.
Guru Arjan's popularity with Emperor Akbar and people of Majha
and Doaba, his achievements in building up the Hari Mandir and
compiling the holy Granth and his style of living had become to his
enemies a matter of great agony and anguish more than flesh and blood
could bear. One of his enemies was his own elder brother Prithi Mai who
was living at Amritsar. The second enemy Sulhi Khan Lived at Batala, the
district headquarters, third, Chandu Shah, lived at Lahore, fourth,
Shaikh Ahmed Sarhindi at Sarhind, and the fifth, Emperor, or Jahangir
himself, at Delhi.
Prithi Mai and his son Meharban called themselves the real Gurus.
Both of them had composed hymns and called them as those of Guru
Nanak. Meharban wrote a Janam Sakhi of Guru Nanak in which he
glorified his father and discredited Guru Nanak. 57 He composed a
Sukhmani in opposition to Guru Arjan's Sukhmani. 58 Both father and
son were plotting against Guru Arjan.
Sulhi Khan, the second enemy of the Guru, was the Mughal officer
of Batala district. He was determined to bring about Guru's ruin. Under
severe persecution the Guru had to leave Amritsar for Chheharta. He
was so bitterly hostile to him that the Guru mentioned him in his hymns
in the Adi Granth. God rescued the Guru from Sulhi's clutches. One day
while riding a new horse he was trying to gallop. Something frightened
the horse who, perhaps due to some wild honey bees, fled headlong into
the field in the direction of a smouldering brick kiln. The horse sank into
the hollow ground of the kiln along with its rider who was firmly
holding its reins and both were burnt alive. Guru Arjan refers to this
incident in Adi Granth:
God preserved me from Sulhi,
Sulhi by no means succeeded,
Sulhi died unclean,
God drew forth his axe and smote off his head,
20
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
and in a moment he become ashes.
He was consumed ever meditating evil,
He who created him thrust him into the fire. 59
Chandu Shah, a Khatri of Lahore, a third enemy of the Guru, held an
important post in the finance ministry at Delhi. He was in search of a
groom for his daughter. Messengers were sent to find out a suitable
match. One of them recommended Hargobind, son of Guru Arjan.
Chandu Shah remarked: "What if He hath many followers liveth on
offerings, which is an ignominious form of livelihood." He further added
that the proposal amounted to putting "the ornamental tile of a top
storey into a gutter." 60 But being persuaded by his wife, Chandu Shah
agreed, and conveyed the proposal through a messenger. His remarks
about the Guru were soon known to the Sikhs living in Delhi. They
requested the Guru to turn down the proposal. The Guru did so. Further
persuasion by Chandu Shah proved of no avail. He went in person to
soothe the Guru with a lakh of rupees; but it was too late; for the Guru
declared: "My words are engraved on stone, and cannot be effaced. If
you give me the whole world as a dowry with your daughter, my son
will not marry her." 61
In those days Sarhind was the stronghold of Naqashbandi order. The
first millennium or a period of one thousand years of the foundation of
Islam was over and the second millennium had begun. Shaikh Ahmad
declared that the first millennium belonged to Prophet Muhammad and
the second millennium to him. He took the title of qayum or the deputy
of God. The whole universe including the sun the moon and the earth
was under his control. Nobody's prayer could reach God unless it was
first accepted by him . . ._. He had a large number of followers. They
designated him Majaddid Alif Sani, meaning controller of the universe in
the second millennium.
The Shaikh was extremely jealous of Guru Arjan's popularity and
power. He "made the revival of orthodoxy something of a movement". 62
He made use of the royal power as "Jahangir himself was inclined
towards the purification of beliefs and practices". 63 It is said that "Shaikh
Ahmad eradicated the godlessness of Akbar's reign, forced the court to
reform its etiquettee, and made a large number of Muslims in the army
and the court". 64 He was given the title of "Reviver of the second
millennium", and the "Godly Imam". Tiie Shaikh greatly incited Jahangir
against Guru Arjan when he called at Sarhind in pursuit of Khusrau. The
Shaikh also exercised great influence on the courtiers of Jahangir. 65 The
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
21
Shaikh declared Guru Arjan Kulah-e-Sharik and Imam-e-Kufr. Jahangir
was greatly influenced by the Shaikh.
The orthodox Muslim ulama, all political leaders and the Muslim
population, had deeply resented Akbar's policy of liberalism and
toleration. The liberal element at the court was in a very small minority.
They favoured Akbar's grandson and Prince Salim's son Khusrau as the
emperor in the absence of law of succession in the Mughal Empire. The
orthodox group which was in very great majority, supported Prince
Salim (Jahangir), the only living son of Emperor Akbar. They extracted
a definite and solemn promise from Prince Salim to reverse Akbar's
policy as the price of their support. The leaders of orthodox ulama were
Shaikh Ahmad Sarhindi and Shaikh Farid Bukhari. 66 Under their
influence Prince Salim had administered poison to Akbar in 1591 A.D.
from which the Emperor had survived. In 1601 A.D. he openly revolted
against his father and assumed the royal title. In 1602 A.D. he got Prime
Minister Abul Fazl murdered because he was the greatest supporter of
Akbar in his liberalism. 67 The Sayyids of Barha, well known for their
religious zeal and bravery, were won over by the ulama in favour of
Salim. The prince took solemn oaths to restore orthodoxy, punish the
liberal group, and destroy non-Muslim movements. 68
Prince Khusrau Meets Guru Arjan
After the death of Akbar on October 17, 1605 A.D., the throne was
contested by Prince Khusrau. His mother was Jodha Bai, daughter of
Udai Singh, Raja of Jodhpur. He was born in 1592 A.D. On Khusrau's
capture, she took poison and died on May 6, 1606 A.D. 69 Salim
eventually succeeded under the title of Jahangir. Khusrau managed to
escape from Agra fort on April 6, 1606 A.D., and made for Punjab. The
Prince had already met Guru Arjan in the company of Akbar and knew
him to be a sage and one who could provide him help/shelter. He
sought benediction of the Guru at Tarn-Taran where Guru Arjan was
then staying. Guru Arjan, as in the case of every visitor of high position,
particularly of the royal family, warmly received him by applying a
saffron mark on his forehead according to ancient custom of India.
Applying the tilak implied only honourable reception and not blessing
the prince with sovereignty. Mohsin Fani says that the Guru offered
prayer for the Prince. 70 The prayer indicated a wish for the safety of the
individual as the Prince was on a difficult journey and not for his cause.
22
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
The Guru was an embodiment of moral virtues and could not bless a son
in rebellion against the father. He could not forget the case of his own
elder brother who had revolted against his father. The Guru could never
contemplate involving himself in the struggle for the throne. For a rebel
against parents there is absolutely no room in Sikhism. This is
considered as one of the most reprehensible acts.
The Prince then begged the Guru to help him with money. Guru
Arjan replied that his money was meant for the poor and not for princes.
Khusrau humbly pleaded that he was also very poor, needy, forlorn and
in distress and did not possess even travelling expenses for his proposed
flight to Kabul. The Guru was moved at the thirteen-year old Prince's
sad plight, humility and the miserable state he was in, being hotly
pursued by the Mughal army and the Emperor himself. According to
Macauliffe, Khusrau was provided with a few thousand rupees. Beni
Prasad in his history of Jahangir puts this amount at Rs. 5000. 71
Jahangir's hatred for the Guru
Jahangir hated Guru Arjan for several reasons. He was opposed to all
those who had been in Akbar's good books. Secondly, Shaikh Ahmad
Sarhindi incited Jahangir against Guru Arjan when he halted at Sarhind
in pursuit of Khusrau. Thirdly, Shaikh Farid Bukhari was leading the
vanguard of the army which was pursuing the Prince. He was the first
leader to know about Khusrau's visit to the Guru. He declared that the
Guru should have captured him and ought to have handed him over to
the Emperor. He, therefore, considered the Guru a rebel. Jahangir also
took the same view. He wrote in his autobiography:
"A Hindu named Arjan lived at Goindwal on the bank of river Beas
in the garb of a Pir and Shaikh. As a result many of the simple minded
Hindus as well as ignorant and foolish Muslims had been persuaded
to adopt his ways and manners and he had raised aloft the standard
of sainthood and holiness. He was called Guru. From all sides
cowboys and idiots became his fast followers. This business had been
flourishing for three or four generations. For a long time it had been
in my mind to put a stop to this vain affair (dukan-e-batil) or to bring
him into the fold of Islam. In these days when Khusrau passed along
this road, this foolishly insignificant fellow (mardak-e-majhul)
proposed to wait on him. Khusrau happened to halt at the place
where he lived. He came and met him. He discussed several matters
with him and made on his forehead a finger mark in saffron. In the
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
23
terms of Hindus it is called Qashqa and is considered propitious. 72 In
pursuit of Khusrau Jahangir halted at Goindwal while his army had
gone ahead after Khusrau. Jahangir writes: "I call God to witness that
while at Goindwal, at this perilous crisis, I experienced some strong
forebodings that Khusrau was coming to my presence." Just then the
news came that royal forces were victorious and Khusrau had been
taken prisoner. 73
Khusrau was arrested on the eastern bank of river Chenab on April
26, 1606 A.D. He was produced before Jahangir on May 1 and was
partially blinded. The Emperor then summoned Guru Arjan to Lahore.
The Guru had realized that being surrounded by enemies on all sides his
end was near. Before his departure he consoled his wife Ganga thus:
"This body abideth not for ever. Wherefore a wise person should not
love it. Whatever is born perisheth and whatever is high falleth
sooner or later. This is nature's law . . . live thou when I am gone,
mourn not for me and make no effort of thine own to separate thy
soul from the body." 74
Jahangir asked the Guru why he had helped Khusrau. The Guru
replied that he gave him some money for his journey and not to help him
in rebellion against him. He was in a wretched condition. He had to
show him some consideration out of regard for Emperor Akbar who had
been very kind to him. Heartlessness and ingratitude were opposed to
the principles of Guru Nanak's house. Jahangir did not feel satisfied. He
wanted to punish him with death. But on the recommendation of Mian
Mir commuted it by a fine of two lakhs of rupees and ordered him to
efface certain versus in the Adi Granth. Guru Arjan replied: "Whatever
money I have is, for the poor, the friendless and the stranger. If thou ask
for money thou mayest take what I have, but if thou ask for it by way
of fine I shall not give thee even a kauri, for a fine is imposed on wicked
wordly persons and not on priests and anchorites. And as to what thou
hast said regarding the erasure of hymns in the Granth Sahib, I cannot
erase or alter an iota." 75
The Sikhs of Lahore showed willingness to raise subscriptions to pay
the fine. The Guru issued strict injunctions not to do so. Jahangir
wrote: "I ordered that he should be summoned. His houses, camps and
sons were given to Murtza Khan. 76 His property and cash were
confiscated. I issued instructions that he should be put to death by
torture." 77 Murtza Khan deputed Chandu Shah to confiscate the Guru's
24
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
property, and he fleeced the Guru's family of everything of value.
Trilochan Singh in his book Guru Tegh Bahadur states: "According to this
order, Guru. Arjan was no doubt tortured to death, but the rest of the
order was definitely stayed by the intervention of saint Mian Mir.
Neither were the houses and children made over to Murtza Khan nor
was the property confiscated." 78 The same view is held by Khushwant
Singh, who writes: "The Emperor's order to arrest the Guru's family and
confiscate his property was not carried out." 79 Dr. Hari Ram Gupta
States: "This is an unjustifiable assumption that Guru Arjan was fined
Rs. 2 lakhs is admitted by all. The fact is that the Guru's property was
confiscated, but it did not fetch two lakhs in those days when prices
were extremely low. Besides who was going to buy Hari Mandir and 4
or 5 tanks built by Guru Arjan? There is further reference to the
confiscation of Guru's houses and lands in Akhbarat-e-Durbar-e-Mualla.
On December 30, 1711 A.D., Emperor Bahadur Shah, having failed to
capture Banda Bahadur on his way to Lahore, while passing through
Amritsar, ordered "the release of the long confiscated lands of Chak
Guru, Amritsar, in the name of Ajit Singh mentioned in the Akhbarat as
the son of Guru Gobind Singh." 80
The Guru Arjan was imprisoned in the Lahore fort. May -June are the
hottest months there. He was subjected by Chandu to different types of
torture. He was seated on a hot pan, tavi, for hours together, burning
sand was poured on his head and the heat of the month of May was
itself made the worst use of. Boiling water was poured on his naked
body at intervals. His body was covered with blisters all over. Even in
this agony the Guru used to utter:
Tera Bhana mitha lage
Har nam padarath Nanak mange 81
Meaning: Whatever you ordain appears sweet
I supplicate for the gift of Name
On hearing the news of Guru Arjan's tortures, Mian Mir came to see
him. At the sight of the Guru, the Muslim saint shed tears of blood. He
cursed the government for these atrocities on an innocent man of God.
In his agony he began to cry. He said he would pray for the destruction
of such a cruel government. The Guru, though writhing in pain, calmed
Mian Mir. He said this was the will of God, and no man should try to
obstruct the working of His will. He expressed satisfaction at the saint's
visit. He said it had brought him cooling breeze in the burning heat.
Sorrow had given place to joy. Whatever was happening, it must be
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
i-
25
taken for one's good and must be cheerfully accepted. The Guru forbade
the saint to do anything against the government. Mian Mir prayed and
left the Guru with a heavy heart. 82
According to some historians, after five days of tortures with blisters
all over his body, the Guru asked for permission to go to the Ravi (river)
for a bath, which was granted by Chandu. With blisters all over his body
when the Guru plunged himself into the cold water of the Ravi it caused
him a shooting pain of which he died and the swift current carried away
his body. This took place on May 30, 1606, A.D. 83 The Guru was only
forty-three years old. Gurudwara was later on erected at the site on the
bank of river Ravi opposite the fort of Lahore, popularly called Dera
Sahib.
The Sikh tradition considers it an act of religious persecution. It is
true the Sikhs at this time formed only a religious society. They had no
political aspirations. The authority of the Mughal emperors fully
accepted and implicitly obeyed. The Sikh allegiance to the state was
complete. Akbar's patronage to the Sikh Gurus was highly appreciated
and their loyalty to the Mughal empire was firm. It is also a fact that
Jahangir was biased against Sikh religion. 84 Beni Prasad in his History of
Jahangir declares it to be a political execution. But the fact is that Guru
Arjan's martyrdom was mainly a religious case coupled with local and
personal jealousy and enmity. Whatever the case might be, there is no
doubt that Guru Arjan set the noblest example of courage and boldness
in resisting the wrongs of a mighty power on earth, and thus sowed the
seed which was to bear fruit in due course. Trumpp says: "Guru Arjan's
death is great turning point in the development of Sikh community, as
from that time the struggle commenced that changed the entire character
of reformatory religious movement." 85
Shaikh Ahmad Sarhindi expressed utmost delight at Guru Arjan
being tortured to death. In a letter written to Shaikh Farid Bukhari, then
entitled Murtza Khan, the Governor of Punjab, he said: "The execution
at this time of the accursed Kafir of Goindwal . . . with whatever motive
... is an act of the highest grace for the followers of Islam." 86 He added
that the Hindus should be treated as dogs. Jazia should be imposed upon
them and cowslaughter should be allowed in the open 87
The sacrifice of Guru Arjan is a milestone in the history of the Sikhs.
At the time of his death, Guru Arjan left the following message to be
taken by his followers to his son Hargobind: "I have succeeded in
26
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
effecting the object of my life. Go to my son the holy Hargobind and give
him from me ample consolation. Bid him not to mourn or indulge in
unmanly lamentation but sing God's praises .... Let him sit fully armed
on his throne and maintain an army to the best of his ability. Let him
affix the patch of Guruship to his forehead according to an ancient
custom and even treat his Sikhs with the utmost courtesy." 88 Here was
a seed of revolution sown which germinated and transformed the
character of the Sikhs from mere saints into saint-soldiers who later
challenged the mightiest of the oriental empires and who later rolled
back the flood of the never-ending foreign invasions across the river
Indus.
C.H. Payne writes in his book A Short History of the Sikhs: "Before his
departure, Guru Arjan had installed his son on the gaddi and impressed
upon him the seriousness of the situation which had developed in the
land. 'Hard Times are ahead', added he, 'the forces of evil are out to
crush all vestige of even the elementary human rights. The house of
Guru Nanak, from its very foundation, stands for love, truth, freedom,
and self-respect. We have tried to carry on our work of emancipation in
perfect peace and non-violence. But you see the result. The sight of their
own cruel actions has deformed the soul of the Mughals. It may yet be
possible to awaken it and make it assume the human form that it is
losing fast. I shall let the Emperor witness the infinite suffering caused
by his orders and borne for the love of God and man. This might shake
up his soul. But if even this last measure of peaceful suffering fails, then
take it from me, that his soul has been completely brutalized. It would
be as unwise to bear further sufferings with the idea Of debrutalizing the
souls of the Mughals as to throw oneself before a horned beast with the
object of making him give up his brute nature. Times are coming when
the forces of good and evil must come to grips. So we get ready, my son.
Gird up, arm thyself, and urge the followers to do the same. Fight the
tyrants till they are reformed or banished/ 89 So Guru Arjan had seen
clearly that it was impossible to preserve his followers without the aid
of arms and his last injunction to his son and successor, Hargobind, was
to sit fully armed on his throne and maintain the largest military force
he could muster." 90
In a short time after Guru Arjan's martyrdom, as Macauliffe writes,
the Guru changed his character from a mere religious to a spiritual-cum-
military leader 91 It was as a result of this that Guru Hargobind later on
began to raise an army, he gave martial tunes to the Sikhs to sing their
songs upon, and took to hunting and physical exercises. Guru Arjan's
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
27
martyrdom, writes Khazan Singh, 92 inflamed the peaceful Sikh hearts. It
set the ball rolling and generated the spirit which later on converted the
ordinary "hewer of wood and drawers of water" into the greatest of
soldiers and generals of the time. The Sikhs burned with the spirit of
revenge and prepared to learn the art of swords and battlefields.
The sacrifice also opened a new chapter in Sikh history, of Sikh
persecutions. As the Sikh zeal to take revenge strengthened, the wave of
arrests, fines and threats to the Sikhs spread. The more an effort was
made to suppress them, the more the Sikhs burnt with the fire of
enthusiasm and sacrifice. A precedence had been set which was
strengthened by the martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur, and which was
converted into a tradition when the tenth Guru sacrificed all of his home
and hearth to protect the just interests of mankind. The tragic death of
the Guru, says Teja Singh, "convinced the Sikhs that they must arm
themselves and fight, if they wanted to live".
Thus, with the martyrdom of Guru Arjan begins the period when the
Sikhs, besides striving for spiritual bliss, began to prepare themselves to
defend their hearths and homes against the Mughal tyrants. The death
of their beloved and innocent Guru taught them a lesson that without
political freedom, it was difficult to obtain spiritual salvation. Like the
blood of all other martyrs, the blood of Guru Arjan went a long way to
bring home to the Sikhs that they must organise and arm themselves.
According to Sikh tradition discussed earlier, Guru Arjan, even in his
"parting message" to his disciples, foretold the future course that his
successor, young Hargobind would follow.
GURU HARGOBIND
(1606 A.D.— 1645 A.D.)
The pontificate of Guru Hargobind, the sixth Guru, is a period of
great significance in the Sikh history. It was a period of transition when
Sikhism was being transformed from a brotherhood of pious devotees to
an organisation of soldier-saints. The martyrdom of Guru Arjan had
made such a deep impression on his son and successor, Guru Hargobind
who was then a boy of only eleven years of age, that he decided to give
practical shape to the parting message of his father, "let him sit fully
armed on the throne and maintain an army to the best of his ability." The
boy Guru perceived that if Sikhism was to'survive, it must make certain
adjustments in its character and organisation. He felt that thereafter his
Sikhs should lead a pious and righteous life and worship the Name, on
28
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
the one hand, and, on the other, they should be physically prepared and
trained to bear arms to defend their hearths and homes against the
Mughal tyrants. The Guru, therefore, decided to follow this new policy
and during forty years of his pontificate, he was able to achieve the ideal
that he had placed before him at the time of his accession to the
Guruship.
The germs of this new policy can be traced to the time when Baba
Budha, just after Guru Arjan's death, was going to confer Guruship on
Hargobind. According to the usual custom, he (Baba Budha) brought a
seli (a woollen-cord worn as a necklace by the former Gurus) and a
turban, and offered the new Guru to wear them. But Guru Hargobind,
putting them aside, said to the head priest, Baba Budha: "My seli shall be
a sword-belt and I shall wear my turban with a royal aigrette/' 93 He told
his disciples that in future in the Guru's house, "religion and wordly
enjoyment shall be combined — the cauldron to supply the poor and the
needy, and the scimitar to smite the oppressors."
So, Guru Hargobind, from the start, tried to play a dual role — the role
of helping his disciples to work for their salvation" by worshipping the
true lord on the lines suggested by the first five Gurus, and also
preparing and training his disciples to bear arms to defend their lives,
honour and rights. It was, thus, the Guru began to dress himself in
martial style and wore two swords, one representing his Miri or secular
authority, and the second signifying his Piri or spiritual power. Thus, the
sixth Guru's ideal before his Sikhs was that they should have an all
round development — development of body as well as of spirit, and his
two swords represented that the Guru would, in future, not only guide
his Sikhs in their spiritual affairs but also would lead them if ever there
was a danger to their lives or worldly belongings.
He laid the foundation of AM Takht in 1606 A.D. The Central Temple
of Amritsar, or the Hari Mandir had so far been the only place where the
Guru addressed his Sikhs and conducted their affairs. But now a new
building was constructed a few paces beyond, where on a raised
platform he began to attend regularly to the Sikh temporal affairs.
Regarding this writes Archer: "He completed a shrine which Arjan had
begun, the Akal Takht or the throne of the Timeless." 94 Khazan Singh calls
it Akal-bunga or the house of God". 95 The use to which this new building
was put, introduced considerable change in the Sikh character and
organisation. Here the Guru sat like a king and administered justice to
the Sikhs. Here also he accepted offerings and checked the accounts of
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
29
the masands. Duels were fought below and the Guru enjoyed them from
here. Here the Guru also told his Sikhs heroic tales, and prepared them
mentally for heroic deeds. "There was a definite purpose in the Guru's
building of the Akal Takht just opposite the Hari Mandir. The former was
connected with Sikh politics, while the latter with religion, and each was
visible from the other place so that when they were in the Akal Takht they
should not forget their religion, and while they were in the Hari Mandir
they should not forget their politics. In other words, it was the blending
of Sikh politics with Sikh religion'. Thus, Khazan Singh writes: "He said
that as long as he continued in Hari Mandir he should be reckoned as a
saint, and in Akal Bunga he should be looked upon as a king." With all
these developments the Sikhs actually stopped looking towards Delhi or
Lahore. They felt they had their own kingdom with Guru Hargobind as
their king, nay the Sachcha Padshah, or the True King, as against the false
kings of the Mughals.
Guru Hargobind also maintained a well-equipped retinue. Mohsin
Fani says that the Guru maintained a big stable of 800 horses. He had
three hundred troopers on horse back and sixty men with fire arms ready
to lay down their lives for the Guru. Besides these, there was a corps of
500 volunteers who received no salary from the Guru, but they got
horses and weapons from the Guru, took meals from the Guru's langar,
or free kitchen, and had sworn themselves to offer their lives for the
Guru. As with the inauguration of the new policy, the Guru required a
large number of horses and weapons, he issued an encyclical letter to the
masands to the effect that he would be pleased with those who brought
offerings of arms and horses instead of money. As the Guru was very
fond of hunting, his retinue also included a number of drummers, dogs
of the finest breed, and tamed leopards.
The Guru, however, did not depend wholly on this small standing
army of his bodyguards. In course of time, he recruited a large number
of mercenaries — mostly malcontents and refugees from the Mughal
government. There was a special force consisting of Pathans led by
Painda Khan. The Guru fortified his possessions also. A wall was built
round the city of Ramdaspur and this new fortified town began to be
called Lohgarh.
These major changes in the policy and programme of the Guru
naturally involved some minor changes in the day-to-day routine of the
Guru. For example, with the adoption of the policy of armed defence, the
Guru began to spend a major portion of his time in the game of the
30
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
chase. He began to devote a good deal of time in hearing martial music
from his minstrel, Abdullah. He withdrew all prohibitions on diet,
including animal food. He also introduced the practice of choirs
circumambulating the Golden Temple in the night, "with the blare of
trumpets and flare of torches and singing hymns in stirring tones". 96
The change in the policy was in fact the only course open to the
Guru. Banerjee who has made a thorough and critical study of the
Guru's career, says: Both externally and internally the situation was
changing and the policy of the Guru had perforce to be adjusted to the
new environment. The organisational development of Sikhism had
mostly taken place during the tolerant days of Akbar who had never
interfered with it; he had, on the contrary, even helped the Gurus in
various ways. But the execution of Guru Arjan, and Hargobind's
imprisonment, definitely showed that sterner days were ahead and that
the old policy of the mere peaceful organisation no longer sufficed. Guru
Arjan had foreseen and Guru Hargobind also clearly saw that it would
no longer be possible to protect the Sikh community and its organisation
without the aid of arms and the way in which he proceeded to secure
this end speaks a good deal for his sagacity and his shrewd political
sense. 97
Thus, he did not adopt his new policy because he was not as
spiritually developed as his predecessors were, but because he, as head
of the new community, felt that the old policy of peaceful organisation
could no longer protect his infant church. With the change in the policy
of the Mughal emperors towards Sikhism, the Sikhs foresaw wisely that
Sikhism should be converted from a brotherhood of devotees to a
militant sect. If Hargobind had not followed this policy then his
"community of pious householders" would have either not survived or,
at the most, "relapsed into the limited merit or utility of monks and
mendicants."
«*.
The reports against king-like and war-like activities of the Guru
aroused the anger of Jahangir. The Emperor was persuaded to believe
that Guru Hargobind intended to raise the banner of revolt. He had
visited Punjab in 1606, 1607 and 1608 A.D. The Guru's enemies (Prithi
Mai and his son Meharban, Chandu Shah and his son Karam Chand,
Shaikh Ahmad Sarhindi and Shaikh Farid Bukhari — (Murtza Khan,
viceroy of Punjab) must have lodged complaints against him personally.
Jahangir ordered the Guru to pay the balance of the fine of two lakhs
imposed upon Guru Arjan after deducting the amount already realised
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
31
by auctioning his property. 98 Mohsin Fani writes: "He had to content
with difficulties. One of them was that he had adopted the style of a
soldier, wore a sword contrary to the practice of his father, kept a retinue
and took to hunting. Hazrat Jannat Makani (Jahangir) demanded the
balance of the fine which he had imposed on Arjan Mai." 99
Guru Hargobind was summoned to Delhi. Hargobind entrusted the
secular affairs of the Sikhs to Baba Budha and control of spiritual duties
to Bhai Gurdas, though Baba Budha continued to work as high priest of
Hari Mandir. At Delhi, the Guru stayed at Majnun Ka Tila on the bank
of river Yamuna where Guru Nanak had lived with the Muslim Saint
Majnun in the reign of Sikandar Lodi. Large crowds of Sikhs came to see
him. Jahangir found him a handsome and plucky youth and received
him courteously. He asked him several questions but Jahangir did not
feel satisfied. With regard to fine, Hargobind advanced the old argument
of his father. He said he had not committed any crime and he would not
pay any fine. As for his taking to hunting and wearing arms, no
restrictions had been imposed by the government on its subjects. About
his holding courts, the Guru submitted that it concerned only religious
matters. There was no politics behind it, and he did not preach anything
against the Emperor or his government. He assured the Emperor that he
was a loyal subject of his Majesty's government and always abided by its
laws. 100
Jahangir invited the Guru to join him in a hunting expedition, when
Hargobind displayed his skill by slaying a tiger. The Emperor took the
Guru with him on a visit to Agra. Most likely Jahangir wanted to admit
Guru Hargobind to his Mansabdari system so that the soldiers of the
Guru could be used for the empire and the risk of revolt from the side
of Guru would also be over. On the way to Agra, the Emperor sounded
the Guru number of times and purposely became very friendly. He also
asked a number of questions and discussed about religion. Jahangir
asked many spiritual questions and Guru's replies very much impressed
the Emperor. He asked why he was called the true king which implied
that the Emperor was a false king. The Guru replied: "I have never told
any one to call me true king, but when there exists love between people,
there is no need of formality and a man is treated as he treateth others.
I love my Sikhs in proportion to the love they bear me." 101 When
Emperor failed to pursuade the Guru to join Mansabdari system, he
arrested the Guru and ordered that he should be imprisoned in the
Gwalior Fort, where generally the important political offenders were
kept. The Sikh chroniclers, however, say that the Guru was not arrested.
32
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
He became a victim of Chandu's intrigue. Chandu had not liked the
friendly relations of Jahangir and the Guru and so he conspired against
the Guru. At Agra, the Emperor fell ill. Due to Chandu Shah's instigation
the astrologers told Jahangir to imprison Hargobind to avert the serious
consequences of the evil stars. Hargobind was, therefore, confined in the
fort of Gwalior, without specifying any duration. But Mohsan Fani's
account seems to be more reliable. He says that the Emperor had not
liked Guru Hargobind's policy of armed defence and, on the pretext of
extorting the fine from the Guru, he arrested him and sent him to the fort
of Gwalior.
But the historians do not agree as to the exact period of his
confinement at Gwalior fort. Mohsan Fani says that he remained there
for 12 years. Indubhushan Banerjee and Teja Singh, after a careful and
analytical study of the important events of Guru Hargobind's career,
such as the births of the children of the Guru, have proved conclusively
that the Guru could have in no way spent such a long period in Gwalior.
Banerjee says that at the most he remained in Gwalior for five years from
1607 to 1612 A.D. But Teja Singh held the view that he might have
remained in Gwalior fort for two years at the most, from 1612 to 1614
A.D. According to Sikh tradition, the Guru's period of confinement in
Gwalior was only "forty days". On account of such a wide disagreement
among historians, it is difficult to determine the exact period of the
Gwalior imprisonment of the Guru. This much, however, is certain that
the period of confinement was very short and could not be 12 years or
even 5 years.
The more rational view is that if the Guru was arrested due to his
war-like activities, he must have carried such activities to a considerable
length before he was arrested. We must, therefore, allow at least four
years for his preparations so that they should be of a magnitude
sufficiently high as to move the Mughal authorities against him. Thus, if
we permit four years on this score, the Guru should have been
imprisoned for about two years, and he was positively released
sometimes in 1612 as his eldest son Gurditta was born in 1613 A.D. So
he should have been in the fort for about two years from 1610 to 1612
A.D. It could be even less than two years; but it seems certain that the
period of his confinement was between 1610 A.D. to 1612 A.D.
During the period of confinement of the Guru, the Sikhs made
Gwalior their place of pilgrimage. Crowds of Sikhs visited Gwalior,
touched and kissed the walls of the fort which held their persecuted
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
33
Guru. Some of the devoted Sikhs like Bhai Jetha pleaded with the
Emperor about the innocence of the Guru. Even a well-placed Mughal
official Wazir Khan requested Jahangir that the Guru was the victim of
a conspiracy and so should be released. Similarly, some of the
Mohammaden saints like Mian Mir, for whom Jahangir had great regard,
assured the Emperor of the saintliness of the Guru. At last Jahangir felt
that the Guru had suffered because of the evil minded Chandu and
ordered that the Guru should be set at liberty. When the orders reached
Gwalior, a large number of captive Rajas, who were also imprisoned
there, expressed great attachment for the Guru. Consequently, Guru
Hargobind informed the Emperor that he would go out of the Gwalior
Fort only when all other fellow prisoners were set at liberty. At last, the
Emperor yielded and allowed all to go out of the fort, each holding a part
of his garment. For, this noble act, the Guru earned the title of Bandi
Chhor Baba or a 'Holy Deliverer ', and a cenotaph bearing this epithet still
exists in Gwalior fort.
From the time of his release to the end of Jahangir 's life, the Guru
maintained very cordial relations with the Mughal Emperor. As the
Emperor had realised that the Guru and his father had suffered a good
deal because of Chandu, so, immediately after the Guru's release, he
handed over Chandu and his family to him to punish them in any way
he liked. 102 The Guru's Sikhs took away Chandu, tied his hands behind
his back, paraded him in the streets of Amritsar and Lahore, and in the
end someone stabbed him to death. But Chandu's wife and son, were set
free.
The Sikh tradition tells us that during this period the relations
between Jahangir and the Guru were so good that the former visited
Amritsar and even offered to bear all the expenses of his new building
of Akal Takht. But the Guru declined, saying: "Let me and my Sikhs raise
this throne of God with the labour of our own bodies and with the
contributions from our own little resources. I wish to make it a symbol
of my Sikhs' service and sacrifice, and not a monument to the king's
generosity." 103
Some writers, like Mohsin Fani, say that Emperor Jahangir even
offered a mansab of 700 horses and asked him to exercise a supervisory
control over the Punjab officials. 104 But the Sikh chroniclers do not
subscribe to this view. They say that the Guru accompanied Jahangir on
his tours and expeditions in Rajputana and Kashmir not as a Mansabdar
of Jahangir but as his friend. In the face of these divergent views, we can
34
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
say only this much with certainty that from the day of his release to the
death of Jahangir, the Guru and the Sikhs must have been in the good
books of the Emperor and during this period the Guru must have
increased his military strength without arousing the wrath of the
Emperor.
Succession of Shah Jahan
Jahangir fell seriously ill in 1627 A.D. He went to Kashmir for a
change of climate. His condition deteriorated. While returning the
Emperor died at Rajauri on November 7, 1627, A.D. Nur Jahan and her
brother Asaf Khan were with him. At Lahore, Nur Jahan declared her
son-in-law and son of Jahangir, Shahryar, Emperor of India. Asaf Khan
was interested in his own son-in-law, Shah Jahan, another son of
Jahangir. He was in the Deccan. Asaf Khan sent most trusted runner,
Banarsi, to Shah Jahan, calling him immediately to the north. Meanwhile,
Asaf Khan defeated Shahryar. Shah Jahan ascended the throne on
February 24, 1628, A.D. He started his reign with the execution of all his
brothers and nephews. Though, born to a Hindu mother, he became an
orthodox Muslim. For some time, the relations of the new Emperor with
Guru Hargobind continued to be friendly. The son of Shah Jahan, Dara
Shikoh, was particularly very favourably disposed towards the Guru.
But, despite this, the new militant policy of Guru Hargobind soon
brought him into conflict with the Mughals.
First, there took place the case of Kaulan. She was probably 105 the
daughter of the Qazi Rustam Khan of Lahore. She was a religious
minded woman and remained busy in meditation. After some time,
Kaulan became the disciple of saint Mian Mir. The Qazi did not like
these odd ways of his daughter and began to illtreat her. Tired of her
father's ill treatment, she took refuge with the Guru at Amritsar. 106 This
case occurred in the reign of Jahangir. The Qazi could not prevail upon
the Emperor to take action against the Guru because of Jahangir's
friendship with the Guru. But with the accession of Shah Jahan, the Qazi
of Lahore again began to represent that serious action should be taken
against the Sikh Guru.
Secondly, the Guru's increasing military strength and particularly his
enlistment of most of fugitives, free-booters and malcontents from the
imperial army caused great misgivings in the minds of the Mughal
officers of the Punjab and they reported that the rising power of this new
military sect must be checked immediately. Guru Hargobind's
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
35
recruitment of Pathan mercenaries like Painda Khan made the Emperor
realise that the Guru's aim of taking such people into his fold could be
no other but political. And Shah Jahan, therefore, felt obliged to take
military action against him.
Another cause of conflict was that Shah Jahan immediately after his
accession, forbade conversion of Mohammedans to any other religion,
which meant that the Guru must stop preaching his faith to the Muslims.
Besides, Emperor Shah Jahan ordered that the baoli of Guru Arjan should
be destroyed and a mosque be erected on its site. The Sikhs and their
Guru could not submit to all this and, thus, a conflict between them and
the Emperor became inevitable.
Battle of Amritsar (1628 A.D.) 107
The immediate cause of the Sikh-Mughal hostilities was the forcible
seizure of an imperial hawk by the Sikhs. One day in 1628 A.D. Shah Jahan
was hunting in the neighbourhood of Amritsar. At Gumtala 108 one of his
special hawks strayed away and consequently was seized by the Sikhs.
The soldiers approached the Sikhs and demanded that the bird be
returned. The Guru would have returned the royal hawk had not the
imperial party threatened the Guru and his Sikhs with dire consequences.
The two parties came to blows and in the end the soldiers were beaten
off. 109 Shah Jahan could not overlook this and so he sent a large expedition
of about 7000 strong under the leadership of Mukhlis Khan to teach a
lesson to the Guru and his Sikhs. According to Mohsin Fani, the city of the
Guru, i.e. Amritsar, was sacked and looted. Even the Guru's property was
plundered. The Sikh detachment in the Lohgarh being too small, was
destroyed by the Mohammedans. The next day being fixed for the
marriage of Bibi Viro, the Guru's daughter, a lot of sweets had been stored
in the fort which the Muslim soldiers ate to their fill and fell to deep sleep.
The Sikhs finding an opportunity fell upon them and slaughtered great
many of them, the rest having fled away. After a sharp scuffle the Guru
retired to Chubbal, 25 kilometres south-west of Amritsar, where he
performed the nuptial ceremony in haste on the fixed day of the marriage
and prepared his Sikhs for the attack on the Mughals. Mukhlis Khan was
killed in the battle.
Syed Muhammad Latif writes: "Mukhlis-^Khan marched from Lahore
at the head of 7000 troops, who were, however, signally defeated near
Amritsar, their leader being killed in the engagement. The defeated army
returned to Lahore after losing many, killed and wounded. This was the
36
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
first combat in the annals of the Punjab which was fought between the
Mughals and the Sikhs." 110 The Guru's fame spread far and wide. Sir
Jadunath writes: "Many men came to enlist under the Guru's banner."
They said that none else had power to contend with the Emperor. 111
After the battle of Amritsar Guru Hargobind went to Hargobindpur and
stayed there for some time. 112
Battle of Hargobindpur (1630 A.D.)
At Hargobindpur, the Guru fought another battle with the Mughal
soldiers in 1630 A.D. It is said that one Bhagwana, a relation of Chandu,
had misappropriated some of the Guru's property. Bhagwana was killed
by the Sikhs, but Rattan Chand, his son, appealed to Abdulla Khan, the
faujdar of Jullundur Doab, who marched upon the Sikhs with his
soldiers but was completely defeated and fled from the battlefield. The
Guru was involved in a number of engagements with the imperial
troops. He had to change his headquarters from Amritsar to Sri
Hargobindpur, and later to Kartarpur in Jullundhur district, again to
Phagwara and finally to Kiratpur.
The Battle of Lahra and Gurusar (December 1634 A.D.)
After a few years, hostilities again broke out between the Mughals
and the Sikhs. This time, the immediate cause of the trouble was not the
hawk, but the horses. One of the Guru's devoted Sikhs, Sadh 113 or Sadah
or Sadhu, was ordered to bring horses for the Guru from Central Asia.
Mohsin Fani says he had not gone far away from Amritsar when he was
informed that his little son who was deeply attached to his father, had
seriously fallen ill, and was asked to return. Such was his devotion to the
Guru that he replied: "If he should die, there is enough wood in the
house to burn him. I am going on Guru's business and I will not return."
His son passed away, but he did not come back. 114
Sadh 115 first went to Balkh. On finding that the quality of horses he
wanted to buy not being available there, he came to Iraq. There he
purchased three horses of the finest breed. On his return journey he was
accompanied by Mohsin Fani from Kabul to Lahore. He writes: "Sadh is
a man happy at good luck but never sad in misfortune." At Lahore,
Sadh's two horses, Dilbagh and Gulbagh, were seized by Khalil Beg, the
Governor. Another devoted Sikh was Bidhi Chand. Mohsin Fani says:
"Earlier Bidhia was a thief." 116 Whenever, the Guru wanted to punish
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
37
some miscreant, he deputed Bidhia to do so. The Guru told him: "On
doomsday his disciples would not be asked to give an explanation for
their deeds." 117 Bidhi Chand was sent to recover the two horses. In
disguise he took up service in the Lahore fort first as a groom and
afterwards as a tracker. In course of time he managed to escape with both
the horses one by one. They were renamed by the Guru, Janbhai and
Suhela. 118
The Guru recruited a Pathan brigand Painda Khan on five rupees a
day. Painda Khan's mother had been Hargobind' s wet nurse and her son
was a playmate and bosom friend of Hargobind. The Guru treated him
with great consideration. He was given a house and a buffalo for milk. 119
He was a brave soldier. Hargobind was conscious of the mighty power
of the Mughal Empire and his own meagre resources. Expecting reprisal,
the Guru took shelter in the Lakhi jungle lying between Firozpur and
Bhatinda. As anticipated, a strong contingent of the Governor of Lahore
pursued the Guru into the impenetrable retreat. Kamar Beg and Lai Beg
were sent out from Lahore at the head of an army which crossed the
Sutlej, but want of provisions and the difficulties of the march had a
disastrous effect on the imperial troops. 120 The Guru went on retreating
before the imperial troops. He arrived at the heart of the waterless
country of Brar Jats, a war-like people. They were sympathetic to the
Sikhs on account of Guru Amar Das's Manji system. The Sikhs lay in
ambush and defeated the enemy, but at a heavy cost of 1200 Sikh
soldiers. This engagement took place near Lahore Gaga or village Lahra
about 100 km. from Bhatinda on December 16, 1634, A.D. 121 The Guru
turned towards north pursued by the Mughals. Another action was
fought. At the place of battle the Guru built a tank now called Gurusar.
It is situated near Nathana, a village five kilometres from Rampura Phul
railway station. 122 Mohsin Fani says: "Khalil Beg's high handedness did
not bring him prosperity. The same year his son who was responsible for
this act died, and he himself suffered insults and disgrace/' 123 After this
battle, the Guru now returned to the plains and came back to Kartarpur.
The Battle of Kartarpur (April 26, 1635 A.D.) 124
Now differences arose between Guru Hargobind and Painda Khan.
He deserted the Guru and sought service with the Governor of Lahore.
An expedition under the command of Mir. Badehra and Painda Khan
was dispatched against the Guru. They were joined by the Jullundur
troops. The Guru had only 5000 soldiers with him. 125 In a hard fought
38
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
battle both the enemy commanders were killed. In this battle the Guru's
youngest son Tyag Mai displayed remarkable skill and won the title of
Tegh Bahadur from his father.
Kale Khan assumed command of the Mughal forces and continued
to fight. To avenge the death of his leaders he rushed upon the Guru
with a drawn sword, and delivered a vehement attack on him. The
Guru warded off the blow and then assaulted him saying: "Not so,
but the sword is used thus." In one stroke Kale Khan's head flew off.
At this Mohsin Fani remarks that Guru Hargobind did not strike in
anger but deliberately and to give instruction, because the function of
the Guru was to teach. 126 In this battle the Guru's beloved steed,
Dilbagh, renamed Janbai, was severely wounded and it died soon
afterwards at Kiratpur. 127 Guru Hargobind felt very sad at the death
of his old brave soldier (Painda Khan). The Guru, on seeing Painda
Khan's body, was filled with pity and regret. He took his shield and
put it over his victim's face so as to shade it from the sun and,
bursting into tears, said: "Painda Khan, I cherised thee, I reared thee
and I made thee a hero. Though men spoke ill of thee, I forgot thy
failings, and evil to thee never entered my mind, but evil destiny so
mislead thee that thou broughtest an army against me. It is thine'own
acts of ingratitude and insolence that have led to thy death at my
hands. . . . Though thou hast been ungrateful and untrue to thy salt,
I pray the Almighty to grant thee dwelling in heaven." 128
The Battle of Phagwara (April 29, 1635, A.D.) 129
The Guru had suffered heavy losses in men and material. He
expected another attack from the enemy. He hurriedly retired from
Kartarpur in order to reach Kiratpur via Phagwara. The Mughal troops
reorganised themselves and pursued the Guru. It was almost a running
battle. At Phagwara another pitched battle was fought three days later
on April 29, 1635, A.D. It was a drawn battle. 130 The Guru rushed
towards the Rupar ferry to cross river Satluj. The Mughal soldiers gave
up the pursuit. Kiratpur was situated in the territory of Raja Tara Chand
of Kahlur who had thrown off allegiance to Emperor Shah Jahan. Mohsin
Fani concludes: "Many strong forces had been sent against him. By
God's grace he escaped unhurt, though whatever he had was lost." 131
Hargobind was the first Guru to have resorted to arms in order to
redress the grievances of the community. Constitutional agitation was
meaningless as there was no constitution. He made it clear to everybody
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
39
that fighting against the wrongs was not against the spirit of any religion
but it was an essential ingredient of a practical religion and that hunting
and sport were not opposed to religious piety. The Guru had fully
justified his wearing of two swords, representing miri and piri. He
combined in himself the spiritual and military leadership. The political
aspect of it was left out, as the time was not opportune yet.
The Guru's battles were not of aggressive nature. They were
generally defensive. With his slender resources he could not maintain a
constant struggle against the government. He did not want any territory
to carve out a state for himself, nor did he refuse to accept the Mughal
authority. His only object was to express his resentment against the
wrong religious policy of the rulers. In achieving this objective he was
successful.
In fact the Guru was trying to change the age-long mentality of
Hindus of offering only passive resistance to the oppressors. He knew
that the Muslim sword had completely wiped out the remains of
Buddhism from the land of its birth. Hinduism had survived because a
section of it, the Rajputs, had put up a tough fight against the foreigners.
In Punjab the spirit of resistance had been completely broken. After 600
years of slavery he was awakening his fellow countrymen to the
realisation that irrespective of consequences, which were quite obvious,
the people should rise against a cruel government to get their wrongs
redressed.
The organisational evolution of Sikhism from the standpoint of
religion and spiritualism had almost been completed during the time of
Guru Arjan. The execution of Guru Arjan and Guru Hargobind's own
imprisonment had clearly shown that a hard lot was in store for the new
religion. Guru Hargobind had a definite perception of the changing
circumstances and had realised the necessity of playing an active role in
the political life of the community. He had a clear conception that
militarily he had little chance of success against the almost unlimited
resources of the Mughal empire. Yet he considered it below his dignity
to adopt a submissive role, which was nothing short of degradation.
He clearly enunciated a policy which was to lead the most down-
trodden people slowly but inexorably to political and military
advancement. The Guru created a revolution in the life of the Sikhs.
Along with recitation of hymns they were taught the practical lessons of
dharma yudha or holy war. This factor his critics could not see or
40
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
comprehend. Guru Hargobind rendered a unique service to this country
in showing the true path of deliverance from political bondage.
GURU HAR RAI
(1645 A.D.— 1661 A.D.)
Guru Hargobind, the sixth Guru, died in 1645 A.D. He had five sons,
only two had survived him. The elder Suraj Mai was a worldly man and
the youngest Tegh Bahadur was a recluse. The Guru's deceased eldest
son Gurditta had two sons, Dhir Mai and Har Rai. The Guru's choice fell
on Har Rai, his grandson,- the son of Gurditta, who had impressed his
grandfather with his piety and kind disposition. Har Rai, however, had
an elder brother, Dhir Mai, but his grandfather, Guru Hargobind, took
him to be an incarnation of Prithia and so, in preference to him, decided
to nominate Har Rai as his successor. He was, at that time, only fourteen
years old. He was strongly advised to retain the existing contingent of
2200 mounted soldiers as his bodyguard. For some time his relations
with the Mughal Empire remained cordial. It is said that Dara Shikoh,
the eldest son of Emperor Shah Jahan, had developed such great regards
for the Guru that when the former fell ill, the Guru sent him a medicine
by which he was speedily cured. A little later, Dara was involved in the
war of succession (1657-58 A.D.) against his brothers and was defeated
at Sammugarh. He, thereupon, came to Punjab to raise an army to make
another bid to recover his lost dominions. In the course of this visit, he
came to the Guru also and asked him for military aid and his blessings.
It is said that the Guru gave him some help. But this assistance did not
prove useful to Dara as most of his Muslim nobles deserted him. Most
probably it was moral and spiritual help. 132
Aurangzeb sent for the Guru immediately after his succession as he
was annoyed with the Guru for the help, whether active or passive,
given by him to rebel Dara. The Guru sent his fourteen-year old eldest
son Ram Rae in September 1661, A.D. He was instructed to concentrate
on God and reply to the Emperor patiently and carefully. He was
reminded of Guru Arjan's conduct when Jahangir ordered him to modify
hymns in the Holy Granth. He was warned to avoid flattery and behave
with dignity. The lad, being over-zealous and ambitious and perhaps out
of fear for his life, tried to win over the Emperor and his courtiers. He
was asked to explain why the following verse in the holy Granth abused
the Musalmans:
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
41
"Mitti Musalman ki pere pai kumhar; Ghar bhande ittan Kian jalti
kare pukar" 133 [The dust of a Musalman is kneaded by a potter into
a dough and he converts it into pots and bricks, which cry out as
they burn]. The hymn was uttered by Guru Nanak to show that
cremation and burial differed little. Ram Rae was overawed by the
splendour of the court. In order not to offend the Emperor, Ram Rae
just in his early teens, replied that Nanak's actual word was Beinian
or faithless and not Musalman which appeared in the text by the
mistake of the scribe. He had forgotten that he being the Guru's son
and a probable candidate for next Guruship and employed on such
a delicate mission had upon him a tremendously heavy
responsibility and that he should be ready for death. His answer
naturally pleased the Emperor but offended the Sikhs of Delhi who
reported the matter to the Guru at Kiratpur.
Guru Har Rai was deeply distressed at his son's behaviour for having
insulted Guru Nanak and the Granth Sahib. The Guru declared Ram Rae
unfit for Guruship and immediately excluded him from succession.
Guru Har Rai observed: "The Guruship is like a tiger's milk which can
only be contained in a golden cup. Only he who is ready to devote his
life hitherto is worthy of it. Let Ram Rae not look on my face again." 134
His decision was conveyed to Ram Rae as well as to the Sikhs at Delhi. 135
Ram Rae was detained at the Mughal court where he conducted himself
as a faithful courtier. Shortly afterwards Guru Har Rai died at Kiratpur
on October 6, 1661, A.D. at the young age of 32. 136
GURU HAR KRISHAN
(1661 A.D.— 1664 A.D.)
Guru Har Rai had nominated his younger son Har Krishan to be his
successor, when he was only five years old. Ram Rae who was living at
Delhi pressed his claim for Guruship. Aurangzeb was fully occupied in
settling the state affairs and had no time to turn his attention to a matter
which had no urgency. In 1662 A.D. he fell seriously ill, and next year
went to Kashmir to recoup his health. He returned to Delhi on January
18, 1664 A.D. Aurangzeb was a pastmaster in the art of diplomacy. He
wanted to take full advantage of the rift which had developed between
the two brothers. He was keen to use Ram Rae in weakening the Sikh
movement. He summoned Har Krishan to Delhi to justify his claim to
Guruship, and asked Mirza Raja Jai Singh ' to call the Guru to Delhi on
his personal surety. 137 The Guru's mother Krishan Kaur 138 was terribly
afraid of the machinations of Ram Rae and the stern character of the
42
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Emperor who had destroyed all his male relatives in the most brutal
manner. Guru Har Krishan came to Delhi and put up in the house of
Mirza Raja Jai Singh of Jaipur at the village of Raisina in the suburbs of
the capital. Shortly afterwards the Guru had an attack of small pox with
high fever, and he became almost unconscious. Owing to the infectious
disease, the Guru was shifted to a house in village Bhogal near the
present Nizamuddin railway station. His followers who were attending
on him realized that the Guru might succumb to the fatal disease. They
were anxious to secure his nomination of a successor according to old
tradition. They placed a coconut and five paise before him and pressed
him to name his successor. In delirium the child could utter only Baba
Bakala meaning that the next Guru lived at Bakala. As a rule, a child
would never call his parents or grandparents by name out of respect.
Obviously he meant Tegh Bahadur, his grand uncle, who was living at
Bakala, four kilometre to the north of modern Beas railway station.
Having said this he closed his eyes, became unconscious and expired on
March 30, 1664, A.D. at the age of eight. He was cremated on the bank
of river Yamuna where now stands Gurudwara Bala Sahib. A big
Gurudwara was later on constructed at Raisina. It is called Bangla Sahib.
GURU TEGH BAHADUR
(1664 A.D.— 1675 A.D.)
Guru Har Krishan's successor, Tegh Bahadur, thus inherited the
hostility of the Mughal Emperor, but, for some time, mainly through the
intercession of Mirza Raja Ram Singh, Aurangzeb did not take any
serious action against the Guru. Rather, the Rajput chief took the Guru
with him in his Assam expedition. After the conquest of Assam, Guru
Tegh Bahadur returned to Punjab and settled at Anandpur.
By this time, Aurangzeb had securely established himself on the
throne of Delhi. Now he embarked on his long cherished religious policy
of bigoted persecution and religious discrimination. It was intended not
only to satisfy the inhuman Sunni bigot within himself, but also to please
the fanatic orthodox Muhammedans in India and abroad. His cruel and
homicidal treatment of his father, brother and their families, on the one
hand, and the cold-blooded murder of pious and liberal-minded sufis
and shias, on the other, had earned for him the disapprobation, nay even
condemnation, of the saner section of the whole Muslim world. For
example, the Sheriff of Mecca refused to receive his envoys although
they brought him many presents. Shah Abbas of Persia hated Aurangzeb
and condemned him for his treatment of his father and his brother.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
43
Aurangzeb was anxious to rehabilitate himself in the good books of his
coreligionists. Spurred in part by that anxiety and partly by fanatic
Muhammedan divines, but chiefly by the promptings of his own
merciless, bigoted heart, he embarked "on a militant policy of religious
persecution" and "allowed the religious fanatic to get the upper hand of
the king". "He had resolved" says Latif, "that the belief in one God and
the Prophet should be not the prevailing, but the only religion of the
Empire of Hindustan." He issued mandates to the viceroys and governors
of provinces to destroy pagodas and idols throughout the dominion. Guru
Tegh Bahadur was on his eastern tour when he got reports of Aurangzeb's
fanaticism and his determination to convert the Hindu population to
Islam, and to make Hindu India a purely Muslim state.
In the beginning of his reign, Aurangzeb ordered, the local officers in
every town and village of Orissa from Katak to Mednipur to pull down
all temples including even clay huts, built during the last 10 or 12 years
and to allow no old temple to be repaired. 139 In 1661-62 A.D., a big
temple was demolished at Mathura and a Jama Masjid was erected in its
place in the heart of Hindu population. 140 From April 1665 A.D., Hindus
were charged double the custom duties paid by Muslims on all articles
brought for sale. 141 In May 1667 A.D., Muslims were exempted from
payment of custom duties altogether, while the Hindus had to pay at the
old rate of 5%. In 1668 A.D., Hindu fairs and festivals were stopped. 142
According to Irfan Habib, peasants in many cases were compelled to part
with their women and children for good to meet the revenue
demands. 143
Muhammad Saqi Musta-id-Khan in Masir-e-Alamgiri says that in April
1669 A.D., the Director of the Faith issued orders to all the governors of
provinces to destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of
infidels, and they were strictly enjoined to put a stop to the teaching and
practising of idolatrous forms of worship. 144 In May 1669 A.D., Gokal, a
Jat of Tilpat, near Mathura, revolted. Aurangzeb sent a strong force
against him. Gokal was captured and cut to pieces. His women folk were
given away to Muslims. Five thousand jats were killed and 7000 were
taken prisoners. 145 In January 1670 A.D., the biggest temple of Keshav
Rae at Mathura was destroyed and the city was named Islamabad. 146 The
temple was built by Raja Narsing Deo at a cost of thirty-three lakhs of
rupees. Its guilded domes were so high that they could be seen from
Agra, 54 km. away. Syed Muhammad Latif, says: "The richly decorated
idols of the temples were removed to Agra and placed beneath the steps
leading to the mosque of Nawab Begam." 147 The destruction of Hindu
44
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
places of worship was one of the chief duties of the Muhtasibs or
Censors of Morals who were appointed in all the sub-divisions and cities
of the Empire. 148 About three hundred temples in various parts of
Rajasthan were destroyed and their idols broken. 149
The Emperor appointed Mullas, with a party of horses to each, to
check all ostentatious display of idol worship, and some time afterwards,
he forbade fairs on Hindu festivals, and issued a circular to all governors
and men in authority prohibiting employment of Hindus in the offices of
state immediately under them, and commanding them to offer all such
offices to Muhammedans only. All servants of the state were ordered to
embrace the Muhammedan religion under pain of dismissal. A large
number of jogis, sannyasis and other religious men were driven out of the
King's dominion. He reimposed jizia or poll-tax 150 on Hindus throughout
his dominions. 151 Goods belonging to Hindu merchants were subjected
to custom duty twice as heavy as demanded from Muhammedan traders.
"The Sikhs, who were also infidels, could not expect a better
treatment than the Hindus, and we are told that "Aurangzeb ordered the
temples of the Sikhs to be destroyed and Guru's agents, masands, for
collecting tithes and presents of the faithful, to be expelled from the
cities." 152 By his wanton persecution and his deliberate suppression of
the religions of the infidels, Aurangzeb raised a whirlwind throughout
the empire and the Sikhs could not remain unaffected." 153
It was in the reign of this monarch that Guru Tegh Bahadur had to
carry on his work of preparing the people to free themselves from
oppression and bondage and developing in them a longing and an urge
to assert their rights as human beings. He went on extensive tours
throughout India for preaching his faith and ideals. By virtue of his
personal qualities and activities, he came to be known and respected far
and wide. He was known throughout upper India, was highly revered
by Rajput princes, and was actually worshipped by the peasantry of the
Punjab, and was generally looked upon as a champion of the Hindus. 154
Aurangzeb's religious policy, which aimed at the establishment of an
orthodox Sunni state, had now raised a .storm affecting every part of the
country. It was idle to expect that a man of the position and eminence of
Guru Tegh Bahadur could remain unaffected. 155 As a matter of fact, his
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
45
personal influence and popular propaganda formed a great obstacle in
the way of Aurangzeb's proselytising campaign. Consequently, he
decided to put an end to the Guru's life and activities. He did that
without any compunction or delay.
Guru Tegh Bahadur used to spend his time in peaceful pursuits and
charitable work. By the time he became the Guru, Sikh society had
developed as a militant organisation and the people were exhorted not
to tolerate tyranny, oppression and injustice from any political ruler.
Aurangzeb had started considering Tegh Bahadur as more of a political
enemy than as the leader of a religious sect. From the sixth Guru
onwards the entire outlook of the Sikhs had changed — They must defend
themselves against political aggression with their own power and
should not look to any supernatural power for this. Permitting a tyrant
to commit atrocities is a sin. Force can be met only by force. The ninth
Guru, Tegh Bahadur, provided opportunity to develop the Sikh society
further on the lines laid down by the previous Gurus. Tegh Bahadur had
been given full training as a soldier and a military leader and he had
even fought a battle under his father against the Mughals at a young age
of fourteen.
Guru Tegh Bahadur had undertaken long preaching tours, enlisting
many new converts to the Sikh faith. While such activities of the non-
Muslims could be tolerated under benign rulers such as Akbar, they
could hardly be put up with under the religious fanatics as Aurangzeb
was. Ram Rae had already been in Delhi adding fuel to the fire. A
distorted picture of the Guru's character was presented at the Emperor's
court. For Aurangzeb there was no distinction between politics and
religion, and one of the essential parts of the Emperor's state-policy
being the conversion of the entire mass of the Hindus to his faith, the
religious activities of the Guru were viewed from a different angle. This
may also perhaps explain why the Muslim writers have tried to give a
political colour to the Guru's religious activities, which by then had been
declared to be dangerous for public peace.
Aurangzeb issued proclamations throughout the empire that the
Hindus should embrace Islam, and that those who did so should receive
jagirs, state services and all the immunities granted to royal favourites.
The Emperor took the advice of his priests and all the plans suggested
by them were adopted. The experiment of mass conversion was first
tried in Kashmir. Macauliffe writes: "There were two reasons for this. In
46
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
the first place, the Kashmiri Pandits were supposed to be educated and
it was thought that, if they were converted, the inhabitant of Hindustan
would readily follow their example; secondly, Peshawar and Kabul,
Muhammedan countries were near and if the Kashmiris offered any
resistance to their conversion, the Muhammedans might declare a
religious war and overpower and destroy them." 156 Nawab Iftikhar
Khan 157 was appointed Governor of Kashmir in 1671 A.D. He was
chosen by Aurangzeb to convert Pandits to Islam so that the common
people might follow their example. His proselytizing activities terrified
the Pandits. They were in search of a guide to help them. The Pandits'
very existence was at stake. In the Punjab, Guru Hargobind alone in 600
years of Muslim rule, had provided military leadership to Hindus and
Sikhs for the first time. The Pandits thought of waiting upon his son
Guru Tegh Bahadur. A fifteen-man deputation of Kashmiri Pandits under
Kirpa Ram Dat of Matan arrived at Anandpur on May 25, 1675 A.D.
The Guru's heart melted at their tale of woe. He became uneasy and
restless at the sad plight of innocent people. At this time 8%-year old
Gobind Rai appeared there. He innocently asked the cause of sadness of
the Guru and the visitors. The Guru replied that the nation required a
holy man to sacrifice his life. The child thoughtlessly remarked that there
could be no holier person than the Guru himself. It was enough, the
Guru took the child's observation as God's word. His resolve was made.
He informed the Pandits that they should tell the Governor to convert
Tegh Bahadur first and they would follow his example.
The Pandits went back and told the Governor who conveyed it to
Aurangzeb at Hasan Abdal, situated close to the border of Kashmir. The
Emperor's mind was already prejudiced against Tegh Bahadur. He hated
the expression Sachcha Padshah used by the Sikhs for the Guru. 158 It
implied that the Guru was a true king and the Emperor was a false king.
He also detested the word Bahadur in the Guru's name as this term was
reserved for nobility of the Mughal court only. The report about Guru's
activities in the sis-Satluj region had exasperated him. Aurangzeb,
however, was most deeply offended by the Guru's support to Kashmiri
Pandits. The only punishment for such people was conversion or death.
He knew no other course. He issued a firman to the Governor of Lahore
to arrest the Guru and keep him in prison until he was called to Delhi.
The Governor of Lahore passed on a copy of the imperial firman to
Abdul Aziz Dilawar Khan, Faujdar of Sarhind, with instructions to
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
47
execute the orders in such a way as not to arouse any serious alarm in
the region, and to treat it as most confidential. The Faujdar instructed
Nur Mohammad Khan Mirza, the Kotwal of Rupar, in whose jurisdiction
Anandpur was situated, to arrest the Guru quietly and immediately send
him to Sarhind. 159
Muhammad Ahsan Ijad 160 says that the order was kept secret for
some time. Obviously the Kotwal was waiting for a suitable opportunity.
He did not like to carry out the orders at Anandpur, where a large
number of Sikhs were always present. But he had employed scouts to
inform him of the Guru's daily activities and programme. It was
reported to him that the Guru had decided to go on a tour about the
middle of July 1675 A.D.
The Kotwal made preparations to do this job. A posse of police had
been called from Sarhind to Rupar. A number of Ranghars from
neighbourhood were kept ready for an emergency. The Guru
accompanied by three devoted Sikhs, Mati Das, Sati Das and Dyal Das,
left Anandpur on July 11, 1675 A.D. After covering about forty km. the
Guru halted for the night at a Muslim village, Malakpur Rangharan,
Pargana Ghanaula, near Rupar, and put up with his disciple named
Nagahia. At about 3 o'clock next morning on July 12, the Guru and his
three companions were taken prisoner and were hurriedly whisked
away to Sarhind. 161 The Guru and his party reached Sarhind under a
strong guard. They were kept in prison at Basi Pathanan, and were
treated as criminals. They remained there for a little less than four
months. 162
The long period of Guru's imprisonment of nearly four months at
Sarhind was necessitated by the fact that Aurangzeb was busy at Hasan
Abdal and he wanted to come to Delhi and personally coerce the Guru
to embrace Islam. He seems to have reached Delhi before the beginning
of Ramzan, the fasting month of Musalmans, which commenced on
November 9, 1675, A.D. On his arrival at Delhi, the Guru's presence was
demanded at the capital. The faujdar put the Guru in an Iron cage and
fastened it on the back of an elephant. His companions were fettered and
handcuffed and were carried in a bullock cart to Delhi. They were
strongly guarded under the personal supervision of the faujdar of
Sarhind. They reached Delhi on November 5, 1675 A.D. They were kept
in the Kotwali jail. 163
48
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Aurangzeb had many religious disputations with Tegh Bahadur and
asked him to show miracles, if he was a true Guru, or to embrace
Islam. 164 The Guru replied that showing a miracle was to interfere in the
work of God which was wholly improper. As for embracing Islam, he
considered his own religion as good as Islam and, therefore, the change
of religion was not necessary. The Emperor ordered that the Guru be put
to the severest torture. After five days' persecution, on November 10, the
most heinous and most horrible scene was enacted before the very eyes
of the Guru who was kept in the iron cage. Aurangzeb thought that the
sight of such ghastly deeds might force the Guru to change his mind for
embracing Islam.
Mati Das, Sati Das and Dyal Das as well as the Guru were brought
to the open space in front of the Kotwali where now stood a fountain.
First of all Bhai Mati Das was asked to become a Musalman. He replied
that Sikhism was true and Islam was false. If God had favoured Islam,
He would have created all men circumcised. He was at once tied
between two posts and while standing erect, was sawn across from head
to loins. He faced the savage operation with such composure,
tranquillity and fortitude that the Sikh theologians included his name in
the daily prayer (Ardas) of the community. Dyal Das abused the Emperor
and his courtiers for this atrocious act. He was tied up like a bundle with
an iron chain and was put into a huge cauldron of boiling water. Sati Das
condemned the brutalities. He was hacked to pieces limb by limb. Jaita,
a Rangreta Sikh of Delhi, was also present disguised as sweeper with a
broom and a basket in his hands. He collected the remains of these
martyrs and consigned them to the river Yamuna flowing at a stone's
throw.
Guru Tegh Bahadur saw everything happening before his eyes. He
remained stonelike unruffled and undismayed. He was all the time
repeating the name of God. He knew his turn was coming next. His
energy, thoughts, ideas, feelings and emotions had concentrated on God
and a dazzling divine light was beating upon his face. He remained, as
usual, peaceful and realized that such immortal sacrifices could not go in
vain. Their name would live for ever. After all this, the Guru was asked
either to embrace Islam or show a miracle or face death. He offered to
show a miracle the following day. On November 11, 1675, at 11 o'clock
in the morning was the time fixed for the Guru's performance. Keeping
in mind his promise to the Kashmiri Pandits, the Guru continually
chanted the following hymn:
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
49
Bahen Jinahn di pakariye
Sar dije bahen na chhoriye
Tegh Bahadur bolya
Dhar payae dharma na chhoriye 165
Next morning the Guru got up early. He bathed and sat in
meditation. He recited the Japji and Sukhmani. He reflected upon the
supreme sacrifice of his grandfather, Guru Arjan, the duties of the office
of guruship and on his own responsibility at this crisis. His resolve was
made. He uttered the following hymn of his own:
Ram gio ravan gio, Jaka bahu parivar
Kahu Nanak kish thir nahin, Sapne jio Sansar. 166
A little before 11 o'clock Guru Tegh Bahadur was brought to the open
place of execution in Chandni Chowk, where now stands Gurudwara
Sis Ganj. The Qazi, several high officials and the executioner, Sayyid
Jalal-ud-din of Samana with a shining broad sword in hand, were
already there. A contingent of Mughal soldiers stood on guard. A large
crowd of spectators had gathered outside the barricade. The Guru stood
in front. The Qazi asked him either to show a miracle, or embrace Islam,
or face death. Syed Muhammad Latif says that the Guru expressed his
readiness to show a miracle in proof of the alleged divinity of his
mission. He wrote on a piece of paper which he said was charmed and
then having tied it round his neck declared that the sword would fall
harmless on it by the effect of the charm which was written upon it. The
executioner was then summoned to test the miraculous charm. The blow
was given and the head of the Guru rolled on the floor to the amazement
of all present there. The paper was then read and it contained these
words, "Sar dia, Sirar na dia", meaning that he had given his head but
not his resolve. 167
After the execution, Guru's head and body were placed on the back
of an elephant and paraded in the streets and bazaars of Delhi. They
were kept at the Kotwali in Chandni Chowk after demonstration.
Aurangzeb then ordered that parts of his body be amputated and hung
about the city. 168 Nanu and Jaita, resident of Dilwali Gali in the city, held
a meeting in the house of Nanu. They were joined by Uda, a resident of
Ladwa in Karnal district, who was staying with Nanu. They resolved
that such a thing should not be allowed to happen. It was suggested that
Lakhi Lubana was shortly to arrive with a few cartloads of cotton from
Narnaul. He was a Sikh and his guidance should be sought. They waited
50
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
for Lakhi on the road a few kilometres away from the city. They
informed him about the whole affair. It was decided that the carts should
be diverted from the side of the Red Fort to Chandni Chowk about
midnight. On November 11, it was Thursday and the fifth day of the
moonlight. It meant the moon would set by 8 o'clock and afterwards
there would be pitchdark. Near Kotwali the speed of the carts would be
slowed down without stopping them. The head and body lay at the gate.
The watchmen wrapped in quilts were inside. Jaita slipped out quietly,
picked up the head and fled away towards Subzi Mandi. He tied the
head in a sheet, fastened it on his back and covered his body in an old
dirty blanket. He made straight for Azadpur on the road to Sonepat.
Nanu and Uda served as his escorts. One walked ahead and the other
behind within sight of Jaita. They followed the paths through fields and
bushes. From Karnal they took the Pathway to Pehowa, Ismailabad and
Ambala. They reached Kiratpur in the afternoon of Tuesday, November
16, 1675 A.D. Guru Gobind Rai was immediately informed at Anandpur,
at a distance of 8 km. He at once came to Kiratpur and accorded a
ceremonial reception to his father's head. He held Jaita in a tight
embrace declaring 'Rangrete Guru ke bete'. The Guru bestowed the same
affection and honour on Nanu and Uda. 169
Gobind Rai performed the ceremonial cremation of the head on
November 17 at a place where now stands Gurudwara Sis Ganj
[Anandpur Sahib]. After the creation of the Khalsa, Jaita was baptized by
Guru Gobind Singh and was named Jiwan Singh. He was killed in the
battle of Chamkaur in 1704 A.D. 170 Lakhi's son and a servant lifted the
body, hid it in cotton and rushed off to Raisina and to their home in
Rakabganj village inhabited by Bagaris whose profession was to make
stirrups of saddles, in great demand in those days. He put the body at
a suitable place and piled all the wood, wooden articles, clothes, ghee
available in the house, heaped up cotton on it and then set fire to the
house to avoid detection. 171
In the morning the entire staff at Kotwali was horrified at the
disappearance of Guru's head and body. The police was immediately put
on the alert, and a thorough search was made everywhere. Some
horsemen rushed along the road to Sonepat, making enquiries from
passers by. Another posse of policemen hurried to Rakabganj. They
found Lakhi's house reduced to ashes .and inmates bewailing and crying.
After two days the Guru's ashes were collected. They were put in a
bronze pot, and buried underground, at that very spot, Gurudwara
Rakabganj marks this site. 172
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
51
The martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur is a great landmark in Sikh
history. "His execution," says G.C. Narang, "was universally regarded by
the Hindus as a sacrifice for their faith. The whole Punjab began to burn
with indignation and revenge. The sturdy jats of Majha and Malwa only
wanted a leader under whose banner they could fight and avenge the
insult done to their religion. This leader they found in the youthful
Gobind." 173 The Sikhs and their leader, the youthful Gobind, finally
decided to carry the policy and programme of Guru Hargobind to its
logical conclusion, i.e., to convert the peaceful sect of devotees into a
well-disciplined and well-organised military order.
The Hindus, Sikhs and Sufi Muslims in the Punjab were deeply
shocked at the execution of the Guru and his three brave companions.
They were filled with indignation. A Sikh even made an attempt on
Aurangzeb's life. On Friday, October 27, 1676, the Emperor returned from
Jama Masjid. He went for an airing in a boat in river Yamuna. When he
alighted the boat and was about to get on the movable throne (takht-e-
rawan) "an ill-fated disciple of Guru Tegh Bahadur" threw two bricks at
the Emperor, one of which hit the throne. 174
Guru Tegh Bahadur's execution turned the tide of history of the
Sikhs. His son and successor Guru Gobind Singh, reflected on the history
of India as well as on the history of the Sikhs. Guru Nanak had described
the rulers of his time as tigers and dogs. His great-grandfather, the fifth
Guru, Arjan, was executed at Lahore. His grandfather, the sixth Guru,
Hargobind, had been imprisoned in the Gwalior fort for some time. His
father was beheaded simply because he happened to be the head of a
religious body. There had been no change in the attitude of rulers as
described by Guru Nanak even after two hundred years. After a most
determined meditation on this state of affairs, the Guru came to the
conclusion that if the king was bad, people must rise in revolt and follow
the example of Shivaji (1628-1680 A.D.). The greatest need of the time
was to create a national army. Such an army was to be based on social
justice. There should be no discrimination in the name of caste, creed or
colour. The unpaid, unequipped and untrained army was to be inspired
with the feelings of patriotism and nationalism. He knew that human
mind with such inspiration was capable of rising to the loftiest heights
and under proper guidance could work wonders. This objective was
achieved by his creation of the Khalsa. Under the direction of the Guru,
the Khalsa took up the profession of arms. Trie down-trodden who had
lived for centuries under complete servility turned into doughty
warriors. In the course of one hundred years they not only ended the
52
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
foreign rule but also put a stop forever to the foreign invasions from the
north-west.
Dr. Gokul Chand Narang says that in his death, Guru Tegh Bahadur
surpassed anything that he had done during his life time. He was known
throughout northern India, was highly revered by Rajput princes and
was actually worshipped by the peasantry of the Punjab. He was
generally looked upon as a champion of the Hindus. Moreover, as a
result of this sacrifice, the Hindu religion was saved. Latif writes: "When
the courtiers, tinged with superstition, saw what had occurred, they
were struck with horror and surprise. The Emperor himself was
disgusted and displeased, and ordered the crowd to be dispersed." 175 He
was convinced that it was no more possible to convert the entire mass of
Hindus into Islam.
Guru Gobind Singh wrote in his Bichitra Natak thus:
He protected the frontal marks and sacrificial thread of the
Hindus.
And displayed great bravery in this kal age.
When he put an end to his life for the sake of holy men
He gave his head, but uttered not a groan
Having broken his potsherd on the head of the king of Delhi
he departed to paradise
No one else coming into the world acted like Teg Bahadur.
The world was in mourning at the demise of Teg Bahadur,
There was weeping for him in the whole world,
but rejoicing in paradise. 176
With the tragic death of such a saintly figure as Guru Tegh Bahadur,
all the Hindus of the Punjab were stirred to their very depth and they
took a vow not to submit to the tyranny of the Mughals and fight them
to the last to save their honour and religion. Thus, a great storm broke
out in the Punjab after the death of the martyr Guru and this storm blew
off the empire of Aurangzeb, as if it were a dead leaf lying on the road.
The execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur, according to Gordon, sowed
dragon-teeth in Delhi, which soon brought its harvest. 177 Besides, the
sacrifice was bound to have a far-reaching effect on the character of the
Sikhs. Just as after the martyrdom of Guru Arjan, Guru Hargobind had
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
53
to have a resort to sword and army, after the martyrdom of Guru Tegh
Bahadur, his successor Guru Gobind Singh had to appeal to arms, but
this time resulting into consequences simply unique. After the Guru had
been executed, not a Sikh in Delhi dared to come forward and take away
his body for cremation, because of the fear of arrest and similar
treatment. Only under the cover of late stormy night Bhai Jaita, a Sikh of
low caste, removed the Guru's head which was taken away to Anandpur
by him, and a Lubana, Lakhi Shah, removed the Guru's body for
cremation. It was an eye-opener, indeed, to Guru Gobind Singh who is
said to have taken a decision forthwith to give to his Sikhs such shape
and form as would help none of them henceforth to conceal himself and
yet call himself a Sikh only when the circumstances favoured it. It was
as a result of this resolve that the militant Khalsa took birth, with five of
their own symbols to distinguish them from the rest of the humanity.
It was as a result of this martyrdom that Guru Gobind Singh started
maintaining a huge army once again and fought battles with the tyrants.
The reaction continued in the shape of Banda Bahadur's valiant marches
against the corrupt Muslim rulers in the Punjab. It continued later in the
rise of different Sikh Misils and then ended ultimately in Ranjit Singh's
raising a Sikh standard of monarchy and in the consolidation of the Sikhs
into a distinct nation itself.
GURU GOBIND SINGH AND AURANGZEB
(1675 A.D.— 1707 A.D.)
Guru Gobind Singh was only nine years old when his father was
tortured and executed by the bigoted Emperor, Aurangzeb. His first
thought, naturally was to avenge his father's tragic death. However, it
was not yet possible for Guru Gobind to organise active resistance
against the Mughal tyrant. First, he himself was a boy, and so felt a
natural handicap in leading his men and declaring an open war against
one of the great empires of the world of those times. Secondly, his
brethren, the Hindus, on account of centuries of alien rule and the caste
or class prejudices, had become so weak and submissive that they would
not take up arms to fight the alien tyranny. Thirdly, his followers, the
Sikhs, too, had been so much overawed by the oppressive bigotry of
Aurangzeb that at the time of the martyrdom of his father, most of them
had left him and fled to the place of safety in the hills. Besides, there
were a number of sub-sects among the Sikhs, mostly comprising the
descendants of the previous Gurus whose claims to the Guru had been
superseded; and these sub-sects were looking forward to an opportunity
54
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
to overthrow the child Guru and usurp all powers in their hands. The
important groups among them were Minas, Dhirmalias and Ram Raeyyas.
The Guru was a mere boy but the problems he was called upon to
face were enormous. The policy of comparative peace which his
immediate predecessors had followed, had brought about simply
catastrophic results. The strong proselytizing attitude of the state
exhibited during the early years of Aurangzeb's reign had slackened to
certain extent, temples still continued to be razed to the ground and the
sacred threads of the Hindus continued to be broken. And the tragedy is
that "although the masses of the Hindus were bitter against the galling
yoke of tyranny, the so-called natural leaders of the people were most
officially loyal to the throne and most bitterly hostile to all progressive
movements". 178 The petty hill states which were supposed to be the
strongholds of the Hindus, were most averse to any change in their age-
old practices and to the recognition of the exigencies of the time. They
were loyal to the Mughals, looked upon the lower classes with disdain,
and were first class idolaters; while these were precisely the things to
which the Sikh Gurus were most opposed. The Hill Rajas such as Bhim
Chand and Hari Chand are said to have threatened even Guru Tegh
Bahadur for his beliefs. A great number of the followers of the Sikh faith
were Jats who were looked down upon by these chiefs and, therefore, the
Gurus were supposed to be the leaders of only low caste Hindus and
hence to be despised. Punjab being the first to come under the Muslim
yoke, here the Muslim population was proportionately larger than in any
other part of the country and, therefore, less easy to contend with. The
Governors of the Punjab were to a certain extent free from Delhi, more
fanatic and, therefore, less likely to put up with the movements such as
the Sikhism was. They, on the other hand, are said to have incited the
Hill Rajas against the Guru, telling them that the successors of Guru
Nanak had fallen from the essential philosophy preached by him, and
degenerated into aspirants of political power.
Besides, the Sikh organisation itself had by now fallen into the hands
of loose-thinking self-seekers. Guru Har Rai had died in the prime of his
youth. Guru Har Krishan was a mere child to think seriously of bringing
the house to order. Guru Tegh Bahadur was too old and too much
preoccupied in other things to plan seriously a renovation of the entire
system. The masands had gone corrupt and began to feel themselves
powerful enough to make or unmake a Guru. They used to boast that the
Guru was of their own making, and if they did not serve him, no one
would even look at him. They practised oppression in every form; they
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
55
embezzled offerings made to the Guru and committed many other
enormities.
Majority of the Guru's followers were poor and, therefore, offered
not very good source of steady income. The Sikh army organised by
Guru Hargobind had been dispersed and his victories in the battlefield
now went rather against Guru Gobind Singh in the Mughal court. As a
result of the policy of peace followed by the successors of Guru
Hargobind, the Sikhs were falling behind in the military practices and it
was a problem to reorganise them to the martial tune.
But, despite these difficulties, the Guru was determined to take steps
to avenge his father's death and also to inspire his countrymen to rise
and resist the tyranny of the Mughals. Thus, there were two powerful
impulses which made him an irreconcilable foe of the Mughals. One, the
impulse of avenging his own wrongs, i.e., his father's unjust execution
and the other, to avenge his country's wrongs. With this clear-cut goal
before him, he resolved upon awakening his followers to a new life, and
finally decided that his Sikhs or devotees should also be taught to wield
the sword to defend themselves, their religion, and their country.
Thus Gobind Singh was not destined to have peace in his life time.
He was born in conflict. He was brought up in conflict. He lived in
conflict and he died in conflict. This conflict was not of his own making.
It was an age of conflict. Conflict was thrust upon him by the force of
circumstances, and he had full measure of it. It was a holy conflict. He
aimed at regenerating a decaying people. He endeavoured to create a
new nation. He planned to lay the foundation of a new society based
upon justice and freedom of conscience. He designed to promulgate the
principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. 179
At the age of nine Gobind Singh experienced his father's sacrifice in
the cause of religious freedom. Between the age of nine and thirty-nine,
in thirty years, he had to fight as many as twenty battles, nine before the
creation of the Khalsa and eleven afterwards. He had enemies all around.
He had little resources in men, money and material. Within a week in
December 1705, A.D., he laid at the altar his mother and all four of his
sons. Besides, thousands of his devoted followers were launched into
eternity. Eventually at the young age of forty-two he shuffled off this
mortal coil in the cause of freedom and in the service of humanity. Can
there be a greater and nobler sacrifice than this? The legacy left behind
by him was that of sacrifice, service, self-support and self-respect. Bulleh
56
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Shah, a celebrated Sufi Muslim saint of Punjab was a contemporary of
Guru Gobind Singh. He pays a glowing tribute to the Guru thus: I
neither say of the past, nor do I speak of the future; but I talk of the time
of Guru Gobind Singh and declare openly that but for him all the
Hindus could have been converted to a foreign culture and religion. 180
There, however, also existed some factors which went in his favour.
The movement which had been founded by Baba Nanak, had by this
time developed into the creation of a separate sect with its own language
and scripture, with its separate beliefs and practices and separate centres
of pilgrimage and sources of spiritual and cultural enlightenment. This
new sect also had developed, by the time of the tenth Guru, a sufficiently
strong tradition of valour and sacrifice. And for the Guru, such a past
"was not a mean asset in the glorious career upon which he was about
to enter". 181
The policy of non-violence had failed. After violence in the time of
Guru Hargobind, non-violence had been tried fully in the time of his
successors again. The sacrifice of Guru Tegh Bahadur itself promised no
lasting escape from theocratic tyranny. The silent sufferings and the
sacrifice of the ninth Guru had changed the atmosphere. It had shaken
some Hindu thinking minds from their age-old slumber and they were
now willing to be organised for the protection of their honour and self-
respect. Among the Muslims themselves now a sort of definite division
seemed to have been created. Many remained fanatic with their
proselytizing zeal, specially so among the ruling classes; but among the
general mass of the people a process of re-examining the persecuting
behaviour had commenced.
Aurangzeb, too, was at this time busy in Deccan and had "left the
Punjab free for any enterprising spirit to mature plans". 182 In the south
Shivaji had succeeded and had crowned himself as a king at Raigarh in
1674 A.D. Jats near Delhi, though once beaten by the imperial forces,
were continuing their resistance. The tribesmen in the north-west
frontiers were raising their head and threatening peace in the adjoining
territories. There were disorderly elements in Bengal and pirates along
the Bengal coast had been keeping the Bengal Governor, Shayista Khan,
busy since long. About a hundred miles south-west of Delhi, the
Satnamis were organising themselves to make the Mughal life difficult:
the Mughals were in fact on a waning \glory.
Nor had the destructive religious zeal exhibited by Aurangzeb been
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
57
applauded by all the sections of the Muslim society abroad. The religious
policy followed by Aurangzeb in India was considered anti-Islamic by
the Khalifa at Mecca who refused to receive an ambassador from the
Emperor. Shah Abbas of Iran hated the religious policy of Aurangzeb
likewise. And in India, too, there were not a few well-meaning Muslims
who considered him to be a misled compatriot. Some Muslims such as
Pir Budhu Shah openly sided with the Guru and gave him every
assistance, material as well as physical, in the realisation of his aim. And
not a few of the Muslims enlisted themselves in the Guru's army to fight
for his cause.
The Mughal army itself were getting demoralised. Its soldiers, ill-
paid mercenaries, had lost their old zeal and strength, and many had
deserted it in the thick of the troubles. Quite a few of them later offered
themselves to fight for the Guru. Such was the state of things when Guru
Tegh Bahadur broke his potsherd on the head of Aurangzeb in Delhi,
and when Gobind Rai became a young Guru. The best recruits to the
Sikh faith were the Jats of Majha and Malwa. Their character was
martial, and they were great lovers of freedom. The greatest testimony to
the constructive genius of the Guru would be only if he could seize what
was vital in the situation and, as Cunningham writes, relume it with
Promethean fire. 183 The Sikhs gave the Guru the ideal, the material, and
combining the two, the Guru actually forged, a dynamic force, which
none could henceforward ignore/' 184
Indubhushan Banerjee divides the career of Guru Gobind from the
period of his installation on the Gaddi to his death into two distinct
periods:
1. The pre-Khalsa period which extended from 1675 to 1699 A.D.;
and
2. The post-Khalsa period from 1699 A.D. till his death which
occurred in 1708 A.D.
FIRST PERIOD (1675 A.D.— 1699 A.D.)
Conflict with Kahlur
Anandpur was situated in the state of Kahlur, later called Bilaspur.
Bhim Chand (1667-1712 A.D.) was its ruler. There were several causes of
friction between the Raja and the Guru. Bhim Chand did not like the
large Sikh gatherings and their warlike activities in the vicinity of his
58
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
capital. His headquarters at Kot Kahlur stood fifteen kilometres from
Anandpur on the Naina Devi rangs at the north-western end.
A huge kettle-drum called Ranjit Nagara was installed at the gate of
Gobind's residence. It was beaten regularly every morning and evening
as a symbol of sovereignty and it echoed for miles around. The Raja
objected to this practice. He declared that it was the privilege of the ruler
alone. The young Guru paid no heed to his protest. 185
Meanwhile, a prince of Assam, Raja Rattan Rai, whose parents had
met Guru Tegh Bahadur and had sought his blessings for the birth of a
son, came to Anandpur in fulfilment of his father's vow. He presented
Gobind a baby-elephant, named Prasadi. The young elephant had been
trained to perform various acts of service and devotion. He held a jug of
water, washed the Guru's feet and then dried them with a towel. He
wiped the Guru's shoes and arranged them properly for him to put on.
He fetched an arrow discharged by Guru Gobind. He waved peacock
feathers in a knot over the Guru. At night he held two lighted torches
and showed the way to Guru Gobind. It was black as a coal, had a
beautiful white stripe stretching from the tip of his trunk, along the
forehead and back right up to the tip of its tail. Its fame spread far and
wide and many people came to see it. 186 The possession of an elephant
was another symbol of sovereignty and it considerably enhanced Guru
Gobind's prestige.
Other costly presents or offerings to the Guru from Raja Ratan Rai
were five horses with golden trappings, a weapon out of which five sorts
of arms could be made, first a pistol, then by pressing a batton a sword,
then a lance, then a dagger and finally a club. A throne from which, by
pressing a button, puppets emerged and played chauper and, a drinking
cup of great value and several costly and beautiful jewels and raiment. 187
About the same time a Sikh from Kabul named Duni Chand brought
as his offering a costly tent to be used by Guru Gobind for holding a
durbar. It was made of the finest silk fabrics having numerous pictures
woven on it in threads of gold and strings of pearls hanging all around.
The flooring was covered with lovely Persian carpets.
All this touched the pride of Bhim Chand. He could not tolerate a
sovereign state springing up within his state. Besides, the Mughal
Governors of Sarhind, Lahore, and lammu, incited the Raja of Kahlur to
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
59
nip the rising power of Gobind in the bud. They also frightened him of
the wrath of the Emperor if the Guru was allowed to gain power. 188
First Battle of Anandpur (1682 A.D.)
Bhim Chand decided to assert his authority over the Guru. He
demanded the elephant and the tent on loan for a few days on the
occasion of the betrothal of his son. His real intention was never to
return them back. Guru Gobind knew it and put off the Raja's agent on
the plea that the donors had forbidden their lending to anyone else.
Bhim chand led an expedition against Anandpur, but he was beaten off.
This took place in 1682 A.D. when Guru Gobind was hardly sixteen
years of age. 189
Second Battle of Anandpur (1685 A.D.)
Relations between Guru Gobind and Bhim Chand of Kahlur
remained tense. Skirmishes frequently occurred between the two parties.
Intrigues were going on to uproot the Guru from Anandpur and break
his power. Bhim Chand formed an alliance with the Rajas of Kangra and
Guler. The allies attacked Anandpur in the beginning of 1685 A.D. but
were repulsed. 190
Raja Medni Prakash was quite friendly with the Guru. Cordial
relations had existed between the Gurus and rulers of Sirmaur state since
the time of Guru Har Rai who had lived at Nahan for twelve years. Raja
Medni Prakash (1684 A.D. to 1704 A.D.) knew of the feud existing
between Anandpur and Kahlur. He invited the Guru to settle down in
his state. The Guru was unwilling to leave Anandpur, but he was
persuaded by his mother to accept the invitation because a couple of
skirmishes had already taken place between the Raja and the Guru and
a big battle was expected at any time. The Guru's mother and maternal
uncle, Kripal Chand, wanted to avoid it.
The Guru was duly greeted by Raja Medni Prakash and here again
the Guru busied himself with hunting and other such activities. It is said
that once when the Raja went with the Guru on a hunting excursion, he
told him that Fateh Shah had often quarrelled with him on the ground
where they stood and requested the Guru to build there a fort for the
protection of the state. The Guru accepted'the proposal, the foundations
of the fort were duly laid and in due time the fort was ready, which was
named Paunta. The Guru stayed there and continued to strengthen his
60
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
army and enlist Muhammedans as well as the Hindus who presented
themselves for his service.
At Paunta, the young Gobind began to think about the sins and
sufferings of his countrymen. He felt that they were the victims of two
types of tyranny. First, the political tyranny of the alien rulers who
would not grant them even the elementary rights of citizenship —
freedom of religion and security of life, honour and prosperity. Secondly,
the centuries old religious tyranny of the priestly class, the Brahmins
who, through a religion of empty rituals, had been exploiting the
ignorant and superstitious Hindus to their advantage. A writer has
rightly observed: "The political tyranny was discriminate and occasional,
but the religious tyranny was indiscriminate and continuous, being
practised every day in kitchen, at village wells, in temples, and hundreds
of other places of mutual resort." 191 The Guru, therefore, decided to give
a bold and determined fight to both the religious and the political
tyranny. As a first step to achieve this, he tried to acquaint and equip
himself with every branch of knowledge. He went through the Ramayana
and the Mahabharata and gained a good deal of knowledge from the
incidents and stories of those great epics. He even got translated some of
the portions of these great works into Hindi and Gurmukhi in order to
foster a new spirit of self-reliance among his followers and thus "to steel
their hearts against injustice and tyranny". In this great literary
programme, the Guru was assisted by as many as fifty-two poets of great
eminence. It was in the course of these literary pursuits that Guru
Gobind Singh had "developed a style which, for martial cadence, variety
of forms and richness of imagination, has remained unsurpassed since
his times".
Besides awakening his men through literature, Guru Gobind Singh
began to exhort them to pay proper attention to their bodies. They were
asked to take active interest in all kinds of sports and it is said that he
began to train them in riding, archery and sword-play. He also enlisted
some Pathan mercenaries in his army to increase his strength and also to
give his followers further training in the methods of warfare. Arms,
horses and money were pouring in from all sides. One Sikh presented
one hundred horses which he had purchased in Kashmir. 192 Youngmen
of dash and daring were retained in attendance. Five Pathan Sardars of
village Damala in Tahsil Jagadhri of Ambala district, not far from Paunta,
were out of job. Their names were Kale' Khan, Najabat Khan, Bhikhan
Khan, Hayat Khan and Umar Khan. They were great warriors. Five
hundred Pathan soldiers were with them. All of them were disciples of
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
61
Pir Budhu Shah of Sadhaura. 193 They were in search of employment. The
Pir took them to the Guru. On the recommendation of the Pir, the Guru
took them in his service. Each Sardar was paid Rs. 5 daily and each
soldier one rupee. 194 They trained Sikh soldiers.
The Battle of Bhangani (April 16, 1689 A.D.) 195
These warlike activities alarmed the hill Rajas. They were frightened
of the growing power and popularity of Guru Gobind. The over-
whelming number of his low-caste followers was a threat to their deep
rooted caste prejudices. Further, the democratic spirit among the Sikhs
were opposed to the feudal system and divine right of rulers in the area.
The taking as wives of pretty hill girls by Sikhs and Pathans was highly
objectionable to them. They also felt that the Guru was trying to establish
a virtual principality amid mountain fastnesses to serve as the base of his
operations against the Mughal government. They were also under
instruction from Delhi to crush the Guru. 196
But the immediate reason was something else. The son of Raja Bhim
Chand of Kahlur was to marry the daughter of Fateh Shah, the Raja of
Garhwal. The direct and shortest route to Srinagar from Kahlur passed
over the river Yamuna near Paunta. The marriage party accompanied by
a strong contingent of troops proceeded thither. Bhim Chand remained
in the rear as he did not like to meet the Guru. His son Ajmer Chand, the
bridegroom, with Wazir Parma Nand and the troops reached the ferry on
the Yamuna. Their passage was obstructed by the Sikhs. Parma Nand
waited on the Guru. The bridegroom's party with a small escort was
allowed to pass, while the main body was turned away. Bhim Chand
took a longer route. The Guru's earlier defiances at Anandpur coupled
with that at Paunta, invited Bhim Chand 's wrath on Guru Gobind. 197
Guru Gobind was also invited by Fateh Shah on the marriage. Guru
himself did not go to Srinagar, but he sent a present of one lakh and a
quarter through Pandit Daya Ram under escort of Diwan Nand Chand
with 200 chosen horsemen. At the time of marriage Fateh Shah's priest
announced Guru's gift for the bride. Bhim Chand was red with rage. He
declared outright rejection of Guru's present and expulsion of his men
would enable him to have the nuptial ceremony performed, otherwise he
would immediately turn back without the bride.
The situation became tense. Fateh Shah was forced to yield. The
Guru says that Raja Fateh Shah got angry with him and the battle was
62
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
thrust upon him without any reason. 198 Bhim Chand planned to plunder
the party and kill all the Sikhs. Nand Chand got the hint. He took
possession of his gifts and fled away. Bhim Chand said the Sikhs had
robbed them of both dowry presents and honour. This was an insult not
only to him but to all the Rajas present there. The Guru was an enemy
of their religion as he was opposed to idol worship. He persuaded Fateh
Shah to lead an assault on the Guru in the company of all the Rajas. The
bride and bridegroom, under a suitable escort were sent straight to
Kahlur. All others got ready for the battle. It also appears likely that the
Delhi government had incited the hill Rajas to crush the Guru. The hill
Rajas who were present there and who assented to attack the Guru were
the following: Fateh Shah of Garhwal, Bhim Chand of Bilaspur, Kripal
Chand of Kangra, Sidhsen of Mandi, Gopal Chand of Guler, Hari Chand
of Hindur, Kesari Chand Jaspal, Umed Singh of Jaswan, Dayal Chand of
Kotgarh, Karam Chand of Bharmaur, Daya Singh of Nurpur, Gurbhaj
Singh of Indaurah, Bhag Singh of Talokpur, Hari Chand of Kotiwal and
Lachhu Chand of Kotkhai. Raja Medni Prakash of Sirmaur remained
neutral, though the battle was to be fought in his territory.
On the other hand, when the Guru got the intelligence regarding
such developments, he intensified his preparations. Of the 500 Pathans
enlisted by Pir Budhu Shah in the Guru's army, 400 deserted him. Only
Kale Khan with 100 Pathans under his command remained loyal. The
400 Pathans joined the already large army of the Hill Rajas and
encouraged these chiefs by saying: "The Guru's main dependence is on
us. The rest of his army is a miscellaneous rabble who have never seen
war, and will run away when they hear the first shot fired." They joined
the Hill Rajas' army without pay with a promise that they would be
permitted to plunder the riches of the Guru. The Udasis also fled, hearing
of the approaching war. Only one of them, Mahant Kirpal Das, remained
with the Guru. Budhu Shah was immediately informed of the
misconduct of the Pathans who, to wipe away this disgrace, placed
himself, his brother, his four sons and 700 disciples at the Guru's
disposal. The Guru selected Bhangani, six miles from Paunta, as the
battlefield and marched his forces thither. The enemy crossed the
Yamuna a few kilometres above Paunta. The Guru took up his position
on a hillock. The hill troops occupied the plains below. The fighting was
tough and hard. The Guru gave a vivid description of the battle, several
skirmishes and the duels. In an engagement the Guru's horse was killed
by an arrow of Hari Chand of Hindur. Another arrow grazed his ear,
while the third penetrated the buckle of his waist belt and pricked his
body. The Guru's general and cousin Sango Shah, with his four brothers,
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
63
Jitmal, Gulab Rae, Sangat Rae and Hari Chand, all of whom were the
sons of Bibi Viro, daughter of Guru Har Gobind, fought hard. Sango
Shah killed Najabat Khan. Pir Budhu Shah's two sons and Sango Shah
were killed. On the side of the Hill Rajas, Hari Chand of Hindur was
killed by the Guru. Fateh Shah and Bhim Chand took to flight. The Udasi
saint Kirpal Das killed Hayat Khan. Rama carpenter of Chandalgarh had
prepared two guns in the hollow trunks of two imli trees (tamarindus
indicus). Their smoke and dust of the earth created darkness and
enabled Guru's men to fall upon the enemy. Mulchand, a confectioner in
Guru's camp, fought bravely. 199
In his autobiography (Bichitra Natak) the Guru has given a graphic
description of the battle. He described how he himself led his forces and
killed the two great generals of the enemies, namely, Bhikan Khan and
Hari Chand. With the death of their generals, the army of the hill chiefs
lost heart and began to retreat. This battle was fought for about nine
hours. By nightfall the enemy troops were nowhere to be seen. The
Guru's Sikhs had done a good job. They had displayed great skill in the
use of sabres, slashing, slaughtering and shooting. The bodies on both
sides were thrown into the river. The wounded were taken care of. With
the beat of drum the victorious Guru returned to Paunta. Pir Budhu Shah
was granted a robe of honour.
The victory in this battle instilled a great hope and confidence among
his followers. It convinced them that, if properly organised and trained,
they would be able to fight successfully against every type of tyranny.
The Guru thereafter decided to leave his hilly retreat of Paunta and again
returned to Kahlur where he settled at Anandpur. Besides, the tough
fight that the Guru had given at Bhangani made a deep impression upon
the Hill Rajas and they now began to regard the Guru's power with the
seriousness it deserved.
The Guru had won a great victory, yet he did not acquire an inch of
land or subdue a state, exterminate its authorities and establish a
political power. This disinterestedness of the Guru spread his fame far
and wide and people flocked around him in ever greater number. The
Guru's arms supply increased and a large number of people offered
themselves to be enrolled in the Guru's army.
The battle of Bhangani is said to be an event which set the events
rolling towards a major clash between the Guru and the Mughals. The
Mughals had thought the Guru would be destroyed in his clash with the
64
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
hill Rajas and, according to some accounts, they had encouraged these
chiefs towards that direction. But this battle convinced them that the
Guru was becoming too formidable a power. They lost their confidence
in the hill Rajas as a weapon against the Guru, and it was doubtful if
these chiefs would now occupy the same privileged position in the
Mughal eyes as before. The politics which emerged as a result of this
battle was, therefore, confused. And the hill Rajas proved to be perfectly
immature politicians, buffeted about like pebbles on the sea shore,
sometimes aligning themselves with this power and sometimes with
that. So it exposed the hollowness of the prowess of the hill Rajas. It
convinced the hill Rajas that they could not evict the Guru from
Anandpur without the support of the Mughal government. Thus, it
paved the way for Mughal-Sikh conflict.
The Battle of Nadaun (1690 A.D.)
Guru Gobind, immediately after the victory of Bhangani, left Paunta
and again shifted to the territory of Kahlur chief.- He was confident that
in case of further trials of strength by Bhim Chand he would be able to
hold his own. The Guru was in the habit of taking quick decisions and
executing them instantly.
The Guru's arrival at Anandpur did not disturb the equanimity of
the Rajas of Kangra hills. Finding Aurangzeb too heavily involved in the
Deccan, the Rajas wished to stop payment of their tribute. A coalition
was formed under the leadership of Bhim Chand. His allies were Gopal
Chand of Guler, Ram Singh of Jaswan, Prithvi Chand Dadwal, Kesari
Chand Jaswal and Sukhdev of Jasrota. Guru Gobind Singh won over to
their side. Forster says that on his return, the Guru "was hospitably
received by a marauding Hindoo chief of that quarter/' 200 To avoid
listening to the beating of Guru's drum and to be farther away from the
Sikhs and the Mughals, Bhim Chand shifted his capital into the interior
on the left bank of the river Satluj, 2000 feet above sea level. He named
it Vyaspur after the name of the famous saint Vyas or Bias. It became
corrupted into Bilaspur. The state also came to be known by the same
name.
The Kangra hills were under the charge of the governor of Jammu.
At this time Mian Khan held this post. He despatched a force under Alif
Khan in 1690. He took up position at Nadaun on the banks of river Beas,
32 kilometres south-east of Kangra. Raja Kirpal Chand of Kangra and
Raja Dayal of Bijharwal joined Alif Khan. After a hard battle, the allies
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
65
were successful and Alif Khan took to flight leaving behind all his
baggage. The Guru stayed here for eight days and visited various places
there. Meanwhile Bhim Chand made peace with Kripal Chand of Kangra
without Consulting the Guru and agreed to pay tribute to the Mughal
court. The Guru left for Anandpur in disgust. On the way, Sikhs
plundered Alsun because the inhabitants had refused to sell supplies to
them. 201 According to Giani Gian Singh, the inhabitants of Alsun had
thrice before looted the Sikhs and now again insulted some of them
which resulted in their being plundered.
Rustam Khan's Expedition against the Guru (1691 A.D.)
After repulsing Alif Khan and the submission of hill Rajas, Mian
Khan, the Governor of Jammu, urged the Governor of Lahore to take
suitable action against the Guru who alone remained defiant in the
region. His deputy Dilawar Khan 202 sent a force under his son Rustam
Khan. The expedition seems to have been organised in the winter of 1691
A.D. The young man wanted to take Anandpur by surprise. He arrived
at night opposite Anandpur and encamped in the bed of a dry nullah. By
chance it rained heavily and the rivulet was flooded. Many of his men
and most of his baggage were carried away. The Guru called it Himayati
Nullah or friendly rivulet 203
The Guru's drum was beaten at 3 o'clock in the morning to awaken
the Sikhs so that they were ready for prayer by 4 o'clock. Many Sikhs
were in the habit of having a dip in the river Satluj, which then flowed
one km away. They saw a concentration of Mughal troops. They rushed
back to inform the Guru. He lost no time in reaching the spot at the head
of a strong force. The Sikhs launched a severe attack on the enemy. There
was bitter fighting. The guns on both sides played havoc. On account of
extreme cold and the sudden attack, the Mughal soldiers could not hold
their ground and fled away, leaving behind their weapons. On their way
back they plundered and laid waste the village Barwa in Thana Nurpur,
tehsil and district Una, and encamped at village Bhalan in the same
police station. 204
The Expedition of Hussain Khan (1693 A.D.)
Soon Rustam Khan returned home and .hung his head in shame.
Thereupon Hussain, a slave of Dilawar Khan, offered to march against
the Guru. So Dilawar Khan despatched a stronger expedition under
Hussain Khan in the beginning of 1693 A.D. .The Mughal general
66
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
expected a long siege of Anandpur. For that purpose he needed ready
money. In internal expeditions the general rule was that war victims
must be made to pay for war. Hussain Khan also wished to secure his
rear in order to maintain a constant source of supplies. These objectives
involved him inextricably with the hill chiefs. On the way he defeated
Madhukar Shah, the Raja of Dadwal, and took his sons prisoners. He
plundered the countryside in the neighbourhood unopposed. Kripal
Chand Katoch of Kangra and Bhim Chand of Bilaspur submitted to him
without offering any resistance. Their example was followed by Raja
Gopal of Guler and Raja Ram Singh of Jaswan. Hussain Khan demanded
money from the Rajas in order to subdue the Guru. They offered him
certain amounts which were considered too small. The Raja of Guler had
brought Rs. 4000 instead of Rs. 10,000 claimed from him. Being publicly
insulted, the Raja fled back along with the money he had brought. Raja
Gopal's fort was besieged.
By this time Guru had sent his agent named Sangat Rae to help Raja
Gopal in negotiations. At his suggestion and on Hussain Khan's
assurance of safety, Raja Gopal Chand visited Hussain Khan. Kripal
Chand Katoch was his enemy. He prevailed upon Hussain Khan to take
him prisoner. Raja Gopal managed to flee. A bloody battle was fought.
On one side were Hussain Khan, Kripal Katoch, Bhim Chand, Himmat
Singh and Hari Singh. Raja Gopal was helped by Guru's commanders
Lai Chand, Ganga Ram, Kripa Ram and Agri Singh Brar with 300 select
soldiers, and Raja Ram Singh of Jaswan. In the action Hussain Khan,
Kripal Katoch and Himmat Singh were killed. Agri Singh and Sangat
Rae with seven Sikhs also perished. Gopal made large offerings to the
Guru who remained safe as Anandpur was not attacked. The Guru calls
it the Husaini battle in Bichitra Natak. The Guru writes: "Gopal was
victorious and the battle came to an end. Everybody then went home
and the rain of bullets that was originally intended for me, was
showered by the Almighty elsewhere." 205
Battles between 1694-96 A.D.
On November 20, 1693, A.D., Aurangzeb was informed that Guru
Gobind had been creating trouble in the province of Sarhind and that
local authorities had failed to subdue him. Aurangzeb issued orders to
his Governors of Delhi, Sarhind, Lahore and Jammu to stop the Guru
from collecting Sikhs at Anandpur. A newsletter stated: "News from
Sarhind. Gobind declares himself to be Guru Nanak. Faujdars ordered to
prevent him from assemblage." 206 A special order was issued to the
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
67
Governor of Sarhind "to admonish Gobind, son of Tegh Bahadur". 207 As
a consequence, a number of expeditions were planned between 1694 and
1696 A.D., but all of them failed to achieve anything. In the absence of
any definite details we put their number at two only. 208
Expedition of Jujhar Singh (1697 A.D.)
The Emperor was exasperated. In the Deccan Raja Ram, the younger
son of Shivaji, had made life hard for him. In the north he was expecting
the same stiff resistance from Guru Gobind. In order to secure the most
reliable report about the Guru, Aurangzeb despatched Jujhar Singh, a
Rajput prince. His deputy was Chandan Rae. They joined Rustam Khan,
representative of Dilawar Khan. Gaj Singh Jaswal was commissioned by
the Guru to intercept his force. He lay in ambush and finding his prey
near, attacked them at Bhalan village in Thana Nurpur of Una district,
and drove them away. In a desperate fight both Raja Jujhar Singh and
Chandan Rae were killed. The enemy failed to reach Anandpur and
retired to Lahore 209
Prince Muazzam's march into the Hills (1698 A.D.)
The news of these repeated disasters at last reached the Emperor in
the Deccan. He, thereupon, asked his son, prince Muazzam, to pay
personal attention to these rebellions in the Punjab hills. Prince
Muazzam, later Emperor Bahadur Shah, was imprisoned by Aurangzeb
in 1686 A.D. and was set free in 1691 A.D. He remained viceroy of north-
west region, including Punjab and Afghanistan from 1696 to 1699 A.D. 210
He resided at Kabul and occasionally visited other provinces. He came
to Lahore and sent a large force under Mirza Beg against the Guru and
the hill chiefs. Mirza Beg won some initial successes and reduced all the
hill chiefs to submission. But he could not crush the power of Guru
Gobind. It is said that it was mainly due to the influence of Bhai Nand
Lai, Mir Munshi of Prince Muazzam, that large-scale and effective
measures were not taken against the Guru. Bhai Nand Lai was a devotee
of Guru Gobind and he told his master that it was not proper on his part
to wage a regular war against saints. Besides, the Prince thought that a
liberal treatment of the Guru might result in making him a peaceful
subject of the empire. Furthermore, the Prince considered the Guru as a
Darvesh as he later on declared in one of his firmans or royal rescripts. 211
Besides, he had seen the Guru's vast resources in men and material. He
knew that Guru's young disciples made good soldiers who were ever
ready to lay down their lives at his bidding. Emperor Aurangzeb was
68
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
then very old. The struggle for the throne was imminent, and he was
keen on securing Guru's spiritual, material and military help. Nand Lai
seems to have wielded his personal influence with the Prince in favour
of the Guru. Thus, because of Bhai Nand Lai's influence in the court of
the Prince, the Guru got some breathing time and during this period, he
reorganised his followers and created what is known as the Khalsa.
Battle with Alam Chand and Balia Chand
Soon after the Guru himself was called upon to fight an action. The
neighbouring hill chiefs were jealous of the growing power of the Guru.
Besides, the repeated raids of the Sikhs in the hostile territories
constantly reminded some of the chiefs of the growing danger. And,
therefore, they were always in search of an opportunity to do a short
work of the Guru. One day, it is said, when the Guru went out for a
hunting in the Doon, with only a small number of the Sikhs, two hill
chiefs Alam Chand and Balia Chand, finding an easy opportunity, fell
upon him. The Sikhs, a small number of them as it was, gave a
determined fight, but being too few they had to retreat a little in the face
of a strong opposition from the enemy. The Guru, seeing this, advanced
and the Sikh's gathering courage resumed the fight. Meanwhile, a timely
reinforcement under Ude Singh also arrived and the situation was saved.
Alam Chand lost his right arm and left the battlefield. Balia Chand
continued, but he too later fell wounded and their soldiers took to heels.
The Guru returned victorious.
Fortification of Anandpur
The Guru was in perpetual danger from the hill Rajas and the
Mughal governors. He wanted to live in peace, but he was determined
to take defensive measures. For that purpose he erected five forts all
around the town: Keshgarh at the centre, Anandgarh, 500 metres to the
east, Lohgarh, one kilometre to the south, Holgarh, one and a half
kilometres in the west, Fatehgarh, one and a half kilometres to the north.
Anandgarh and Keshgarh were built on hill tops. All were located at
strategic places. Fatehgarh, Holgarh and Lohgarh were situated on the
banks of Charan Ganga. All the forts could take big guns. They were
joined together with skilfully constructed earthworks and underground
tunnels. The construction began in 1689 and took ten years to be
completed. The strongest fort was Anandgarh. It still exists. For water
supply, a huge well was dug up. It was worked by a Persian wheel. The
well and the wheel are still there. He also set up an arsenal in it. 212
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
69
THE POST-KHALSA PERIOD
(1699 A.D.— 1708 A.D.)
The creation of the Khalsa in 1699 was not looked at with favour by
most of the hill chiefs. Firstly, his denunciation of the caste system and
image worship was a direct attack on their religious beliefs. Secondly,
they saw in the democratic teachings and the military zeal of the Guru,
a serious menace to their influence and independence. Raja Bhim Chand
of Kahlur, in whose jurisdiction the headquarter of the Khalsa, Anandpur,
was situated, felt much more concerned than any other hill chief. He
wanted a pretext to turn the Guru out of his state and, therefore, wrote
to the Guru that he should pay a huge sum of money as rent of
Anandpur for the period he had occupied it. This was quite
unreasonable and the Guru naturally turned down his demand.
Consequently, Raja Bhim Chand, in alliance with other hill chiefs,
invaded the Sikh territory and besieged Anandgarh. The Sikhs, though
greatly outnumbered, fought with determined courage and succeeded in
saving their fortress.
Guru Gobind Singh had to fight twelve battles after the creation of
the Khalsa. Of these, six took place at Anandpur and the rest at
Nirmohgarh, Basali, Kiratpur, Sarsa, Chamkaur and Khidrana or
Muktsar. The Khalsa took readily to the sword straight from the plough
and sickle, and fought with the trained and professional soldiers as
bravely as they had battled with all the potent forces of nature. These
people were loyal to their leader, faithful to their word, fond of their
country, loved their wives and children, looking upon treason and
impurity as the greatest of crimes. These men were rough, strong, and
uncultivated, and offered a fierce and protracted resistance under the
inspiration of Guru Gobind Singh. Their work was not war for its own
sake, but to slay this dragon, the devouring enemy of their faith.
First Battle of Anandpur (1699 A.D.)
The hill chiefs were very much perturbed at the growing power of
the Guru. The Kitalsa, a militant force, created by the Guru, had given
them a fright. They were of the view that in course of time the Khalsa
would eliminate them. They were also pressed from Delhi to get the
Guru evicted from their territory. Emperor Aurangzeb also had issued
orders to his Governors in Punjab to crush the power of the Guru.
Macauliffe says that the Viceroy of Delhi despatched a force of ten
thousand men under his two generals, Painda Khan and Dina Beg. The
70
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
hill chiefs joined them at Rupar. The Guru met the enemy near
Anandpur. In a battle Painda Khan was killed. Dina Beg and the hill
Rajas fled away. They were pursued by the Khalsa for some distance., A
large booty in the form of horses, arms and baggage fell into the hands
of the Sikhs. 213
Second Battle of Anandpur (1699 A.D.)
After this defeat, the hill Rajas formed a coalition and decided to act
in concert with one another, independently of the Mughals. Bhim Chand
of Bilaspur became their leader. He sent a message to the Guru to vacate
Anandpur as it lay in his territory and settle somewhere else or face the
Rajas' army. Sainapat in Gur-Sobha says:
He sent a message in writing
Guruji, vacate our land or
Pay tribute, or fight. 214
The Guru, however, refused any of the two alternatives, saying that
the land where the town of Anandpur developed had been purchased by
his father and hence there was no question of paying any rent. He
accepted the alternative of another trial in the battlefield. Receiving this
reply, the hill chiefs were enraged and they marched their combined
forces on Anandpur. As they approached the city, the eldest son of the
Guru, Prince Ajit Singh, fell upon Gujjars and Ranghars with his four
thousand Sikhs; while Daya Singh, Alim Singh and Ude Singh, taking
with them the Sikhs of Majha, directed their attacks against the hill
armies. "Such was the dash and vigour displayed by them that the hill
armies, though far superior in numbers and equipment, were reduced to
a sore plight and towards the close of the day were forced to retreat." 215
Thus ended the first day's fight yielding complete victory to the Sikhs.
The story was repeated on the next day ,and the hill chiefs now decided
the blockade of the town to be the safest alternative.
The town was now closely invested and the siege continued for full
twenty days, 216 but without any visible success. At last, at the suggestion
of Kesri Chand, a drunken elephant with a spear projecting from his
forehead and his body covered with steel, followed by hill chiefs and
their armies, was directed to gatecrash through the fort. The Guru
appointed Bachitar Singh, one of his personal bodyguards, to meet the
elephant. The Sikh proceeded with such a vehemence on a horse that
when he struck his spear on the elephant's forehead, it pierced deep, and
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
71
the elephant turned back with a loud cry and trod underfoot many of its
own men, thus causing a complete confusion among them. The Sikhs fell
upon this confused mass of their opponents and did several noted chiefs
to death. But finding themselves greatly outnumbered, they later on
retired into the fort.
As the night fell, the hill chiefs met together and reviewed the
situation. Ultimately, resolving to play a trick on the Guru they wrote a
letter to him acknowledging his unconquerable might, but requesting
him to leave Anandpur at least for one day to save them from the shame
and humiliation which would be involved in their retreat in that
condition. They also swore by the cow that they would not put the Guru
to any harm. Determined to demonstrate the faithlessness of the hill
chiefs, as some records say, the Guru, entrusting the protection of the fort
to the hands of a brave body of Sikhs, selected a band of warriors and
retired to Nirmoh, at a distance of about two miles from Anandpur.
Battle of Nirmoh (1700 A.D.)
At Nirmoh the Guru stationed himself on an eminence. In the
meantime, the hill chiefs having thrown their vows to the wind, fell
upon the small number of the Sikhs who accompanied the Guru. But
here again they were beaten back. The hill chiefs, however, continued
their efforts against the Guru. They made one more appeal to Wazir
Khan, the Governor of Sarhind, for help. After hearing of the defeat of
the imperial army in the first battle of Anandpur, Aurangzeb himself is
said to have sent an order to Wazir Khan by this time to proceed against
the Guru.
Wazir Khan, thus, proceeded with a large number of troops to the
assistance of the hill chiefs. The Guru had already been apprised of this
development. Several Sikhs who had come to Nirmoh to have the Guru's
Darshan, were detained by him to fight the enemy. The enemy marched
and the Mughals attacked the Guru from one side, while the hill chiefs
attacked him from the other. The fight continued fiercely for the whole
day and as the night fell, the enemy forces were compelled to retreat. The
next morning, the attack was re-started and the Guru finding himself
badly outnumbered, decided to retire from the place. An invitation had
already been received from the Raja of Basali and the Guru proceeded
thither. The enemy, however, pursued him and the Guru decided to give
them another battle in which the combined forces of the Mughals and
The First Battle of Chamkaur (1702 A.D.)
The peace between the Guru and the hill chiefs did not continue for
long. Once, it is said, as the Guru lay encamped near Chamkaur, two
imperial officers going from Lahore to Delhi, were requested by the Raja
of Kehlur to attack the Guru, promising to pay them large sums of
money. Though a small contingent, the Sikhs gave a resolute fight to the
imperial army, but just when the fight was at its height, an amazing
thing occurred. Sayyid Beg, one of the imperial officers who had already
heard of the name and fame of the Guru, when saw him in the battlefield
he was so much impressed by his saintly looks that he, persuading as
many of his soldiers as he could, joined the Guru. When Alif Khan, the
other officer, saw it, he left the battlefield and beat a hasty retreat. 217
victories ana nave oeen aoie to grant guts to otners. it is tnrougn
their favour that I have acquired knowledge and my enemies have
been exterminated. Through their favour have I acquired honour
otherwise there are millions of ordinary mortals like myself. It is a
great pleasure for me to serve, no other service pleaseth my heart. To
grant gifts to them is the right thing, to grant gifts to others seemeth
of no avail to me. To bestow gifts on them beareth fruit in the next
world and bringeth honour in this, to bestow them on others is of no
use at all. Let my body, my mind, my head, my wealth and all that
is mine be dedicated to their service." 220
These continuous repulses disheartened the Mughal governments of
Delhi, Sarhind, Lahore and Jammu as well as the Rajas of Kangra hills.
They wrote to Aurangzeb warning him against the growing power of
Guru Gobind Singh. They stated that the Emperor's conquests in Deccan
might lead to the loss of north-western India from Delhi to Kabul. They
74
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
invited him to take command against the Guru personally and destroy
his power root and branch. This upset Aurangzeb. He issued strict
instructions to his Governors and the hill Rajas. He suggested that the
Guru should be compelled to evacuate Anandpur either by force or by
fraud and, then, he should either be captured or killed. He despatched
a personal letter to the Guru holding out a mild threat. He wrote:
"There is only one Emperor. Thy religion and mine are the same.
Come to me, by all means, otherwise I shall be angry and go to thee.
If thou come, thou shalt be treated as holy men are treated by
monarchs. I have obtained this sovereignty from God. Be well
advised and thwart not my wishes/' 221 The letter was brought by a
Qazi to whom the Guru handed over the following reply: "My
brother, the sovereign who hath made thee Emperor hath sent me
into the world to do justice. He hath commissioned thee also to do
justice, but thou hast forgotten his mandate and practisest hypocrisy.
Wherefore how can I be on good terms with thee who pursuest the
Hindus with blind hatred? Thou recognisest not that the people
belong to God and not to the Emperor, and yet thou seekest to
destroy their religion. 222
The Battle of Kiratpur (1704 A.D.)
In September, 1704 A.D. the Mughal forces from Delhi and Sarhind
and of the Rajas of Kangra hills, Muslim Chiefs, Jagirdars, Ranghars and
Gujjars of the neighbourhood advanced from the Rupar side to attack
Anandpur. Guru Gobind Singh marched to Kiratpur to check the enemy.
According to Muhammad Akbar, "a fierce battle took place near
Kiratpur. Although the Sikhs are said to have fought very desperately,
yet they were driven back and the Guru had to take refuge in the fort of
Anandpur". 223
The Fifth and the Last Battle of Anandpur (1704 A.D.)
In this emergency, the Guru invited help from his Sikhs. He issued
several letters of which only one is quoted below: "Sri Guru Ji addresses
the letter to Bhai Sukhya, Bhai Mukhya, Bhai Parsa. The Guru would
take care of all his disciples. Repeat Guru Guru, you will have the best
in life. The entire community is my Khalsa. Come with cavaliers,
footmen, gunners and daring youth. Every Sikh young man coming to
pay respects would be blessed with prosperity. He would flourish fully
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
75
well. The Guru would fulfil all their desires. Come for a darshan (1704
A.D.)/' 224
The Emperor was now alarmed still further. According to Suraj
Prakash, Bhim Chand of Kahlur himself went to the Emperor to inform
him of the situation and the Emperor sent express orders to Wazir Khan
of Sarhind and Zabardast Khan of Lahore to proceed with a large army
against the Guru. The chiefs of Kahlur, Kangra, Jaswal, Mandi, Kulu,
Nalagarh, Kaithal, Nurpur, Chamba, Jammu, Busaher, Dhadwal, Darauli,
Bijarwal and Srinagar (Garhwal) joined their forces and this formidable
army marched against the Guru to have another trial of strength.
The guru divided his army into six contingents, each roughly
consisting of 500 men. They were placed in five forts, while a
detachment of 500 men, kept in reserve. Anandgarh, was under Guru's
personal charge. Fatehgarh was entrusted to Udai Singh, Holgarh was
under the command of Mohkam Singh, Guru's eldest son Ajit Singh
controlled Keshgarh, while his other son Jujhar Singh held Lohgarh. Ajit
Singh won a great victory on the very first day by killing Jagatullah,
leader of Ranghars and Gujjars. 225
The Guru had mounted two heavy guns, named Baghan, or tigress,
and Vijayghosh or victory-declaration, on his fort. They were brought into
action and they wrought a havoc in the enemy ranks. In the first day's
fight Wazir Khan lost nine hundred men. The siege was conducted with
great intensity. All means of ingress and egress were completely cut off. As
the provisions were running short, price of eatables rose very high. Flour
was selling at two rupees a kilogram in Anandpur. The civilian population
being hard pressed began to flee. Scarcity also prevailed in the Guru's
camp. Each soldier was supplied one hundred grams of flour daily. Soon
provisions were completely exhausted. The Khalsa lived on leaves and
bark of trees. Water supply from the channel was cut off. Generally, four
men were sent to fetch one bucket of water. Two men fought the enemy.
One carried the bucket and the other defended him. 226
At this time the Jafs of Majha made up their minds to go home. The
Guru would not permit them to leave. When they persisted, they were
asked to give in writing that they were not the Khalsa of Guru Gobind
Singh. Only forty of them put their thumb impression on the disclaimer
and retired. A small hilly channel taking off from Charan Ganga,
supplied water to Anandpur. Bhim Chand diverted its course. The
provision had almost been finished and the inmates lived on whatever
76
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
they could get. Taking advantage of this situation, Wazir Khan formed a
plan to capture the Guru alive and send him to Aurangzeb to win his
pleasure and goodwill. He opened negotiations with the Guru promising
safe evacuation. Many Sikhs who were starving welcomed this overture.
They requested Gobind Singh's mother to exert pressure on the Guru to
accept the offer. The Guru's mother and some Sikhs approached the
Guru to accept the offer, but to demonstrate the futility of putting
reliance upon the enemy's promises, the Guru sent but some bullocks
loaded with rags and stones covered with golden clothes, giving out that
it was the Guru's treasure and the Sikhs and he himself were to follow
it. As, however, the bullocks passed through the enemy lines, they were
looted out only to their disappointment. The Sikhs thus continued to
hold inside for seven months. Wazir Khan expressed regret for the
misconduct of some of his troops and produced an autograph letter of
Aurangzeb as a guarantee for his assurances:
"I have sworn on the Quran not to harm thee. If I do, may I not find
a place in God's court hereafter. Cease warfare and come to me. If
thou desire to come hither, then, go wheresoever thou pleasest." 227
Aurangzeb's envoy added:
"O Guru, all who go to the Emperor's court praise thee. On that
account the Emperor feeleth certain that an interview with you will
add to his happiness. He has sworn by Muhammad and called God
to witness that he will not harm thee. The hill Rajas have also sworn
by the cow and called their idols to witness that they will allow thee
safe conduct. Bear not in mind anything that hath occurred. The
attack on thine oxen was not prompted by any Raja. The attackers
have been generally punished and the ring leaders are in prison. No
one now, O True Guru, dareth do thee any harm; wherefore, evacuate
the fort at any rate for the present and come with me to the Emperor.
Thou mayest afterwards do what thou pleasest." 228
On hearing this, the Sikhs again pressed the Guru to accept
capitulation. The Guru's mother supported them. The Guru still refused
to place any reliance upon the enemy's promises. In this desperate state
of affairs, the Guru reluctantly agreed to evacuate Anandpur. He
destroyed a lot of movable property, buried some underground and took
some valuables with him. The evacuation began at dead of night —
December 20-21, 1704 A.D. 229 The entire camp was divided into two
parts. The Guru's mother, wives, two youngest sons and other women of
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
77
the household together with all the manuscripts prepared by the Guru
and his scholars left in the first batch. Udai Singh, the bravest
commander of the Guru, was put in charge of this party at the head of
two hundred armed horsemen. The Guru had given them a letter for the
Raja of Nahan requesting him to give shelter to his family. 230 They were
to follow the direct road to Rupar and he would try to join them on the
way as soon as possible. It was raining and a swift cold wind was
blowing.
The Battle of Bachhora Sahib on the River Sarsa
(December 21, 1704, A.D.)
The oath taken by the Hindus on their cow and by the Muslims on
their Quran was, however, wantonly violated, as the Guru refers to in his
Zafar-Nama, the letter later written to the Emperor. It is said, as the Guru
reached the flooded Sarsa, the enemy fell upon him. 231 In the midst of
rain, cold, darkness and fierce fighting, complete confusion prevailed
among the Sikhs. Udai Singh and most of his warriors lost their lives.
Some daring Sikhs pushed their horses into the swirling water forming
foam against stones and pebbles and carried the Guru's family safely
across 400 metres, the width of the river, but in this attempt all the
property and manuscripts were washed away. The Guru's household
was further divided into two groups. Guru's mother and his two
younger sons who could not walk or ride for long, were taken by Gangu
an old domestic servant of the family to his native village Saheri. Mata
Sundari and Mata Sahib Deva were hurridly led towards Ambala in the
disguise of rustic women 232
The Guru also suffered heavily. Having put up a tough fight he also
threw his horse into the swollen current. Most of his men had been killed
in the battle and many perished in the flow of the river. When he reached
the other bank he was left with his two elder sons, Ajit Singh and Jujhar
Singh, the five beloved ones, and thirty-five other Sikhs, 43 souls in all
out of about 400. At Rupar, 23 km farther, news was brought to him that
about a thousand Mughal troops were advancing against him from
Sarhind, while another force was crossing the river Sarsa.
The Second Battle of Chamkaur (December 22, 1704 A.D.)
The Guru realized his delicate position. The enemy was in front and
at the rear. To his left were the hill states which were equally opposed to
78
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
him. The Guru rushed towards Chamkaur, 16 kilometres away. When he
was in its neighbourhood he learnt that the enemy was closing upon
him. He halted in a garden and sent two Sikhs inside the village to find
a suitable place of shelter. They chose a mud-built double storeyed house
with a large open compound. One of its two owners offered his portion.
The Guru and his Sikhs hurried into it. It took place in the evening on
December 21, 1704, A.D. The enemy invaded the place on the morning
of December 22, 1704, A.D. Inayatullah Khan, in his Akakam-e-Alamgiri; 22,3
says that the haveli was besieged by seven hundred cavalry equipped
with artillery. But the number appears to be much larger. The house
would have been blown up in no time. The enemy, however, aimed at
capturing the Guru alive as it had been done in the case of Shivaji's son
Shambhuji fifteen years earlier, or eleven years later in the case of Banda
Singh Bahadur, both of whom were cut to pieces limb by limb. Out of his
forty 234 men about one-fourth were appointed to defend the gate. An
equal number was kept in the upper storey to keep a sharp watch on the
enemy movements. The rest took up their position along the walls to see
that enemy did not scale over them.
Bitter fighting ensued. The eager and impetuous men of the Guru
offered tough resistance. They were raked by the gunners. They received
the direct fire of the batteries in front. The Sikhs fired from all sides, from
behind the walls, from the roofs, through every window, through every
air hole, and through every chink in the doors. But the fighting cost most
of them their lives. 235 The battle was fought on December 22, 1704, A.D.
Guru Gobind Singh has referred to it in his first letter addressed later to
Aurangzeb, thus:
"What could forty hungry men do when attacked by a numerous
horde unawares? The oath-breakers suddenly attacked us with
swords, arrows and muskets. I was forced to engage in the combat
and I fought with arrows and muskets. When an affair passes beyond
all remedy, it is lawful to resort to the sword . . . clad in black like a
fly, they made a sudden charge. Every soldier who advanced from
behind the wall, was struck by an arrow and fell deluged in blood.
Those who did not leave the wall, received no injuries and suffered
no loss. When I saw that Nahar had come out to fight, I instantly
struck him with an arrow. Instead of fighting he fled away. Many
other Khans eschewed their idle boast. Then another Afghan
appeared in the field like a strong current and in the manner of an
arrow or a bullet. A number of them made a valorous assault, some
with care and others in madness. Many of the attackers were
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
79
wounded and two of them lay dead. The despicable Khwaja had not
the courage to leave the shelter of the wall and come into the open.
Alas! had I seen his face, I would have unhesitatingly bestowed an
arrow on him. On both sides many lost their lives and sustained
wounds by arrows and muskets. Arrows and bullets were discharged
like fireworks and the earth turned red like tulip. Heads and legs lay
in heaps as if the playground was littered with balls and sticks. The
arrows whizzed and the bows twanged and great tumult rose in the
world. The great noise was so frightful that even the mightiest
warrior lost his wits. But how could forty, even of the bravest,
succeed when opposed by a countless body?" 236 In a few hours on a
single day, the 39th birthday of the Guru, the two tender princes, Ajit
Singh and Jujhar Singh, still in their teens, three of the five beloved
ones and thirty two other Khalsa, closely watched by the Guru, laid
down their lives at the altar of faith and freedom. 237
By the end of the day,' the Guru was le'ft with five disciples only,
Day a Singh, Dharam SingTi, Man Singh, Sangat Singh and Sant Singh.
The Guru was contemplating on destiny's debacle and fickleness of the
fate. In the midst of his mortifying musing, over the past 38 years of his
life, he was interrupted by his five surviving Sikhs. They suddenly
gathered in a group, whispered something among themselves and
enacted the scene of Anandpur in which Gobind Singh, five years earlier,
had played the double role of being the Guru and disciple at the same
time. They told Guru Gobind Singh that at the moment they were the
Guru and he was a Khalsa. They ordered him to escape in the interest of
the Panth. Day a Singh, the first of the five beloved ones, Dharam Singh
the second beloved one, and another Sikh Man Singh would accompany
him. The remaining two Sant Singh and Sangat Singh would stay behind
to continue the fight. Sant Singh who had great resemblance with the
Guru wore his clothes and sat in the place of the Guru. 238 Both of them
remained behind to be captured by the enemy the next day, and Sant
Singh was beheaded mistakenly for the Guru himself. Sangat Singh also
died while fighting. 239
The Guru and his three Sikhs dressed themselves as Mughal soldiers
and managed to escape at about 2 o'clock in the morning one by one. It
was decided that they would meet on the outskirts of Machhiwara, 27
kilometres away. The Guru was the first to leave. He stopped for a while
at Jhar Sahib 12 km away. Here twO Gujjars, Ramzu and Kalu, recognised
the Guru. They raised an alarm. The Guru offered them a few gold coins
in order to keep them quite. They did not. stop. The Guru silenced them
80
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
for ever with his sword. He arrived at Macchiwara first of all. On the
outskirts of village Machhiwara, there was a garden. The Guru had
reached there an hour before sunrise. He entered the garden and being
completely exhausted lay in a corner among bushes, resting his head
over a clod. At sunrise his three Sikhs found him lying fast asleep. A Sikh
named Gulaba lived in that village. All the four took shelter in his house.
But Wazir Khan, the determined enemy of the Guru, had issued orders
to his generals that they should not take rest till the Guru was arrested.
Consequently, parties of Mughal soldiers came to the jungles where the
Guru was living in disguise. During this period, two Muslim friends of
the Guru, Nabi Khan and Gani Khan, not only gave him protection, but
also saved him from arrest. The Guru put on blue clothes, spread his hair
loose on shoulders and assumed the appearance of a sufi saint. He was
called the Pir of Uch. The Guru seated himself on a cot in accordance
with the custom of the Pirs on a journey. It was carried by four men, two
Sikhs and the two Pathans. One waved the Chauwar over the Guru's
head and served as a reserve to give relief to others.
In village Lai 240 a band of imperial troops intercepted them. The
Guru addressed them in Persian. They insisted on verification. Qazi Pir
Muhammad of Saloh village who had recognised the Guru certified that
he was a Muslim saint. They reached Alamgir village, 50 kilometres
away, near Gill railway station on Dhuri line, in safety. Ghani Khan and
Nabi Khan left the Guru with Rae Kalha, a big Muslim zamindar, at
Hehar village. He received the Guru warmly and kept him at Jatpura,
near his headquarters to conceal his identity. At the Guru's request Rae
Kalha sent a messenger to Sarhind, a distance of about 70 kilometres, to
bring news about his family members.
Fateh Nama
The scout was expected to take at least a week in his mission. The
Guru could not sit idle and he had to remain in hiding all the time. He
was indeed a great literary man. He spent his time in expressing his
feelings about Aurangzeb in a Persian poem. It is not available in full. At
present it contains only twenty -three and a half couplets. Therein he
speaks of the death of his two sons only. The following are the salient
points of this letter:
1. The same God who has given you the kingdom, has conferred
upon me the riches of protecting religion.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
81
2. You do not deserve the name of Aurangzeb, because an adorner
of the throne does not practice fraud.
3. I shall strike fire under the hoofs of your horses and I will not
let you drink the water of Punjab.
4. What does it matter if a jackal through deceit and deception
killed two cubs of a lion. (The reference is to the two elder
princes, Ajit Singh and Jujhar Singh, martyred at Chamkaur).
5. I have lost faith in your vows. I have no other work to do than
to apply the sword.
6. If ever I have an occasion to meet you, I shall show you the right
and true path.
7. Let the two armies stand in the field at a distance from each
other.
8. Let the distance be twelve kilometres between them (V2 verse-21).
9. After this I shall come into the field of battle all alone and you
will come with two horsemen.
10. Come into the field yourself with a sword and a hatchet. Do not
ruin the people of the creator. 241
Two Younger Sons of the Guru executed (December 27, 1704 A.D.)
The emissary returned in a few days. He said, Gangu, Mata Gujri,
two princes, Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh, crossed river Sarsa when
the flood was unabated. They came to Rupar and followed the road to
Morindah where Garigu's village Saheri was situated. The news of
Guru's battle had spread like wild fire in the neighbourhood. Gangu
thought of his own safety first. He informed the government officials at
Morindah about the persons in his charge. They were sent to Sarhind,
headquarters of Wazir Khan.
Gangu was let off with a Shabash. The other three were imprisoned
in a tower of the fort called Thanda Burj or the cold tower. It was a
summer resort for officers, but was most uncomfortable in the depth of
winter for eighty-year old lady and two children aged eight and five.
Wazir Khan was the bitterest foe of the Guru in particular and' of the
Sikhs in general. He was biting his lips in rage for his failure to capture
the Guru. He now resolved to exercise his power and authority on little
children. 242
On December 24, 1704, A.D., the children were produced before him
in a public durbar in the presence of hundreds of fully armed and
82
Banda. Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
ferocious looking soldiers to overawe the boys. They were told that the
Guru, their elder brothers and all the Sikhs had been killed. They were
offered security of life and comfortable living by embracing Islam. The
children spurned the suggestion with utmost contempt and anger. Did
our grandfather, Guru Tegh Bahadur, accept Islam? they asked. The
Nawab's toady courtier, Suchanand Khatri, remarked that the young
ones of snake were equally poisonous. On December 25, the children
were again summoned in the court but all pressure tactics failed in
securing the submission of the boys. Nawab Sher Muhammad Khan of
Maler Kotla had fought against the Guru in the battles of Sarsa and
Chamkaur. One of his brothers and a nephew had been killed while
fighting. Though the Nawab was bitterly opposed to the Guru, the
young age of the children, their fearlessness, and their moral courage of
the highest degree, touched the tender cords of his heart. Wazir Khan
asked Sher Muhammad to take charge of the boys and kill them. He
declined to do so. To terrorise them further, they were bricked up
shoulder high in the fort wall. The children stood firm in their resolution
against apostasy. In anger they pushed down the temporary structure
built in mud and bricks. Thereupon they were beheaded on December
27, 1704, A.D., and their bodies were thrown away. A local bania named
Todar Mai, a rich banker, 243 picked up the bodies and took them to the
Guru's mother who collapsed at first sight and died. Todar Mai cremated
the three bodies. The place their bodies were thrown is now marked by
the gurudwara called Fatehgarh Sahib. On the site where the three
bodies were cremated stands the Gurudwara Joti Sarup, 1.5 km
south-east of Fatehgarh Sahib.
As regards the wives of the Guru, Mata Sundari and Mata Sahib
Deva, the messenger said that they had passed Sarhind in disguise of
local jat women undetected on their way to Ambala. Later on the Guru
learnt that they could not go to Nahan via Naraingarh as the numerous
hilly streams crossing the ten kilometer long road were impassable and
the road via Barara and Sadhaura was blocked by the chief of the latter
place who had persecuted Budhu Shah for helping the Guru. They
trudged on and reached Delhi. They lived in Matya Mahal, a thickly
populated Muslim locality, and later on shifted to the area on the
backside of the present Jai Prakash Narayan Hospital outside Delhi gate.
A Gurudwara stands at this place called Gurudwara Mata Sundari Ji.
A young and pretty girl named Anup Kaur, believed to be Mata Jito's
younger sister 244 was captured by Sher Muhammad Khan, Nawab of
Malerkotla, who desired to admit her in his harem. She was taken to
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
83
Malerkotla where she committed suicide. Having learnt about the fate of
his family, the Guru marched on into the waterless sandy track of
Bhatinda and took up his abode at Dina. Here he is said to have written
the famous Zafar Nama, or the Persian Epistle, to Aurangzeb. In this he
blamed Aurangzeb for his irreligious acts and justified his own conduct,
particularly the use of sword against him. It has one hundred and eleven
couplets. The total number of verses in both the letters comes to one
hundred thirty-four and half.
The Zafar Nama
The Zafar Nama falls into three clearly marked parts. The first part
consisting of twelve couplets is an invocation to God to resolve his
difficulties. The second part contains 76 verses, 13 to 88. In the beginning
he condemns the Emperor for his failure as a ruler, for his bigotry, for his
breach of faith and treachery against taking an oath on the Quran. In the
third part the Guru praises Aurangzeb for certain qualities in his
character.
Aurangzeb had invited the Guru to his court at Aurangabad. The
Guru said he would not wait upon such a faithless and false king. He
told the Emperor that he had set up a revolutionary movement in
Punjab. He justified this step by saying: "when the affair has passed
beyond all remedies, it is lawful to have resort to the sword" (verse 22).
Regarding the battle of Chamkaur, the Guru says: After all how could
my men carry on the fight, when only forty of them were attacked by a
countless horde? (verse 41). The Guru chided the Emperor for having
acted against God and the Prophet: "You are faithless and irreligious.
You believe neither in God nor in Mohammad" (verse 46).
Aurangzeb had invited the Guru to his court by swearing on the
Quran that no harm would be done to him. The Guru declared him a liar
and treacherous: "Were you to take a hundred oaths on the Quran, I
would not trust you in the least" (verse 49). Aurangzeb had written to
Guru: "Come to see me, otherwise I shall be displeased and come to
you." The Guru declined to go to him and invited him to come to Punjab
assuring him of complete safety: "If you had kept the oath on the
Quran — I would have come to you immediately" (verse 57). "Come to
the village Kangar and after that we will meet" (verse 51). "There will
not be even the slightest danger on the way for the whole tribe of Brars
is under me" (verse 59). Come so that we may talk to each other, and I
will treat you well, (verse 60)
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
The Guru warns Aurangzeb against shedding innocent blood: "Do
not strike a sword unscrupulously on a person, for heaven's sword will
also smite you" (verse 69). The Guru tells the Emperor that the death of
all his four sons did not matter much for him: "What does it matter that
four children are killed, as the coiled cobra (Khai'sa) is still alive?" (verse
78). The Guru repeats his determination not to visit his court in the
Deccan:
"I will not come to you nor travel on this road. I will not go to that
place where you want me." (verse 88)
The Guru realized that this condemnation would rouse the
Emperor's wrath. In order to soften it he praised Aurangzeb for many
good qualities: "Fortunate you are Aurangzeb, king of kings, skilful
swordsman and rider. You are handsome and intelligent. You own a
kingdom and riches. You are an expert in wielding the sword. You are as
generous as you are a swordsman. You are intellectual and elegant, the
bestower of land and wealth. Your generosity is great and in battle you
are firm like a mountain. You possess the virtues of angels and
splendour of the Pleiades or the seven stars" (verses 89-93). The Guru
explains why the hill Rajas were opposed to him: "The idol-worshipping
hillmen want to kill me because they are idol worshipper and I am an
idol-breaker", (verse 95)
In the end, the Guru tells Aurangzeb that God is his helper and the
Emperor will not be able to harm him: "If you are proud of your army
and riches, I gratefully rely on God" (verse 105). "When God is a friend,
what can an army do, though he may multiply enmity a hundred times?
If an enemy practises hostility a thousand times, he cannot injure even
a hair of his head", (verses 110-111)
This letter 245 was taken to Aurangzeb by Daya Singh and Dharam
Singh, two of Guru's three companions from Chamkaur. They disguised
themselves as Muslim travellers and delivered it to the Emperor at
Ahmadnagar in the Deccan, where he had been residing since January
20, 1706, A.D. Aurangzeb told the bearer of the letter to persuade their
Guru to visit him. He provided them with an order for his officers to
help them in their return-journey and the Guru on his way from Punjab
to the Deccan.
The Guru stayed at Dina for a few days and then decided to move
into the Lakhi jungle. The Guru left Dina and took to travelling from
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
85
village to village. He spent a few days in Kangar village. Then he stayed
in an upper storey room called Chaubarah in a carpenter's house at
Dhaliwal village. Passing through the villages of Jatal, Bhagta, Banhiwal,
Sarvan, etc., the Guru reached Kot Kapura situated on the borders of
Lakhi jungle. On the way he had collected a considerable following of
Barar Jats on payment to fight against the Nawab of Sarhind. There lived
the founder of the village, Kapura. He had built a fort at the place.
Kapura lived in the style of princes and possessed great wealth and
power. Guruji asked him to lend his fort temporarily for shelter and also
his troops to fight against Wazir Khan. But he was reluctant because he
was scared of the Mughal authorities. So the Guru retired across the
Lakhi jungle to Khidrana on the borders of a sandy desert. He was told
that there was a pond of water which would supply water to his men.
Except that, there was no water available anywhere else for miles
around. The Guru lived there in a hut about a kilometer south-east of the
village where now stands the Gurudwara Datan Sahib. One morning
while he was brushing his teeth sitting on the ground, one Muslim in
disguise of a Hindu Jat approached him from behind. The Guru turned
back. The assailant who was a spy of Wazir Khan rushed upon the Guru
with a naked dagger. The Guru was always in arms. He immediately
struck him with his sword and cut off his head. His grave lies close to
the Gurudwara. There the Guru celebrated the Baisakhi festival on
March 29, 1705, A.D. 246
The Battle of Khidrana (May 8, 1705, A.D.)
The last battle of the Guru with the Mughals was fought at Khidrana
in the modern Ferozpur district. The Chaudhri of Kot Kapura having
refused him the use of his fort, the Guru proceeded to Khidrana and
waited for the approaching enemy. In the meantime, the "forty" of the
Sikhs who had renounced the Guru at Anandpur, were feeling repentant
and proceeded to ask for the Guru's forgiveness. When near Khidrana
they saw the Mughal army, they decided to wash off the blot and
prepared to give them a battle. Bhago, leader of these Sikhs, called her
men to attention. Their loose sheets or Giadars were spread on bushes to
give an impression to the enemy that a large force lay encamped there.
They sat scattered among bushes ready to fire. When the troops drew
near, they suddenly raised a huge commotion and commenced fighting.
The Guru also joined his Sikhs at a place now called Tibi Sahib. On the
top of this hill the Guru took up his position and shot arrows on the
enemy fast approaching towards him. It was a desert place where the
battle was fought and the only pool of water was where the Guru
86
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
himself encamped. Hard pressed for want of water, after many of their
numbers had been killed, the enemy retired yielding victory to the Guru.
After that the Guru came out to the battlefield where the leader of this
group of forty, Maha Singh, still had some life left in him. The Guru
moved with utter love, wiped his face with his handkerchief and asked
him his last desire. On being requested, the Guru sent for the deed of
renunciation these Sikhs had signed, and tore it away. These forty Sikhs
are known in the Sikh history as the Forty Muktas or "the forty saved
ones", and the place where the battle was fought is now know as
Muktsar. Mai Bhagoo followed the Guru to Nanded. She was considered
a saint by the Sikhs. After the Guru's demise, she settled at Bidar, 190 km
from Nanded. First she lived at Gurudwara Nanak Jhira, 1.5 km from
Bidar town, and after some time she shifted to Jinwara, 10 km from
Bidar. 247
Though the Guru had defeated the Mughals at Khidrana, he did not
feel secure enough to settle there. The Guru stayed at Khidrana up to
October 1705, A.D. From Khidrana he moved to Bhatinda, 45
kilometres east. From there he went still 45 kilometres further east and
arrived at Talwandi Sabo, in the beginning of January 1706, A.D., where
many Sikhs joined him. This village came to be known Damdama
Sahib, as it gave breathing space to the Guru. The Guru spent nearly 10
months here and resumed the work of religious propaganda. He also
called some learned Sikhs and gave final shape to his literary works. It
was at Talwandi Sabo that the Guru reproduced the whole sacred
Granth from his memory and a hymn composed by his father was also
added to it. Bhai Mani Singh Was a scholarly person like Bhai Gurdas.
The Guru dictated Bani to Bhai Mani Singh. Four copies of the holy
Granth were made at Damdama Sahib. One of them is at Akal Bunga,
Amritsar, second at Patna, third at Anandpur, and the fourth at
Damdama Sahib. 248 Thus the Adi Granth was finally edited there. The
literary works of Guru Gobind Singh were lost in the river Sarsa near
Rupar. Here at Damdama, the works of collecting his literary works
was also started with the help of Bhai Mani Singh, Baba Deep Singh,
Mata Sundari Ji, and some other Sikhs. It was because of these literary
activities that Talwandi Sabo or Damdama earned the title of Guru hi
Kashi or Guru's Banaras 249
Aurangzeb invited the Guru to come to him. Inayatullah 250 says that
Guru Gobind Singh had sought an interview with the Emperor.
Aurangzeb deputed Shaikh Muhammad Yar Mansabdar and Muhammad
Beg Guzzbardar to console "Gobind Rai Nanak Prastan", and bring him
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
87
to the court. The Prime Minister Munim Khan was instructed to provide
him escorts on the borders of every province and pay him travelling
expenses if demanded. 251
The Guru started for the south from Damdama Sahib on October 21,
1706, A.D. He sent his wives back to Delhi under the charge of Bhai Mani
Singh. He passed through Hissar, Sarsa, Sadulpur, Churu, Sikar, Ringas
and Phulera. At Naraina, a village five kilometres from Phulera, Jait Ram
Mahant met the Guru. In the course of conversation the Guru asked the
Mahant if he could secure help from Rajput princes to eliminate the
Mughal government. He replied that it was almost impossible. The war
between Rathors and Mughals was in full swing in Marwar and hence
Ajit Singh could give no help. Jai Singh of Mewar had made peace with
Aurangzeb. Mohkam Singh of Nagor was openly on the Emperor's side.
Jai Singh, the young Raja of Jaipur, was in the Mughal camp and was
fighting under Aurangzeb against the Marathas. He suggested that the
Guru should use Madho Das Bairagi, a young fiery Rajput from Punjab
hills, in his service. He was a brave fellow, thoroughly patriotic and
sincere. He had been living in Maharashtra for long. He was fully aware
of the Maratha methods for successfully opposing the Emperor. He was
living on the banks of Godavari at Nanded. At Baghaur in Rajasthan,
Daya Singh and Dharam Singh met the Guru. They had delivered the
Guru's letter to Aurangzeb and had brought a message from him that he
was anxious to see the Guru. Shortly afterwards, when he was still at
Baghaur, the Guru learnt that Aurangzeb had died at Ahmadnagar on
February 20, 1707, A.D. 252
The Guru decided to turn towards Delhi to meet his wives who were
living there. In Delhi, the Guru first stayed in a house lying at the back
of Humayun's tomb. The site is now marked by the Gurudwara
Damdama Sahib. As a token of love for Harijans of Delhi on account of
Jaita's valorous deed, the Guru shifted to the colony of shoe-makers,
called Mochi Bagh. The mochis served the Guru with great devotion. The
Guru was so highly pleased with the residents of the colony that he
changed its name to Moti Bagh, the abode of pearls. A gurudwara stands
at this place. 253
Bahadur Shah and Guru Gobind Singh
(February 20, 1707 A.D —October 7, 1708 A.D.)
Three sons had survived Aurangzeb, Muazzam, the living eldest,
64-years, was the Viceroy of north-western provinces, including
88
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Afghanistan and Baluchistan. The 54-year old Azam, and 40-year old
Kam Bakhsh were with the Emperor in the Deccan. Azam seized the
imperial treasury, took command of Aurangzeb's army, and declared
himself king on March 14, 1707, A.D. and rushed towards Delhi.
Muazzam hurried from Kabul to Delhi. At Lahore he declared himself
Emperor under the title of Bahadur Shah. He reached Delhi on May 20,
where he spent three months of summer. Muazzam invited Guru Gobind
Singh to join him, partly to avoid any Sikh rising when he was busy in
a civil war, and partly to use the Sikhs in his cause. The Guru's
contemporary sainapat says in Sri Guru Sobha that the Guru was
approached for help by Muazzam's emissaries. Bhai Jodh Singh in
Sri Kalgidhar Hulas says that Prince Muazzam deputed Nand Lai to
prevail upon the Guru to join him with his Sikhs. After reading the
Prince's letter, the Guru remarked that the Empire was his, but he should
not be dishonest like his father. Nand Lai held out full assurance on
behalf of the prince. 254 It meant that the Guru blessed the Prince. The
Guru remained in Delhi and invited Sikhs to join him. Several hundred
Sikhs gathered there. 255 They were sent under the command of Bhai
Dharam Singh to support Muazzam against Azam. On June 8, 1707,
A.D., a battle was fought at Jajau, near Agra. Azam, as well as his
principal officers, were slain. Upon this his army fled from the field and
victory remained with Bahadur Shah. The war of succession thus ended
in favour of Bahadur Shah. He became the undisputed monarch of India,
and returned to Agra. From there he dispatched Bhai Dharam Singh to
inform the Guru of the victory. He also expressed a wish to see the Guru.
The Guru accepted the invitation. Mata Sahib Deva pressed to accompany
him and the Guru took leave of Mata Sundari who wished to stay at Delhi.
After staying about a month at Delhi, the Guru started for Agra and
visited Mathura and Brindaban on the way 256 He established his camp
12 km from Agra and 6 km from Bahadur Shah's camp. Munim Khan
Khan-e-Khanan, the Prime Minister, invited the Guru at his place. He
was warmly received and well-entertained. The Guru shifted his camp to
a nearby garden. The Guru held assemblies twice a day. Many people
came to attend them from far and near. On July 23, 1707, A.D., the Guru
and his Sikhs, all armed, left for the court. The Emperor permitted them
to attend the court with arms on. The Guru was warmly received. He
was presented with a rich robe of honour, a jewelled scarf (dhukhdukhi)
worm Rs. 60,000, and five lakhs of rupees in cash. Another present of
costly clothes, jewellery and ornaments to the value of one lakh of rupees
was granted for Mata Sundari, and sent to Delhi. 257 The Emperor was
deeply impressed by the Guru's personality. He requested him to spend
some time with him and give him the benefit of his holy company. The
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
89
Guru accepted the invitation. He remained in or near Agra till the
beginning of November 1707, A.D. During this period he used to meet
the Emperor now and then. The Emperor greatly enjoyed the Guru's
company and very often had religious discussions with him. In that way
he came to learn a good deal about Sikhism in addition to what he had
learned from his secretary, Bhai Nand Lai. The Guru also acquainted the
Emperor with particulars of the excesses committed against him, his
family, his Sikhs and the Hindus of the Punjab. He pointed out that, as
far as he and his people were concerned, the chief sinner was Wazir
Khan, Viceroy of Sarhind. Bahadur Shah was greatly moved and
promised that when he had got firmly established on the throne, he
would punish the murderer of the innocent children. In the meantime,
he offered the Guru a fagir and a large estate. 258 The Guru, however,
declined the offer. He had never cherished even the faintest desire to
found a kingdom or principality. He has no ambition that way. Even
after decisive victories against the hill chiefs, he had never occupied
even an inch of their territory. The acceptance of a Jagir now would have
meant the abandonment of his cherished ideal of bringing about an era
of liberty and equality, a spirit of all brotherliness in the land, the ideal
for which he had worked so hard and sacrificed so much so far. From the
creator of a nation and the liberator of the people, he would have been
reduced to the position of a petty chieftain. So, while he declined the
offer, he impressed upon the Emperor the need of reversing the religious
policy of Aurangzeb and restraining his viceroys and Qazis from bigoted
persecution of the Hindus and the Sikhs. The Emperor's response to this
appeal was encouraging and the Guru was hopeful of success. That such
was the trend of the talks between the two can be inferred from certain
words occurring in the letter (hukamnama) dated October 2, 1707, A.D.
addressed by the Guru to the Sangat of Dhaul.
From the tenth Guru,
To the Sangat of Dhaul. You are my Khalsa. The Guru shall protect
you. Repeat Guru, Guru. With all happiness we have come to the
Padshah. A dress of honour and a jewelled Dhukhdhuki worth 60000 was
presented to us. With the Guru's grace the other things are also
progressing. In a few days we are also coming. My instructions to the
entire Khalsa Sangat are to remain united. When we arrive in Kahlur, the
entire Khalsa should come to our presence fully armed. He who will
come shall be happy. 259
Sammat 1764. Katik 1st
(October 2, 1707, A.D.)
90
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
In this letter, the Guru refers to "other things are also progressing".
These other things could only be the friendly negotiations then going on
between himself and the Emperor. Just then news arrived that
disturbances had broken out in Rajasthan and that Bahadur Shah's
youngest brother, Kam Bakhsh, was in revolt at Hyderabad in the
Deccan. The Emperor left Agra for Rajasthan on October 28, 1707 A.D.
taking the Guru with him. The Guru had two objects in view in
accompanying the Emperor. One was to secure the royal order for
punishment of Wazir Khan, and the second to meet Madho Das who was
then living at Nanded. The real object of the Emperor was not to allow
the Guru any occasion to revive his struggle against the Mughal
government. Emperor even offered the Guru a daily allowance of
Rs. 1000. 260 So the Guru thought that when the Emperor was so much
inclined towards him he might succeed in getting at least Wazir Khan
punished.
The friendly relations of the Emperor with the Guru was not liked by
the Mughal courtiers. The entire Mughal court was anti-Hindu and anti-
Sikh. The Guru was looked upon as a rebel punishable with death. Wazir
Khan was a hero for them, fit to be rewarded rather than punished. His
representatives were always in attendance at the court. They must have
reported this matter to his master. The Guru's influence with the
Emperor was looked down upon by one and all. Every courtier was alert
to see that no harm came to Wazir Khan, while intrigues and
machinations to harm the Guru were set afoot in right earnest. They
reached Nanded on the bank of river Godavari in mid- August 1708, A.D.
There the Guru halted as he was anxious to meet Madho Das Bairagi.
The Emperor also encamped there as he did not want to leave the Guru
alone.
Wazir Khan was very much upset on learning that the Emperor had
conferred a costly dress of honour on the Guru at Agra. He understood that
the excesses committed by him lay beyond the limits of pardon by the Guru.
He was terribly afraid of the successful result of the Guru's negotiations. He
knew that Jahangir had handed over Chandu Shah to Guru Hargobind. He
was determined to avoid that fate. He won over by gifts and cash in the
name of Islam all the big courtiers who were in the Emperor's confidence.
They continuously impressed upon the Emperor not to yield to Guru's
pleadings. To excite the religious bigotry of the nobles and troops against the
Guru and to secure his assassination, Wazir Khan deputed a Sayyid with
two Pathans to remain in Bahadur Shah's entourage. 261 The Guru and his
Sikhs remained unaware of these machinations, and even if they knew, they
did not care and bother about it.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
91
All this time the Emperor went on making evasive replies to the
Guru's suggestions about punishing the wrongdoers. At last, the Guru
was convinced that there was no prospect of the Emperor's agreeing to
any proposal for the redressal of the wrongs. The Guru expressed his
deep disappointment at the Emperor's attitude. He told Bahadur Shah
that he would not depend upon him any longer and would try his own
resources to punish the tyrant. The Guru separated himself from the
Imperial Camp and set up his own independent derah at a stone's throw,
one km outside the city in a colony known as Afzalnagar and called by
the Sikhs Abchalnagar. by purchasing a plot of land from Sayyid Sabir
Shah Faqir who objected to Guru's camp on his land. 262 This took place
towards the close of August 1708, A.D. Here the Guru met Madho Das
and the Guru handed over the mission of punishing the wrongdoers in
the Punjab to him, as we shall study in the following chapters. The Guru
held a durbar- towards the middle of September 1708, A.D. It was
attended by all the Sikhs and other leading men of the place. The Guru
declared that he was investing Banda Singh Bahadur with authority to
complete his work of national struggle in Punjab. John Clark Archer says
that the conference discussed some disagreements with the Mughals and
reached a decision to wage a war against them 263
The Emperor was enraged with the Guru for deputing Banda Singh
to Punjab to renew the struggle and kill Wazir Khan. He was also afraid
that the Guru might join the Marathas in their struggle against the
Mughals when the Emperor would be busy in warfare against his
brother at Hyderabad. It was for this reason that though being in a hurry
to reach Hyderabad as soon as possible to suppress the revolt of his
brother Kam Baksh, he was staying at Nanded, and was not leaving the
Guru alone. Bahadur Shah had the mistaken belief that the Guru's death
would be a fatal blow to his scheme of renewing the revolution in Panjab
by Banda. He, therefore, entered into. a conspiracy with the two Pathans
deputed by Wazir Khan. Gul.Khan who was given the title of Jamshed
Khan and his brother Ataullah Khan, were prevailed upon to put an end
to the Guru's life as early as possible.
The two Pathans regularly attended the daily sermons of the Guru
and displayed keen interest in his teachings. They also won the
confidence of other Sikhs. On September 20, 1708, A.D., in the evening,
the Guru was taking rest in his tent. He was all alone in the tent, while
a few Sikhs were loitering here and there. The Guru was half asleep with
his back towards the door lying on his right side. Just at this moment the
92
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
two Pathans came to visit the Guru. Nobody, suspected any treachery.
One of them, Jamshed Khan 264 by name, a huge and strong fellow
quietly entered the tent of the Guru. He thrust his daggar (Jamdhar) into
the left side of the Guru near the heart. The Guru seized the hand of the
assailant, pulled the daggar out of his body and plunged it into the
stomach of the Pathan killing him on the spot. The other Pathan was cut
to pieces by the Sikhs. 265 A jarrah or surgeon from the imperial camp
already known to the Guru was immediately summoned. He applied
ointment and stitched the wound, the Guru began to recover under
proper care. 266 The Emperor daily sent messengers to inquire after the
Guru's health. The news that the Guru was speedily recovering
dismayed him.
The Emperor, now decided to adopt a cunning device frequently
used by his father. He planned to contrive the death of the Guru in such
a way that the Emperor's complicity should never come to the surface!
He sent rich presents to the Guru as a token of his pleasure at the Guru's
speedy convalescence. Knowing the Guru's weakness for bows and
arrows, he included two strong and hard, beautifully bedecked bows. A
clever emissary accompanied by Firoz Khan, the taluqdar of the place,
was sent to deliver the gifts. His main duty was to see that the Guru
himself tried the bows there and then. He was successful in inveigling
the Guru to test the quality of the bows. The emissary enquired after
Guru's health, praised his courage and condemned Gul Khan's treachery.
Placing the gifts before the Guru he eulogized the bow as a piece of
decoration and not for use as it was too hard for a normal human being
to use it. It touched the Guru's heart. He said his Sikhs could wield it.
A couple of them tried but failed. The Guru was incensed. He got up and
bent the bow. In doing so the stitches of his wound gave way and blood
flowed profusely. The wound was sewn again, but it putrefied. 267 The
Guru knew that his end was approaching. When at last he felt that his
last moment had arrived, he "opened the Granth Sahib and placing five
paise and a coconut before it, solemnly bowed to it as his successor. Then
uttering "Wahguru ji ka Khalsa! Wahguru ji ki Fateh!" he circumambulated
the sacred volume and said: 'O beloved Khalsa, let him who desireth to
behold me, behold the Granth. Obey the Granth Sahib. It is the visible
body of the Guru. And let him who desireth to meet me diligently search
its hymns." 268 About one and a half hours after midnight, he got up and
carried on his usual recitation of the hymns, and then calling aloud his
Sikhs, bade them farewell. The Guru departed from the world on
Thursday, October 7, 1708, A.D. 269
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
93
Dr. Hari Ram Gupta has given the following arguments to prove that
Emperor Bahadur Shah was personally involved in the demise of Guru
Gobind Singh.
1. The Emperor halted at Nanded for seven weeks, as long as the
Guru was there. He left the place and crossed river Godavari in four or
five hours, after the Guru's last breath. 270 The Emperor was not in the
Deccan on a picnic. For him every hour was critical. All the way from
Ajmer to Nanded he had never stayed anywhere for more than a couple
of days. His brother Kam Bakhsh had set himself up as Emperor at
Hyderabad and was in open revolt against Bahadur Shah. At Nanded
the Emperor was not making any military preparations. They had
already been made. He delayed his departure from fear of the Guru. He
was not prepared to leave him alone. The Guru had already sent Banda
Singh Bahadur to Punjab to create disturbances there. He had openly
defied the Emperor for his failure to punish Wazir Khan. The Emperor
was afraid that the Guru might join the Marathas when he was involved
in fighting with his brother.
2. On October 28, 1708, A.D., the Emperor ordered that a dress of
mourning be presented to the son of Jamshed Khan Afghan who had
been killed by Guru Gobind Singh. The imperial newsletter of Bahadur
Shah's court records:
"Ken Guru Gobind Rae Jamshed Khan Afghan ra bajan
Kushtah bud khilat-e-matami bapisar-e-Khan mazkur
mrahuat shud." 271
Jamshed Khan was not a mansabdar of the Mughal court or a high
dignitary upon whom alone such high honours were bestowed by the
Emperor. He was a spy of Wazir Khan in the disguise of a soldier in
attendance upon the Sayyid who was also deputed by the Governor of
Sarhind.
3. It was two days later, on October 30, 1708, A.D., that the Emperor
ordered for the grant of a robe of mourning to Guru Gobind Singh's
family. The newsletter of the court states:
"26 Shaban year 2 (October 30, 1708, A.D.) Hukam Shud Ke bapisar
Gufu Gobind Rao Nanak PaAthi Khilat^matami pidar badehand." 272
It means that the Emperor gave not only equality to Jamshed Khan
94
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
with Guru Gobind Singh in rank and status but also accorded him
priority over the Guru. It should be noted that the Emperor did not offer
the dress of mourning to Jamshed Khan's son during. Guru's life time.
He did so after the Guru's death, three weeks later.
4. "On 9 Ramzan year 2 (November 11, 1708, A.D.), it was
represented that the deceased Guru Gobind Singh had left a lot of goods.
What were the orders about its forfeiture?"
"It was ordered that such chattels would not replete the imperial
treasury. This was the property of a darvesh (saint). There should be no
interference with it." 273 The Emperor's refusal to attach the Guru's
property against the will of his courtiers show his diplomacy and
cunningness. It was purely an eye wash of his complicity, a pious fraud.
Thus the Mughals wiped out the Gurus entire family — father,
mother, four sons and himself. They killed thousands of his dear, brave
Sikhs. But still they lost the game and the Guru won it. In the words of
Gokul Chand Narang: "Though he did not live to see his high aims
accomplished, Guru Gobind Singh's labours were not lost. Though he
did not actually break the shackles that bound his nation, he had set
their souls free and filled their hearts with a lofty longing for freedom
and national ascendancy. He had broken the charm of sanctity attached
to the lord of Delhi and destroyed the awe and terror inspired by the
Moslem tyranny. He had taken up sparrows and had taught them to
hunt down imperial falcons." 274 He taught his Sikhs to regard
themselves as the chosen of the Lord, destined to crush tyranny and
oppression and look upon themselves as the future rulers of their land.
He had, however, chosen one Banda Singh Bahadur to carry on his work
as a temporal leader. 275 In the words of Daulat Rai, "using his blood and
bones as manure, Guru Gobind Singh planted the tree of Indian
nationalism which flourished and fructified in due course. Though his
ideal was not accomplished in his life-time, yet his labours were not
wasted .... And before his death Guru Gobind Singh was fully satisfied
that he had done his work well and had fully carried out the mission
with which he had been entrusted by the Lord." It is true that he did not
actually uproot the Mughal empire or power, but he shook it violently to
its very foundations and paved the way for its decline and fall. The clash
developed in the time of Banda Singh Bahadur, Nawab Kapoor and Jassa
Singh Ahluwalia and the Mughal power was ultimately destroyed and
the Sikhs established themselves in the Panjab as a sovereign state.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
95
Notes and References
1. snt a", w ct , »rv ort uto nf
2. Adi Granffi, Rag Tilang, pp. 722-23.
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ITU oft tTS" # <=<'yttd ipf^Jf
Heft" HHT # II
3. Gupta, Hari Ram, History of the Sikhs, The Sikh Gurus, 1469-1708, Vol. I, p. 15.
4. The town sprang up again under the new name of Eminabad.
5. Puratan Janam Sakhi, p. 35 quoted by Mcleod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion,
p. 44.
6. Most likely Babur came to know about the saintly character of Guru Nanak from
Daulat Khan Lodi of Punjab, because Guru Nanak sometime worked at Sultanpur
with Daulat Khan as a Modi in his store. One of the wives of Daulat Khan Lodi
was the sister of Rai Bular. Rai Bular was very much impressed by the saintliness
of Guru Nanak. Guru Nanak was known to Rai Bular from his childhood at
Talwandi, the birth place of Guru Nanak.
7. This account of the Guru's meeting with Babur is based on tradition widely
current among the Sikhs. As Cunningham puts it, "The Sikh accounts represent
Guru Nanak to have met the Emperor Babur, and to have greatly edified the
adventurous sovereign by his demeanour and conversation, while he perplexed
him by saying that both were kings and were about to found dynasties of ten."
(footnote p. 40).
8. Among the books which have described this meeting may be mentioned the
following: Puratan Janam Sakhi, from Rama Nand to Ram Tirath (G.A Natesan,
Madras), Macauliffe's Sikh Religion, Kahan Singh's Encyclopedia of Sikh Literature,
Vir Singh's Guru Nanak Chamatkar, Ganda Singh's Inkishaf-i-Haqiqat, K.S. Duggal's
Guru Nanak Dev, Kartar Singh's Guru Gobind Singh and the Mughals and
G.S. Chhabra's Advanced History of the Punjab.
Valuable first hand evidence would have been provided by Babur's Memoirs, but
it has to be noted with regret that among the gaps which occur in the Memoirs,
as recorded by himself, one is about the period from 1520 to 1526 A.D. If Babur
had left a record of the events of this period, he would surely have mentioned his
meeting with the Guru.
9. Adi Granth, Rag Asa, p. 360.
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HHt H 1 ^ UEt cjdtt'd # oft" ^? <7 >H 1 fH>tf T "ll
96
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
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10. Adi Gnm//i, Rag Asa, p. 417.
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11. Adi Granth, Rag Asa, p. 418.
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12. Narang, G.C., Transformation of Sikhism, p. 25.
13. Adi Granth, Rag Asa, p. 360.
H# H*U UEt cjdtt'j f eft 77 Mrfenr II
14. Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs, p. 14.
15. Mohan Singh, An Introduction to Punjabi Literature, pp. 58-59.
16. Sher Singh, Philosophy of Sikhism, Lahore, 1944, p. 24, quoted by J.S. Grewal in
Guru Nanak in History, p. 145.
17. Narang, G.C., op. ext., p. 17.
18. Banerjee, Indubhushan, Evolution of the Khalsa, pp. 1, 9.
19. Mohan Singh, op. cit, pp. 65-66.
20. Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, op. cit., pp. 1-2.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
97
21. Grewal, J.S., Guru Nanak in History, p. 145.
22. Banerjee, Indubhushan, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 153-56.
23. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. II, pp. 19-20. Qanungo, Sher Shah, p. 226.
24. Santokh Singh, Sura) Parkash, Vol. II, pp. 1349-53.
25. Ibid., pp. 1349-53. Kahan Singh Bhai, Mahankosa, p. 834.
26. Indubhushan Banerjee calls the story "very doubtful" perhaps because he does
not get any reference from a contemporary Muslim chronicle. But Humayun had
passed through the ferry at Goindwal, while crossing the Beas in 1540 A.D., as
he was being pursued by the Afghan troops during his retreat to Lahore. Mention
is made in almost all the books on Sikh history that Humayun sought the
benedictions of the Guru in his adversity, (see pp. 120-21 of his book).
27. Gupta, Hari Ram; History of the Sikhs, Vol. I, p. 115.
28. Banerji, A.C., Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh, p. 43. Also see, Harbans Singh,
Guru Amar Das Ji, p. 53.
29. Santokh Singh, Gurpratap Sura] Granth, Ras II, p. 10. Quoted in Hari Ram Gupta's
History of the Sikhs, Vol. 1, p. 122. Also see Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. II,
pp. 97-98.
30. Chhabra, G.S., Advanced History of the Punjab, Vol. I, p. 548.
31. According to the Bani of Guru Amar Das, "a woman was Sati, or true, if she died
of the pains of separation rather of burning herself on the funeral pyre". The
translation of the couplet reads as under. See Gopal Singh, (tr) Sri Guru Granth
Sahib, Vol. Ill, p. 747. At another place, Guru Amardas says:
Yea, A sati is one who lives contented and embellishes herself with good conduct.
And serves her lord with all her heart and cherishes him ever.
Adi Granth, p. 787.
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32. See Adi Granth, p. 226. Also see Harbans Singh, Guru Amar Das Ji, pp. 56-57.
33. Banerjee, Indubhushan, Evolution of the Khalsa, Vol. I, pp. 158-59.
34. Kartar Singh, Sikh Itihas, pp. 160-61.
35. Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, Vol. II, p. 103.
36. Ibid., p. 103.
37. Giani Gian Singh, Twarikh Gum Khalsa, p. 333.,
38. Bhalla, Sarup Das, Mahma Prakash, Kavita, p. 133.
98
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
39. Giani Gian Singh, Twarikh Guru Khalsa, p. 333. 'When Gonda's son complaint to
Jaffar Beg, he called Guru Amar Das to Lahore. The Guru did not go himself but
he sent his Sikhs, Bhai Jagga, Bhai Kedari, Bhai Boola and Baba Budha to Lahore.
They explained their standpoint and asked him to visit Goindwal to see things
for himself to take a decision. This incident took place in 1569 A.D.
40. Guru Pratap Suraj Prakash, p. 1507.
He has given up vedic practices
And founded his own sect.
41. Bhalla, Sarup Dass, Mehma Prakash, p. 137. Jodh Singh, Life of Guru Amar Das,
pp. 44-45. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, p. 105.
42. Bhalla, Sarup Dass, Ibid., p. 138.
Listen to my words and understand
Fear none when you go there
Whatever questions are asked, answer properly.
43. Adi Granth, Rag Gujri, p. 491
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44. Banerji, A.C.; Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh, p. 105.
45. Adi Granth; Gauri Ki Var, M. 4, p. 306.
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46. Bhalla, Sarup Das; Mahma Prakash, p. 289.
47. Amritsar Gazetteer (1883-84), p. 61. George Forster, A Journey from Bengal to
England, Vol. 1, p. 258 gives 1581 A.D. as the date of foundation of Amritsar.
Sodhi Hazara Singh says that Guru Ka Chak was founded in 1573 A.D., p. 18.
Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 126.
48. Macauliffe, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 1.
49. Banerji, A.C., op. cit., p. 117.
50. Narang Gokul Chand, op. cit., p. 31.
51. Sarkar, J.N., History of Aurangzeb, Vol. I, p. 11.
52. Macauliffe, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 20.
53. Adi Granth, Rag Bilawal, p. 825.
54. Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat-ut-Tawarlkh, p. 425. Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram,
op. cit., p. 134.
55. During Guru Hargobind's imprisonment and later at the time of Hargobind's
conflict with the Mughals, the original manuscript of the Adi Granth was taken
away by the Guru's grandson Dhir Mai. He kept it at Kartarpur, where he lived.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
99
When Guru Hargobind settled at Kiratpur in the closing years of his life, Dhir
Mai kept it with him there also. Some sikhs of Guru Tegh Bahadur seized it by
force, but the Guru returned it to Dhir Mai. It is still available at Kartarpur. Its
copies existed at Patna and Dhaka also. At the time of Guru Gobind Singh, thirty
copies of the Adi Granth were available at different places.
56. Mangal Singh, Baba Budha Sahib, p. 202.
57. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 144.
58. Ibid., p. 144.
59. Macauliffe, Vol. Ill, pp. 86-87. Adi Granth, p. 825.
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60. Macauliffe, Vol. Ill, pp. 73-76.
61. Latif, Syed Mohammad; History of the Panjab, p. 254.
62. Mujeeb, M., The Indian Muslims, p. 243.
63. Ibid., p. 244.
64. Ibid., p. 247.
65. Ibid., p. 247.
66. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 146.
67. Smith, V.A., Akbar, pp. 301, 3, 11, 16, 21, 23, Prasad, Beni, History of Jahangir,
pp. 51, 61, 62.
68. Gupta, Hari Ram; op. cit., p. 147.
69. Syed Ahmud, Tuzuk-e-Jahangiri, p. 26.
70. Mohsin, Fani, Dabistan-e-Mazahib, p. 234. Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit.,
p. 147.
71. Prasad, Beni, History of jahangir, p. 130.
72. Ahmud, Syud, Tuzuk-e-Jahangiri, p. 25. Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram, p. 149.
73. Jahangir, Tarikh-e-Salim Shahi, E and D, Vol. VI, p. 272.
74. Macauliffe, Vol. Ill, pp. 90-91.
75. Macauliffe, Vol. Ill, p. 91.
76. Shaikh Farid Bukhari, head of the Orthodox ulama at the court, was given the
title of Murtza Khan and was appointed Viceroy of the Punjab.
100
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
77. Ahmud Syud, op. cit., p. 35.
78. Trilochan Singh, Guru Tegh Bahadur, p. 37.
79. Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol. I, p. 63.
80. Ganda Singh, The Sikh Review, January 1972, p. 11, Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram,
op. cit., Vol. I, p. 151.
81. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 151.
Whatever you ordain appears sweet.
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82. Rose, Glossary of Punjab Tribes and Castes, I, p. 683.
83. Satbir Singh, Sada IhTiss, Vol. I, p. 164. Latif, op. cit., p. 254, Hari Ram Gupta, op.
cit., p. 152.
84. Ahmud Syud, op. cit., p. 34. Mohsin Fani, The Dabistan, p. 234, quoted by Gupta,
H.R. op. cit., p. 152.
85. Adi Granth, Trumpp, Vol. LXXXII.
86. Maktubat-e-Imam Rabbani, I, Part III, Letter No. 193. Quoted by Ganda Singh in
Guru Nanak, pp. 94-95.
87. Ibid.
88. Macaullife, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 99.
89. Payne, C.H., A Short History of Sikhs; pp. 31-32.
90. Ibid.
91. Macaullife, op. cit,, Vol. Ill, p. 2.
92. Khazan Singh, History and Philosophy of Sikh Religion, Vol. I, p. 127.
93. Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, Vol. IV, p. 2.
94. Archer, The Sikhs, p. 174.
95. Khazan Singh, History and Philosophy of Sikh Religion, Vol. I, p. 127.
96. Ibid., p. 127.
97. Indubhushan Banerjee, Evolution of Khalsa, Vol. II, p. 32.
98. Gupta, Hari Ram, History of the Sikhs, Vol. I, p. 159.
99. The Dabistan, p. 234.
100. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 160.
101. Macauliffe, op. cit., p. 19.
102. See Syed Mohammad Latif, History of the Punjab, p. 255.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
101
"During the Emperor's residence at Lahore, Hargobind was admitted to an
audience. He presented a rosary of pearls to his majesty, who was highly pleased
with its splendour, and asked the Guru whether he could procure more pearls of
the same kind as were contained in the rosary. The Guru submitted to his majesty
that the rosary consisted of a complete set of a hundred and eight pearls, but
Chandu, his Diwan, had taken most of them and the ornament was, therefore,
incomplete. The Emperor asked the Guru how the pearls could have fallen into
the hands of the Diwan. Upon this the Guru burst into tears and narrated to the
king the whole story. The king was greatly enranged at hearing of the treatment
which Arjan had met with at the hands of the Diwan, and orders were issued for
the person of Chandu Shah to be handed over to Hargobind to avenge himself
on him in any manner he chose for his father's death."
103. Ibid., pp. 256-58. Also see, Gupta, H.R., op. cit., 162.
104. See, Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 163.
"After his return from Kashmir, we find Hargobind playing the role of a friendly
collaborator of Jahangir. Mohsin Fani says: "Hargobind never separated himself
from the stirrup of victorious Jahangir." (The Dabistan, p. 234). It is surmised that
the Guru was invested with some sort of supervisory powers by the Emperor
over the Punjab affairs, and was given command of a Mughal contingent
consisting of 700 horses, 1000 foot and seven guns (Bhai Parmanand, Tarikh-e-
Panjab, pp. 300-01). In addition to this, Hargobind's personal contingent swelled
considerably. Pathan mercenaries from the north-west under their leader Painda
Khan joined the Guru's banner in large numbers. There seems to be no doubt that
Jahangir would have conferred upon Hargobind a high mansabdari rank, which
the Guru could not accept owing to his position as the religious leader of a great
community.
The Guru at the head of Mughal contingent as well as his own, moved about all
over eastern Punjab. His duty was to suppress agitation or revolt in any part of
this region. It was an honorary job. The Guru was not in regular service of the
Mughal government. He accepted this job to raise the prestige of the Sikhs in the
eyes of government officials and general public, to get his own men trained as
military men, and to secure the person of Chandu Shah for punishment."
105. See, Narang, G.C., op. cit., p. 62. Cunningham, History of the Sikhs, p. 52.
Both Dr. Narang and Cunningham hold that Kaulan was simply a concubine of
the Kazi. She originally was Hindu, as her name Kaulan (Lotus) signifies, and
forcibly abducted by the Kazi, but later escaped to the Guru, the champion of the
Hindu religion. Some consider her merely a maid servant of the Kazi.
106. The Guru gave separate quarter to Kaulan and in order to perpetuate her
memory, built a tank 'Kaulsar' which is up to this day known after her name.
107. The date given by Hari Ram Gupta is April 14, 1634 A.D.
108. Gumtala was situated where now the district court of Amritsar stands.
109. Sarkar, Sir Jadu Nath; A Short History of AiCrangzeb, p. 156.
110. Latif, Mohammad, op. cit., p. 256.
102
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
111. Sarkar, J.N., op. cit., p. 156.
112. Satbir Singh, Sada Itihas, p. 191.
113. A person named Sadhu was married to the Guru's daughter, Viro. He was a great
devotee of the Guru. Sadhu said: "The slave Sadhu hath seen the Guru washed
his feet and drunk the nectrous water therefrom." [Macauliffe, IV, p. 94]. Perhaps
this Sadhu was different from Sadh. Macauliffe, IV, 147-50 refers to another Sadh
or Sadhu.
114. Mohsin Fani, Dabistan-e-Mazahib, quoted by Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 168.
115. Chhabra, G.S., op. cit., p. 218. In this book Dr. G.S. Chhabra gives the name of two
Masands, Bakht Mai and Tara Chand, instead of Sadh or Sadah. K.S. Narang also
gives the same names of the masands from Kabul.
116. Mohsin Fani, op. cit., quoted by Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., pp. 168-69.
117. Ibid.
118. Macauliffe, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 178.
119. Macauliffe, op. cit.. Vol. IV, p. 52.
120. Latif, Syed Mohammad, op. cit., p. 256.
121. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 169.
122. Macauliffe, Vol. IV, p. 187.
123. Mohsin Fani, op. cit., p. 239. Quoted by Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 169.
124. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 169.
125. McGregor, History of Sikhs, Vol. 1, p. 59.
126. Mohsin Fani, op. cit., p. 235, Quoted by Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 169.
127. Macauliffe, Vol. IV, p. 214.
128. Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 209.
129. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 170.
130. Fauja Singh, Guru Tegh Bahadur, p. 15.
131. The Dabistan, op. cit., p. 235, quoted by H.R. Gupta, op. cit., p. 169.
132. Macauliffe, op. cit., Voi. Ill, p. 203.
133. Adi Granth, p. 466.
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Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
103
134. Gupta Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 180.
135. Macauliffe, Vol. IV, p. 310.
136. Aurangzeb had not taken a serious view of Guru Har Rai's military assistance of
Dara. Aurangzeb, therefore, ignored the political aspect and concentrated on the
religious aspect. Instead of asking Ram Rae why his father had joined Dara, the
Emperor demanded an explanation why the Musalman had been abused by Guru
Nanak in a particular hymn. The stern nature of the Emperor, the awful
atmosphere of the court and his own loneliness, frightened Ram Rae, a lad of 14.
Out of fear he substituted the word 'Beiman' in place of Musalman. Aurangzeb
detained Ram Rae as a hostage at the court for Guru Har Rai's good behaviour.
It also seems probable that the Emperor wished to have the Guru as a supporter
of the Mughal Empire. Even after disowning Ram Rae by the Guru, Aurangzeb
might have thought that the Guru would change his decision under imperial
pressure. Ram Rae as the Guru would prove a pliant tool of imperial policy if he
got the Guruship through official support. Aurangzeb knew the depth of Guru's
influence on Jat peasantry of Majha and Malwa when he was the Governor of
Sind and Multan from 1648 to 1652 A.D.
According to Hari Ram Gupta, it appears that Aurangzeb's hard pressure on
Guru Har Rai to change his verdict in favour of Ram Rae for which he was not
prepared under any circumstances brought about Guru Har Rai's untimely death
at the young age of 32.
137. Trilochan Singh, op. cit., p. 112.
138. Macauliffe; Sikh Religion, Vol. IV, p. 315.
139. Muraqat-e-Abid-Hasan, p. 202, cited and translated by Sri Ram Sharma, in The
Religious Polio/ of the Mughal Emperors, p. 130.
140. Jadu Nath Sarkar; A Short History of Aurangzeb, p. 152.
141. Ibid., p. 150.
142. Ibid., p. 150.
143. Irfan Habib; The Agrarian System of Mughal India, p. 322.
144. Elliot and Dowson, VII, pp. 183-84.
145. Sarkar, J.N., op. cit, p. 152.
146. Ibid., pp. 147-48.
147. History of Pan jab, p. 176.
148. Sarkar, J.N., op. cit.
149. Syed Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, p. 176.
150. Sarkar, J.N., op. cit., p. 158.
The officially avowed policy in imposing the Jazia was to increase the number of
Muslims by putting pressure on the Hindus. As the contemporary observer
104
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Manucci noticed: "Many Hindus who were unable to pay turned Mohammadan
to obtain relief from the collectors — Aurangzeb rejoices."
Khafi Khan says: "With the object of cutting the infidels and of distinguishing the
land of the faithful from an infidel, the Jizia or poll-tax was imposed on the
Hindus throughout all the provinces."
151. Latif, S.M., op. ext., p. 176.
152. Khafi Khan, II, 51-52; Quoted by J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 354.
153. Banerjee, Indubhushan, op. cit., pp. 59-66.
154. G.C. Narang, Transformation of Sikhism, p. 115.
155. Banerjee, op. cit., pp. 57-58.
156. Macauliffe, IV, p. 369.
157. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 209. Macauliffe, gives the name Sher Afghan Khan,
the Viceroy in Kashmir, p. 369.
158. William Irvine, Later Mughals, Vol. I, p. 79.
159. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 211.
160. Muhammad Ahsan Ijad; Fragment of the Farrukh Siyar Noma in Irvine's Later
Mughals, Vol. I, p. 79.
161. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 211.
162. Ibid., p. 211.
The entry in Bhat Vahi Multani Sindhi reads as follows: "Guru Tegh Bahadur, the
9th Guru was taken into custody by Nur Muhammad Khan Mirza of Rupar police
post on 12 July 1675 A.D. at Malakpur Rangharan, Pargana Ghanaula, and sent
to Sarhind, along with Diwan Mati Das and Sati Das, sons of Hira Mai Chhibbar,
and Dyal Das son of Moti Das. They remained in jail at Basi Pathanan for four
months. The brutes committed great atrocities on the Guru. The Guru calmly
submitted." Harbans Singh, The Sikli Review, January 1982, pp. 41-43.
163. Sarkar, J.N., A short History of Aurangzeb, p. 137.
He agrees that the situation on the frontier had eased to enable the Emperor to
return to Delhi in the beginning of winter of 1675 A.D. He writes: "By the end
of the year 1675 A.D. the situation had sufficiently improved to enable the
Emperor to leave Hasan Abdal and return to Delhi."
164. Syed Muhammad Latif, History of Punjab, p. 260.
165. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 215.
Give up your head, but forsake not those whom you have undertaken to protect.
Says Tegh Bahadur, sacrifice your life, but relinquish not your faith.
166. Adi Granth, p. 1428.
"Ram passed away, Ravan passed away with his large family; Saith Nanak,
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
105
nothing is permanent; the world is like a dream."
167. Latif; op. cit., p. 260-
168. Satbir Singh, The Sikh Review, January, 1975 A.D., p. 54.
"We have it on the authority of Ghulam Husain's Siyar-ul-Mutakhirin that
Aurangzeb himself ordered that Guru Tegh Bahadur be killed and parts of his
body amputated and hung about the city."
169. Fauja Singh, op. cit., p. 103.
He quoted Bhat Vahi which says: "Jaita, son of Agya Ram, Nanu, son of Bagha,
Uda, son of Khema, grandson of Parma, brought Guru's head to Kiratpur in
Parganah Kahlur on the tenth moonlit day on Mangsar, 1732. It was cremated at
Makhowal on the eleventh.
170. Harbans Singh, The Sikh Review, January, 1982, pp. 44-45, 55-56. Kartar Singh, Life
of Guru Gobind Singh, p. 37.
171. Kartar Singh, Ibid., p. 37. He quoted the Bhat Vahi Jadavansian which says: ^
Lakhi, son of Godhu, Nagahia, Hema and Hari, sons of Lakhi, Naik Dhuma, son
of Kahna, Tumar Bijlant picked up the body of Guru Tegh Bahadur, the 9th Guru,
and cremated it in Raesina village 12 minutes before dawn (Because cremation at
night was prohibited).
172. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 217.
Two shrines serve as memorial of Guru Tegh Bahadur's martyrdom. One stands
at the best place in old Delhi near the Red Fort and the other at the most notable
place in New Delhi, facing Rashtrapati Bhavan, the Parliament House and the
Central Secretariat.
173. Narang, G.C., op. cit., pp. 70-71.
174. Saqi Must-id-Khan, Masir-e-Alamgiri, translated Sir J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 94.
175. Latif, op. cit., p. 260.
176. Macauliffe, op. cit., IV, p. 392.
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177. Gordon, op. cit., p. 35.
106
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
178. Narang, G.C, op. cit., p. 74.
179. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 225.
180. Parkash Singh, Spokesman Weekly, New Delhi, 1970, p. 41.
181. Narang; op. cit., pp. 74-75.
182. Narang, op. cit., p. 74.
183. Cunningham, op. cit., p. 75.
184. Banerjee, Indubhushan, op. cit., p. 67.
185. Akhbarat-e-Durbar-e-Mnalla, I, 1677-79, quoted by Teja Singh, Ganda Singh in A
Short History of the Sikhs, I, p. 65.
186. Macauliffe, Vol. V, pp. 4-5.
187. Ibid., p. 4.
188. ' Amar Singh Sher-e-Punjab, Life of Guru Gobind Singh, p. 30. Kartar Singh
Kalaswalia, op. cit., pp. 70-71.
189. Hutchisru and Vogel, History of the Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, quoted by Kartar
Singh Kalaswalia, op. cit., pp. 88-90.
190. Ibid., p. 503.
191. Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History of Sikhs, p. 63.
192. Macauliffe, Vol. V, p. 29.
193. Sadhaura is situated at the foothills, 16 kilometres south of Paunta and 42 km east
of Ambala.
194. Kartar Singh Kalaswalia, op. cit., p. 104.
195. Kahan Singh, Mahan Kosha, Sukha Singh, Gur Bilas, Kartar Singh, Life of Guru
Gobind Singh, p. 77. Kartar Singh, Guru Gobind Singh and the Mughals, pp. 53-54.
196. Cunningham, History of the Sikhs, p. 77.
197. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 235.
198. Bichitra Natak, Section VIII, Chaupai 3. Quoted by Gupta, H.R., op. cit., p. 235.
199. Kalaswalia calls him Lai Chand, op. cit., pp. 118-19.
200. Also see Bichitra Natak, section IX, Chaupais 1-24, Sainapat, Sri Guru Sobha.
201. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. V, p. 54. Gian Singh, Twarikh Guru Khalsa,
pp. 459-60.
202. Macauliffe, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 55. Narang, G.C, op. cit., p. 90. Consider Dilawar
Khan, Governor of Kangra. Panth Prakash, -.Vol. XXXIV, p. 8. Consider Dilawar
Khan Governor of Kashmir. Santokh Singh, Suraj Prakash. Consider Dilawar
Khan, Subedar of Lahore.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
107
203. Kalaswalia, op. ext., p. 137.
204. Bichitra Natak, Section X, Chaupais 1-10. Kalaswalia, op. ext., p. 137. Sainapat,
Sri Gxirxi Sobha, p. 17.
205. Bichitra Natak, Section XI, Chaupais, 1-69. Kalaswalia, op. cit., pp. 134-41.
Sainapat, Sri Gur Sobha, p. 18.
206. Akhbarat-e-Darbar-e-Mxialla, I, 1677, 1699, quoted by Teja Singh and Ganda Singh
in Short History of the Sikhs, I, p. 65, fn. 2.
207. Sharma, Sri Ram, The Religioxis Policy of the Mughal Emperors, p. 146.
208. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 242.
209- Bichitra Natak, Section XII, Chaupais 1-12.
210. Irvine, Later Mughals, Vol. I, p. 4.
211. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 243.
212. Kalgidhar Chamatkar, p. 173. Kalaswalia, pp. 130-45, as quoted by Gupta, Hari
Ram, op. cit., p. 244.
213. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. V, pp. 124-26.
214. Sainapat, Sri Gurxi Sobha, p. 49.
Bhej diyo likh kai on ne,
Ab chhoro Guruji Bhum hamari
Kai kachhu dam daya kar dev,
Kai yudh karo.
215. Kartar Singh, The Life of Gxirxi Gobind Singh, p. 179.
216. Sukha Singh, Gur Bilas, p. 13. See Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., the siege lasted for
two months, p. 284.
217. Saxi Sakhi, pp. 20-21, 27. Sxiraj Prakash, pp. 5335-36.
218. Macauliffe, Vol. V, pp. 153-156.
219. Ibid., pp. 156, 162-64.
220. Narain Singh, Gxirxi Gobind Singh, Retold, p. 229.
221. Macauliffe, op. cit., p. 165.
222. Ibid.
223. Muhammad Akbar, The Punjab under the Mxighals, p. 219.
224. Ganda Singh, Hxikanxname, Guru's Hxikatn Namah, No. 60, p. 181.
225. Akhbarat-e-Dxirbar-e-Mualla, dated May 13, 1710, quoted by Ganda Singh in his
Makhiz-e-Twarikh-e-Sikhan, I, p. 83. Also see Sainapat, 1925, pp. 58-64.
226. See Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 289. Also see Santokh Singh, Sxiraj Prakash,
pp. 5817-18.
108
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereign ty
227. Santokh Singh/ Suraj Prakash, pp. 5819-22.
228. Ibid.
229. Ibid., pp. 5834-38.
230. Ibid., pp. 5838-41.
231. Latif, op. cit., pp. 265-68.
232. Sainapat, op. cit., pp. 65-74.
233. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 293.
234. Zafar Nama, lines 19-41.
235. Ganda Singh, Makhiz-e-Twarikh-e-Sikhan, pp. 1-8. Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram,
op. cit., p. 294.
236. Zafar Nama, lines 19-40.
237. Bhagat Lakshman Singh, Sikh Martyrs, p. 67.
238. Ibid.
239. Chhabra, G.S., Advanced History of the Punjab, p. 303.
240. Kalgidhar Chamatkar, p. 670, Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 297.
241. Ganda Singh, Makhiz-e-Twarikh-e-Sikhan, pp. 61-63. Quoted by Gupta, Hari Ram,
op., cit., p. 298.
242. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 298.
243. Sainapat, pp. 75-76.
244. Gupta, H.R., op. cit., p. 299.
245. The Fateh Nama and Zafar Nama. are two independent letters. In Fateh Nama the
Guru mentions the martyrdom of his two elder sons, Ajit Singh and Jujhar Singh.
The Zafar Nama refers to the execution of his two younger sons also, Zorawar
Singh and Fateh Singh.
The mode of meeting Aurangzeb in both the letters is different. In Fateh Nama the
Guru wishes to meet the Emperor in the battlefield. The Zafar Nama seeks
negotiations with the Emperor in Malwa. Fateh Nama is a letter from a military
leader and Zafar Nama from a religious precept. The Zafar Nama tells us in
unmistakable terms that one should not lose courage even when faced against
heavy odds, that peace is desirable but not without honour, that in negotiations
compromise is essential but not on the terms of the dictator, give and take being
the basic feature of a compromise.
246. Gupta, H.R., op. cit., p. 306.
247. Sagoo, Harbans Kaur, Mai Bhagoo, See Gill, M.K., Guru Mahal te Hore Bibian (ed.)
pp. 145-173.
248. Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, pp. 301-04.
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors
109
249. Sagoo, H.K., Baba Deep Singh Shaheed, See Gill, M.K. Shahidi Prampra te Sikh Itihas
(ed.) pp. 119-40.
250. Ganda Singh, Makhiz-e-Twarikh-e-Sikhan, pp. 74-75. Quoted by Gupta, H.R., op.
cit., p. 312.
251. Ahkam-e-Alamgiri, pp. 7-9, quoted by Gupta, H.R. p. 312.
252. Gupta, H.R., op. cit., p. 312.
253. It lies on the Ring Road now called Mahatma Gandhi Road.
254. Jodh Singh, Shri Kalgidhar Hulas, pp. 20-25.
255. Ibid., pp. 205-6.
256. Sainapat, Sri Guru Sobha, p. 119.
257. Ibid., p. 122.
258. Daulat Rai, Biography of Guru Gobind Singh (Urdu) Quoted by Kartar Singh in
Guru Gobind Singh and the Mughals, p. 108.
259. Translation by Ganda Singh. Quoted by Gupta, H.R., pp. 312-15.
260. Sainapat, Sri Guru Sobha, p. 121. Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, p. 313.
261. Macauliffe, Vol. V, p. 235.
262. Khushwaqt Rae, Twarikh-e-Sikhan, 1812, folio, 36a. Daulat Rae, Life of Guru Gobind
Singh, p. 231. Bhai Jodh Singh, Sri Kalgidhar Hulas, pp. 256-58. Quoted by Gupta,
H.R., op. cit., p. 320.
263. Archer, The Sikhs, p. 208.
264. Archer, J.C, Ibid., p. 208. Archer and many others call him Gul Khan, a grandson
of Painda Khan killed in a battle by Guru Hargobind. He is the same person as
Jamshed Khan, a spy of Wazir Khan and later on of Emperor Bahadur Shah as
well. Also see, Jodh Singh, Sri Kalgidhar Hulas, p. 270.
265. Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-lubab, Vol. II, p. 551.
He says that the assailant of the Guru was not discovered. On the other hand, the
Guru was held responsible for the murder of Pathan Jamshed Khan whose son
was granted a Khilat and compensated for the loss of his father.
266. Mirza Muhammad Harisi, Ibrat Nama, p. 67.
Sayyid Muhammad Qasim Husaini, p. 36 state that Gobind Singh was
assassinated during the expedition by a Pathan soldier and he died of his
wounds in 1708, at the town of Nanded without leaving any male issue.
George Forster, A Journey from Bengal to England, p. 263. Nanak Chand Naz,
Bichitra Natak, p. 200.
267. Daulat Rae, Life of Guru Gobind Singh, pp. 232-35. Hakim Ram Kishan, Janam Sakhi
Guru Gobind Singh, pp. 198-201.
110
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
268. Macauliffe, Vol. V, p. 244.
269. Kartar Singh, op. cit., p. 126.
270. William Irvine, Later Mughals, Vol. I, p. 59.
271. Akhbarat-e-Durbar-e-Miialla, quoted by Ganda Singh, Makhiz-e-Twarikh-e-Sikhan,
Vol. I, p. 83.
272. Ibid.
273. Irvine, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 90.
274. Narang, G.C., Transformation of Sikhism, p. 98.
275. Ibid., Kartar Singh, op. cit., p. 127.
Parganas affected by Sikh uprisings.
2
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
The first empire-builder for the Sikhs and a great national hero for the
Hindus, a scourge for the tyrants but a man of compassion and
generosity for them who supported his political cause — not his
religion — was Banda Singh Bahadur. His name in childhood was
Lachhman Dev. Max Arthur Macauliffe, 1 William Irvine, 2 Khushwant
Singh, 3 Ganda Singh, 4 Gian Singh, 5 Karam Singh, 6 Veni Prasad, 7
Gianeswar Khurana, 8 Gopal Singh, 9 G.C. Narang, 10 Sohan Singh Seetal, 11
Satbir Singh, 12 G.S. Chhabra 13 hold the view that Lachhman Dev was
born on October 27, 1670, at Rajauri in district Poonch of western
Kashmir. This view is acceptable to most of the authorities on the history
of medieval India. 14 Guru Gobind Singh was four years old when
Lachhman Dev was born. Banda Singh Bahadur was a great historical
personality of the eighteenth century who rose to greatness by dint of his
own hard work. His father, Ram Dev, was an ordinary ploughman,
Rajput of the Bharadwaj clan. 15 Born in poor circumstances, nothing is
known of his early life except that the child, true to the traditions of his
race, developed into a youth of very active habits, full of energy and
fond of shooting and hunting. 16 He was quick to learn the art of riding,
wrestling, archery, and swordsmanship.
As he came from a poor family and lived in a remote village,
traditional schooling did not fall to the lot of Lachhman Dev or Banda
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
113
Singh Bahadur, because during those days India, more particularly
Kashmir, was very backward educationally. There was no school in the
area where Banda Singh Bahadur took his birth. 17 Whatever education
was imparted during those days was through the Brahmins. Even in the
twentieth century, there are hardly any learned person of outstanding
merit in Kashmir except the Pundits. So, it seems, in the early days of his
life, Lachhman Dev had no opportunity for regular schooling and he
started assisting his father in farming. In his spare time he used to go to
the jungles with a bow and arrows for hunting. In due course, he
developed this hobby and acquired such a good taste for it that he
turned a good hunter and marksman. It was about this time when Guru
Tegh Bahadur laid down his life in 1675 A.D. when Lachhman Dev was
only five years of age. It is possible that the child had heard of the Guru's
martyrdom for the protection of the religion and honour of the Kashmiri
Pundits. It can be inferred safely that the Guru's martyrdom was freely
talked about by the people of Kashmir in general, and Kashmiri Pundits
in particular.
Lachhman Dev was very sensitive. It would be appropriate to quote
one event of his life here which revolutionized his life. Once he went for
hunting when he was just fifteen years old. It is said that he shot at a doe
on the bank of the Tavi river. The pitiable looks of the dying doe struck
the tender chords of his heart. But added to this was another and more
touching scene. As he cut open its stomach, he saw its two young ones
falling from the womb and writhing to death before his very eyes in a
few minutes after their premature birth. Something latent moved him
still more from within. After this event, he started leading a disappointed
and disillusioned life. He had no interest left in worldly affairs. He gave
up hunting, eating meat, and resolved to lead an ascetic's life.
Meanwhile he came into contact with a Vaishnava Bairagi named Janaki
Prasad under whose spell he renounced his home and worldly
attachments to become an ascetic himself. Janaki Prasad, according to the
custom of the Bairagis, gave him the new name of Madho Dass. 18 Madho
Dass visited various places with his Guru Janaki Prasad and eventually
came to the shrine of Baba Ram Thaman, near Kasur (Lahore) at the time
of the Baisakhi fair in 1686. Here, there were various other groups of
Sadhus. Madho Dass joined the group led by Bairagi Ram Dass and
became his disciple. After Baisakhi, this group moved from there, visiting
various religious places. It came to Panch Bati near Nasik. The solitude
and calmness of that place acted as a source of attraction to Madho Dass.
So he decided to stay there.
114
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
It was at Nasik that he formed the acquaintance of an old Yogi,
Aughar Nath, famous for his attainments in Tantric science. 19 Madho
Dass started serving him day and night, taking him as a real Guru.
Impressed by his spirit of service and dedication, Aughar Nath started
teaching him Yogic and occult sciences. He showered all the qualities of
Yog and Jantar on his disciple. Aughar Nath was so greatly impressed by
the service of Madho Dass that towards the end of his life he presented
his valuable Yogic Granth called the Sidh Anunia, compiled by a disciple
of Guru Gorakh Nath, 20 to Madho Dass, and then breathed his last in
1691 A.D.
Being thus accomplished, Madho Dass left the Panch Bati woods to
establish a monastery of his own elsewhere. In search of a suitable place
for it, he moved towards the east of the river Godavari. A calm and quiet
place near Nanded 21 appealed to him the most. So he decided to stay
there and made q { small hut on the bank of the Godavari 22 He took an
austere life and Tantric practices, by dint of which he soon became widely
popular and greatly respected in the neighbourhood. In a short time a
large following of disciples gathered round him and the small hermitage
of Madho Dass grew into a regular monastery. He was yet too
inexperiences! for the life of a saint. Superiority complex overshadowed
his virtues. The sadhus from far and wide came there and stayed in his
dera for some time while on their way to places of pilgrimage. In the
centre of his dera, he had kept a beautiful and luxurious couch (palang).
Whenever any sadhu went there and sat on it, Madho Dass summoned
his birs (demoniacal champions) and ordered them to overturn the
couch, thus throwing the occupant on the ground. This type of insult of
sadhus pleased Madho Dass and in due course it became his hobby.
He was undoubtedly a mine of energy and enthusiasm, but these
were directed in wrong channels, writes Dr. Ganda Singh. "The ore was
there in an inexhaustible abundance but was waiting for a refining
chemist to separate the dross from the pure metal and to cleanse and
polish it with his chemical solutions. It was in this state of suspense that
Madho Dass spent some sixteen summers of his life at Nanded. At last
the warrior-saint Guru Gobind Singh appeared on the scene in the
autumn of 1708 A.D. to reclaim the misdirected energies of the ascetic
and make them flow in the channels of the Khalsa brotherhood,
strenuously working for the emancipation of humanity, suffering under
the iniquities and oppressions of the age." 23
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
115
In 1708 A.D., Guru Gobind Singh, who was then accompanying
Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah in his Deccan campaigns, stopped at
Nanded for some time. One day, he went to the monastery of Bairagi
Madho Dass. He had been told a lot of things about the wonder-working
powers of Madho Dass by saint Jait Ram of Dadu Duara (Rajasthan in
Jaipur State). Jait Ram had himself been ridiculed by Madho Dass. But he
was very much impressed by his bravery and told Guru Gobind Singh
about him and advised the Guru to meet him. On his arrival at Nanded,
Guru Gobind Singh went to his hermitage. Madho Dass was not then
present there. The Guru ordered his disciples to kill a few goats of the
Bairagi and cook meat there and then. 24 In the opinion of Khazan Singh,
the Guru did so with a view to exciting Madho Dass 25 because he was
then a vegetarian and it was an act of sacrilege to kill an animal at the
Bairagi's dera. The Guru took the seat on the couch that Madho Dass had
used to discomfort and confound many a saint already. The matter was
reported to the Bairagi. His resentment was roused, and he rushed back
to his hermitage in order to take his revenge upon the offender. The
Bairagi was red with anger and his fury knew no bounds. He used all his
tricks and magic to up-turn the couch on the Guru, but in spite of his
very best efforts, nothing would succeed. He was a little gripped with
fear by then. He started wondering who the bold new comer could be.
He came up to the Guru and looked closely at his face, its brilliant,
spiritual light, its majestic, captivating and kindly eyes, abounding in
divine grace, his golden plumes, a hawk perched on the thumb of his
one hand, his sword hanging from his girdle, a bow tucked on his
shoulder, looking a fascinating picture of both stateliness and spirituality
harmoniously mingled. The very first look of the Guru had melted his
anger and had won him over as an ardent admirer 26
Unable to utter a single word and tongue-tied, the Bairagi found his
hands joined in obeisance and head lowered in reverence. The kindly
Guru smiled and said softly: "You had thrown away your spear, had
broken your bow, and crushed your arrows; yet even, now, you have not
changed your nature!" Madho Dass raised his eyes just a bit and cast them
low again. His body shook from head to toe. He felt as if somebody had
come to know his deepest secrets. Taking himself a little in hand and
under control, he spoke, not without an effort: "Your holiness, I have lost
all my merit and rectitude at the hands of such a high saint as yourself."
The Guru: "What do you mean?"
Madho Dass: "Your honour, I am a confirmed vegetarian saint. You
116
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
have killed lives and shed blood in my own house and you have
desecrated my seat on which I sit, while worshipping my gods/'
The Guru: "Does the shedding of blood profane your seat?"
Madho Dass: "That is the principle of my Vaishnav creed."
The Guru: "Is that so in spite of the fact that the blood has flowed in
one corner of your large compound while your couch stands in a distant
corner? How did that make your seat unhaloed?"
Madho Dass: "Your lordship, when blood has been shed in the
hermitage, no seat in any corner of it can escape the curse of impurity."
The Guru: "Then tell me one thing: When in India rivers of blood of
its guiltless inhabitants happen to flow over every inch of its soil, how
was it that your hermitage in this locality could remain unprofaned so
far in spite of it all?"
These words went home and shook him out of complacency. His very
soul was shaken out of its deep slumber and all his powers were up in
revolt against his past. Thus staggered altogether, he exclaimed: "Well?"
The Guru replied in a firm tone: "That is that."
A new and bright light had dawned in the inner soul of the Bairagi
now. He bowed and fell at the feet of the Guru and spoke with tears
welling in his eyes: "Pardon me, my Lord, I am your humble votary
{Banda)."
The Guru: "And I am raising my Banda (servant) to the status of
Banda Singh Bahadur."
Madho Dass: "At your service and at your sacred feet, your
Holiness."
The Guru: "My Banda Singh Bahadur, you are a huntsman by nature.
Persevere in your vocation of hunting. I am granting to you an
unbreakable bow in place of the one that you had broken and discarded
once, and the arrows that will break the tyranny of the cruel, absolute
ruler of our people. You hunted the helpless animals at one time. Come
out now and kill the merciless tyrants of our motherland. I anoint you
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
117
to be the protector and saviour of the humble, helpless people from
today onward." 27
The Guru administered holy, Sikh baptism to Madho Dass with his
hands. After taking Amrit (the nectar of the double-edged sword) from
Guru Gobind Singh, he was named Banda Singh Bahadur. But
Macauliffe writes that Banda was named Gurbaksh Singh. 28 This
statement cannot be verified. There are some authorities, such as Karam
Singh, Sohan Singh, Denzil Ibbetson, Edward Maclagan, Khazan Singh
and Hari Ram Gupta and others, who are of the opinion that Banda
Singh was not initiated into Sikhism by administering the Pahul, i.e., he
was not administered Amrit by the Guru 29 But there exists weightier
evidence to show that Banda was administered Amrit by the Guru and
was then dressed like a Sikh. 30 In an instant he was a changed man. He
was now no longer a Bairagi. He had now become a full fledged Sikh —
a disciple of Guru Gobind Singh — a member of the Khalsa brotherhood. 31
He had now found a true preceptor and saviour in Guru Gobind Singh
who became the centre of all his religious devotions. His monastic
establishment was at once dissolved and he followed his Lord to his
camp to prepare for his new mission — a new life.
The Guru instructed him in all the articles of the Sikh creed and its
symbols. Banda Singh now learnt with great interest the Sikh scriptures
and Sikh history with the help of other Sikhs present there. Within no
time he acquaint himself with the early History of Sikhism, the lofty
ideals of Guru Nanak, 32 Guru Gobind Singh and their efforts in raising
a nation of saint-warriors mostly out of the long down-trodden classes of
the Punjab. A narration of the stories of the martyrdom of Guru Arjan
Dev and of Guru Teg Bahadur set his blood boiling with pious
indignation. He also witnessed the wholesale persecution of millions of
helpless non-Muslim subjects at the hands of the imperial officials. The
accounts of the battles of Guru Gobind Singh himself against the hill
Rajas and the Mughal imperial armies, given him by the Sikhs, made the
muscles of his arms twitch and ready for immediate action. His mind
was in revolt and his hands were involuntarily forced to grip his sword.
But the doleful tale of the cold-blooded murder of the tenth Guru's
younger sons, Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh, who were bricked up alive
in a wall and were then mercilessly butchered to death for their refusal
to abjure their faith and accept Islam, drew tears from his eyes and drove
him into a sort of frenzy. Guru Gobind Singh liked Banda Singh's
sensitive nature. He reminded him that "when tyranny had overtaken
118
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
men, it was the duty of the more sensitive to fight against it and even to
lay down their life in the struggle". This is what Banda Singh Bahadur
wanted actually and offered to do as he was bidden. Guru Gobind Singh,
who had established the Khalsa and wanted to punish the tyrants of the
common people, found -in Banda Singh a capable person having the
capacity to create a sense of shared goals amongst the oppressed people
and strengthen the unity of the faith. The meeting between the two great
personalities of the age proved to be a very significant event in the
history of Punjab in general and in the history of Sikhism in particular. 33
Just in those days Guru Gobind Singh was stabbed by a Pathan
named Jamshed Khan. 34 The news of this treacherous deed maddened
Banda Singh to fury. His blood boiled. He could not now afford to
remain inactive. He begged to be allowed to proceed to the Punjab to
pull down the tyrannical rulers from their seats of power and accord
them codign punishment. Because of physical disability due to the
assassin's blow Guru Gobind Singh was not in a position to return to
Punjab. Otherwise, of course, he would have gone back from Agra itself,
had it not been for his negotiations with Bahadur Shah. He had written
to his people on this point in his letter of mid-October 1707 A.D. He had
now, therefore, no other course left open to him than to accede to Banda
Singh's request and entrust the military command of his people to his
charge.
Raj Pal Singh writes in his book 35 that in all probability when Guru
Gobind Singh realised that his efforts to get justice from the Emperor
Bahadur Shah were nowhere near success, he decided to send his men
to Punjab under Banda Singh Bahadur to foment trouble there so that he
could pressurize the Emperor for an early punishment to Wazir Khan
who had killed innocent Sikhs, and thus settle the issue. For this
purpose, he decided to commission Banda Singh Bahadur to march upon
Punjab and accomplish by force what he had failed to accomplish by an
appeal to justice. "Constitutional means and peaceful negotiations not
only failed to get justice but also cost Guru Gobind Singh his life. The
sword was now the last resort and the duty of using it devolved upon
the Khalsa, with Banda Singh at their head, of course not as Guru, 36 but
as commander of the forces of the Khalsa" 37
At a darbar held at Nanded about the middle of September 1708 A.D.,
the Guru reconfirmed the title of Bahadur on Banda Singh and invested
him with full political and military authority as his Deputy to carry on
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
119
the national struggle in the Punjab. Dr. Ganda Singh writes that Guru
entrusted to him the noble task of continuing the war against the
tyrannies and oppressions of his time. And in the execution of that duty,
Banda Singh, of course, punished the wrong-doers for the cold-blooded
murders of Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh. A Nishan Sahib and a Nagara,
or a flag and drum, were bestowed upon him as emblems of temporal
authority. The Guru gave five arrows from his own quiver as "pledge
and token of victory". He was given an advisory council of five devoted
Sikhs, consisting of Bhais. Binod Singh, Kahan Singh, Baj Singh, Day a
Singh and Ram Singh. 38 These five Sikhs were appointed to assist him.
Twenty more Sikhs were to accompany him to assist him to the theatre
of their future war-like activities or to act as his bodyguards. The secret
of his success lay, he was told, in his remaining pure of heart and honest.
He was not to touch another man's wife, was to look upon himself as a
servant of the Khalsa who would be his true Guru. He was to undertake
no important task without an ardasa, or a prayer to the Almighty.
Whatever he did, he was to take in it the advice of the "Five Sikhs"
Banda was not to found any sect, nor call himself a Guru. He was not to
permit his victories to elate him, nor his defeats depress him. These were
in brief the instructions which the Guru gave to Banda Singh Bahadur.
He was raised to the position of Jathedar or leader of the Khalsa and
strengthened by the Guru's Hukamnamas or letters to the Sikhs all over
the country to join Banda Singh Bahadur in his war against Mughal
tyranny. 39 Three hundred Sikh cavaliers in battle array accompanied
Banda to a distance of eight kilometres to give him the final send off. 40
The Guru refused to accompany the Emperor beyond Nanded, as he
was severely wounded by a Pathan named Jamshed Khan, set on the
Guru by Wazir Khan with the connivance of the court nobles and
Emperor himself. The despatch of Banda Singh to the Punjab had
infuriated Emperor Bahadur Shah. As a result of his intrigue the Guru
passed away on October 7, 1708 A.D. Banda Singh had not gone far
when he heard the sad news. This did not discourage him. On the
contrary it doubled his zeal and sent the fire of vengeance ablaze in his
heart. But he was very careful about the safety of his group on account
of Emperor's hostility. He wanted to reach Punjab before the Emperor
was free from the revolt of his brother Kam Baksh at Hyderabad. Banda
Singh seems to have travelled in disguise and by circuitous routes to
avoid detection. Generally, he adopted the same route across
Maharashtra and Rajasthan as was followed by Guru Gobind Singh. The
distance between Nanded and Hissar in Haryana by that route was 1600
km. 41 At the rate of 16 km. or 10 miles a day on an average, Banda Singh
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
should not have taken more than 100 days during his journey, but he
actually took about a year. It means that he might have been frequently
in hiding. The Emperor could have instructed his officers to make short
work of Banda Singh and his party, as this much of diplomacy he could
not have ignored. That is why Banda Singh travelled right across
Maharashtra and Rajasthan, both of which were in revolt against the
Mughals. 42
On the way, whenever Banda Singh Bahadur remembered the Sikh
martyrs and that of the most brutal martyrdom of the two children of the
Guru at Sarhind, Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh, made his blood boil.
Their murder by making them stand at a spot while a brick-wall was
build around them to suffocate them to death, had shocked him beyond
words. It made him grow so agitated and restless as to wish strongly to
reach Sarhind in a single day to wreak his vengeance on the tyrannical
Nawab there.
They had, thus, reached Bharatpur by steady marches when they
were faced with an unexpected hardship, they had exhausted their funds
and were yet far from their destination. They were not in a position to
take to any law breaking in that territory. All of them, however, joined
now in making a prayer to their Guru to help them in this contingency.
The prayer had a desired result. Just then a party of Lobana Sikhs turned
up there, who were on a business trip to a distant area. They made an
offering of their Daswandh* 3 to Banda Singh Bahadur. This was a timely
help which enabled him to continue his march without any further
embarrassment. They were, thus, enabled to continue their march till
they had reached the neighbourhood of Delhi.
In a few months Banda arrived at the frontier of the Delhi province
and his speed of march was slightly slowed. Now he had to proceed
carefully. Here he paid attention to winning people to his camp. So he
started organizing assemblies of the people. Gradually, his popularity
increased and people flocked to him, taking him as the representative of
Guru Gobind Singh. He started praying for the welfare of the audience
and also started giving financial help to the needy. The latter device
further added to his popularity. In this connection, Ganda Singh writes:
"He (Banda Singh) prayed for the prosperity of all who visited him and
enjoined upon the hearts of all who met him. His generosity knew no
bounds. He paid all in gold mohars, of which he had some piles ready
by his side." 44
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
121
In Hissar district, called the Bangardesh, where Banda Singh was in
October 1709 A.D., he was well-received by the Hindus and Sikhs as a
leader of the nationalist movement and deputy of Guru Gobind Singh.
Liberal offerings were made to him in the cause of the country and
dharma (religion and virtue) which he distributed among his followers
and the poor and the needy. Banda Singh Bahadur had so far been quiet
and had followed the policy of non-interference in the affairs of others.
This, however, he could not continue for long. Bangar in those days was
notorious for occasional visitations of professional dacoits. So, in this
region, he took to suppressing dacoits and robbers, seized their booty
and gave it to the poor people (as Banda Singh was advertised as a man
of wealth, gang of dacoits hovered round his camp). This noble act of
bravery was the beginning of the glorious, though short, career of this
hero. It won him great fame in the neighbourhood and he was
occasionally called upon to protect villages from plundering parties. It
was publicly proclaimed by the waving of scarf, 45 that he undertook to
protect the poor and the helpless against all professional robbers and
official tyrants, and that he expected no reward from the people in lieu
of the service rendered except the simple necessaries of life, such as
rations and "milk and curd". He further invited people into the fold of
the Khalsa Brotherhood and promised them a share in the conquered
lands. 46 This, however, was very distasteful to the Chaudhris of the ilaqa
who were, as a rule, in league with officials on one hand, and bad
characters, on the other. They generally had as their share a fixed
percentage from the total proceeds of their successful raids. Complaints
were, therefore, made by them to the local Amils. But before they could
take any action, Banda Singh moved on into the pargana of Kharkhauda
and established himself near the villages of Sehri and Khanda. 47 Never
perhaps in the history of Punjab did the circumstances of the time offer
so fair a field to the ambitions of a leader, conscious of great talents and
called to the command of a warlike people only too eager to support him
in any enterprise he might undertake. The Emperor was away in the
Deccan, and many of his notable chiefs and commanders had been killed
in the recently fought civil war. The governors of Delhi, Sarhind, Lahore
and Jammu acted independently and had no cooperation among
themselves. Banda Singh directed his attention to the east towards Delhi.
There were two more motives behind move. He wanted to leave Mata
Sahib Deva in Delhi and plunder the government officials and rich
people of the fertile area of Haryana. From Kharkhauda, about 50 km
norm-west of Delhi, Mata Sahib Deva was sent to Delhi under proper
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
escort of Bhai Mani Singh, the most trusted man of Guru Gobind Singh,
to join Mata Sundari, who was leading the Khalsa in the midst of such
adversities. 48 Like the fight against the dacoits, Banda Singh exhorted his
audience to fight against injustice and tyranny of the Mughal rulers.
People responded admirably to his call. His number began to swell.
From here, he despatched the Guru's letters to the Sikhs of the
Malwa, the Doaba and the Majha districts of the Punjab, calling upon
them to join him in the laudable object of uprooting the tyrannous rule
of the intolerant Mughals. His companions from Nanded, as well wrote
a large number of letters to the leading Sikhs all over the country, telling
them that Banda Singh Bahadur had been appointed by the Guru
himself as Jathedar of the Khalsa and that it behoved every true Sikh to
fall in under his banner. To appeal to the sentiments of the people, they
reminded them of the cruel death of the two sons of the Guru at Sarhind
and exhorted them to join in punishing Faujdar Wazir Khan of Sarhind
and his Peshkar Sucha Nand, who had so cruelly butchered the young
children. This produced a miraculous effect upon the minds of the Sikhs
who were already burning with rage against them for these atrocities. 49
The Sikhs responded to the call. They began to pour in from all
quarters, which alarmed the Mughal officials, particularly the Faujdar of
Sarhind, Wazir Khan, who feared them the most. Immediately he issued
orders to watch the roads and river fords and to obstruct the passage of
the northern Sikhs into the Malwa districts. Therefore, the southern
Sikhs were the first to join Banda Singh Bahadur. Next to the banjaras,
who came in with a train of bullocks laden with ration, joined Bhai Fateh
Singh, a descendant of Bhai Bhagtu, Karam Singh and Dharam Singh of
Bhai Rupe, Nigahia Singh and Chuhar Singh, with as many followers as
they could collect. Many Jat and Barar Sikhs of the neighbourhood and
Bangar territory came of their own accord. Although Chaudhris Ram
Singh and Tilok Singh, the ancestors of the Phulkian chiefs, could not
join in person, they liberally contributed in men and money. A large
number of professional robbers and soldiers of fortune who anticipated
a large booty from the condemned city of Sarhind also joined the holy
warriors. Ali Singh, Mali Singh and other Sikhs of Salaudi (in the service
of Wazir Khan) also volunteered themselves to fight in the name and for
the cause of their Guru. Many other well-known Sikhs of Guru Gobind
Singh joined hands with Banda Singh to wreak vengeance on the
enemies of the Guru. A large number of irregulars also joined the Khalsa
army in the hope of getting a rich booty. Thus, Banda Singh, before he
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
123
actually started fighting, had got a large following to the tune of several
thousand armed men. In two or three months' time, writes Khafi Khan,
"four to five thousand pony riders and seven to eight thousand war-like
footmen joined him". Day by day their number increased and abundant
money and material by pillage fell into their hands. 50
News now arrived that the Sikhs from the Majha and the Doaba had
collected in great numbers in the hills at Kiratpur on the other side of the
Sutlej, and that their passage was blocked by the Pathans of Maler Kotla
and Rupar. They had to suffer under a great disadvantage on account of
the long distance they had to cover, and for the shortage of funds for the
expenses of the journey. Their difficulties were further aggravated by the
fact that the fords of the Sutlej were guarded against them. Bhai
Peshaura Singh and Kishora Singh, merchants of Kiratpur, were,
however, of great service to them in running a Guru Ka hangar and
supplying them with food and money. On receiving their message,
Banda Singh Bahadur sent word to them to stay on where they were and
not to advance out of their safe position until they received instructions
from him to that effect. 51
In the opinion of Gokul Chand Narang, Banda Singh's army
consisted of three categories of persons. The first were the true and loyal
Sikhs, who had sat at the feet of Guru Gobind Singh himself and had
rallied round Banda Singh in a spirit of dedication and self-sacrifice to
carry on the crusade against the enemies of their race and religion. The
second consisted of mercenaries who had been recruited and sent to
Banda Singh by such chieftains as Ram Singh and Tilok Singh of the
Phool family who, not being quite hopeful about the success of the new
movement, did not like to run the risk of losing court favour and their
possessions and could not take the risk of joining personally the army of
Banda Singh. They secretly paid for the arms and accoutrements
(military dress, arms and equipment, etc.) of large bodies of troops and
keeping themselves in the background, continued to help the movement
in a secret way. The third category comprised the irregulars who were
attracted to Banda Singh for their love of booty and plunder. They were
professional robbers and dacoits, men of reckless daring who joined the
movement with the object of looting cities. 52
Banda Singh's appeal to the oppressed and the news of the death of
the tenth Guru, created a highly inflammable situation in Punjab. The
sustained persecution of the Sikhs including murder of Guru Gobind
124
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Singh attracted the attention of the people in general on their ideology
with the result that many of them turned sympathisers of their cause and
quite a big segment of them joined the Khalsa. According to Khushwant
Singh, "at that time the distinction between a formally baptised 'Singh'
and a Hindu who while retaining his Hindu name and practices, was in
close sympathy with the Khalsa, was not great". 53 This swelling of the
ranks of his followers emboldened Banda Singh Bahadur to throw an
open challenge to the Mughal empire by attacking Sonepat, not far off
from the imperial seat of power Delhi. He entered Sonepat looted the
state treasury and the homes of the rich, and distributed whatever he got
among his men. At this time, Bahadur Shah was still busy in Deccan
fighting his brother Kam Baksh. Banda Singh Bahadur had targetted
important commercial towns and trading centres before attacking the
governor of Sarhind with a view to collect sufficient amount of money
for paying his army and also for purchase of war material. Secondly, by
defeating the faujdar and other imperial officials stationed in these
fortified towns, he wanted to weaken the chances of reaching immediate
reinforcement to the help of Wazir Khan from the surrounding areas.
Samana was the object of Banda Singh's next attack. While on their
march, Banda Singh received a report in the neighbourhood of Kaithal
that a large amount of imperial treasure, revenue collections of those
districts, was being taken to Delhi, escorted by a small guard which had
halted at village Bhuna. Banda Singh thought it to be a golden
opportunity not to be missed. So he hastened to that village, fell upon
the guard, put them to death and took possession of the treasure. 54
The report of Banda Singh's raid was sent to the Governor of Kaithal.
He at once reached the spot with all his soldiery and mounted
constabulary to meet the Sikhs, whom he found a strong match. But the
Sikhs were being handicapped because of their being on foot and the
Amil's forces being on horses. Banda Singh hit upon a plan, according to
which they all entered the neighbouring wood and hid themselves there.
The wood being full of thorny bushes, the enemy's force found it
difficult to search for them while mounted on horses. So they got down
from their horses and started the search. Banda Singh at once gave a
signal to his men, who came out, caught the horses and appeared before
the dismounted imperial force, thus surprising them. This tactics was
one of the fundamentals of war. Many were put to sword and others took
to their heels, leaving the Amil behind. The Amil was captured by the
Singhs. He was later released on the condition of making over all horses
to Banda Singh's comrades to which he readily agreed. The loot was
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
125
distributed by Banda Singh proportionately among the followers, and
also the gang he had invited. This convinced everyone of the
unselfishness of their gallant leader. Banda Singh Bahadur and the Sikhs
were greatly encouraged by these small but successful beginnings. 55
It is clear that so far, except a small number of Sikhs from the
surrounding areas, Banda Singh Bahadur had not received any help from
the Sikhs of central Punjab. Therefore, it was perhaps Banda Singh's
primary aim to attack Samana so as to attract the active help of the Sikhs
from their heartland. 56 Jalal-ud-Din, the executioner of Guru Tegh
Bahadur, was the native of Samana. In addition, the killers of the two
sons of Guru Gobind Singh at Sarhind, Shashal Beg and Bashal Beg, also
belonged to this town. Ali Husain, who by false promises had lured
Guru Gobind Singh to evaculate Anandpur, also belonged to Samana. It
was an accursed place in the eyes of the Sikhs. The entire peasantry of
the neighbourhood was now up in arms and Banda Singh's following
had risen to several thousand. 57
Samana was one of the richest towns in those days and was expected
to yield a booty large enough to free them from the anxiety of enormous
expenses required to equip them for their future military operations. It
was well-fortified by a strong wall and every haveli of Amirs of high rank
was a fortress in itself. The Faujdar of Samana, it appears, was confident
that he could repulse the attack of any enemy outside the city walls, and
that even if besieged, the impregnability of his fortifications would force
the enemy to raise the siege and retire. He paid no attention, therefore,
to the rumours of an attack by the Sikhs, whose levies, he thought, were
too raw to stand against his brave and disciplined soldiers. But he was
soon disillusioned, when on the morning of November 20, 1709, A.D.,
Banda Singh Bahadur and his men suddenly rushed upon the town from
a distance of about 10 kos and entered it from all sides before the gates
could be closed against them. The inhabitants were massacred in cold
blood and the town was thoroughly squeezed. So the beautiful town of
Samana, with its palatial buildings, was converted into a heap of ruins,
never to regain its past glory. Samana was the district town and had nine
parganas attached to it. It was placed under the charge of Fateh Singh as
Banda Singh was very much impressed by the daring spirit and bravery
of Bhai Fateh Singh, who rightly deserved the credit given to him for his
distinguished service in this first important victory. Although Kaithal
had also been formally conquered, Samana had generally been called by
historians the first regular conquest of Banda Singh Bahadur and the first
administered unit of Banda Singh, of course. A large quantity of gold,
126
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
arms and ammunition fell into his hands while everybody fighting
under him became rich and prosperous. 58 Fateh Singh was given a body
of troopers to maintain peace and order.
Wazir Khan of Sarhind was much alarmed to hear the news of
invasion and occupation of Samana by the Sikhs. Wazir Khan was well
aware that his capital could not escape a similar fate for long. He was,
therefore, busy in making preparations to ensure that the fate of Samana
did not befall Sarhind. He was concerting every possible precautionary
measure to avoid this catastrophe, and was collecting every bit of
information about the military strength and resources of the Sikhs. He
sent his spies to Samana for the purpose. Banda Singh, on the other
hand, was no less vigilant, and when information was brought to him
about the spies in the bazaar, he ordered them to be brought before him.
One of them was without an eye and the other without a hand. Both of
them were given a terrible shoe-beating and were then sent away with
a message for Wazir Khan, asking him to get ready to meet the
advancing Khalsa like a brave soldier. 59
The swift success of his army did not turn Banda Singh's head. He
planned his next move wisely and executed them boldly. He knew they
were not strong enough to risk a battle with a much greater force of the
Faujdar, far better equipped and provisioned. Wazir Khan possessed a
long train of field artillery, 60 consisting of heavy guns and zambooraks,
and his city was well-fortified. The Khalsa, on the other hand, were only
equipped with swords and spears, the number of matchlock men among
them being hopelessly small. To provide the Sikhs with all the necessary
implements of war with his limited resources when he was surrounded
by enemies on all sides, was out of question. His success, he thought,
mostly depended upon the increase of his strength in men, brave and
self-sacrificing like the heroes of Chamkaur. This could only be effected
on the arrival of the Majha and the Doaba Sikhs from across the Sutlej
where they were held up by the Maler Kotla and Rupar detachments.
With this object in view, Banda Singh set out in the eastern direction
towards Kiratpur by a long circuitous route. On the way, Banda Singh
invaded Ghuram and Thaska. Shahabad, inhabited by Muslim Ranghars,
notorious for rape and rapine, were destroyed next. Damala was the
village of those Pathans who had deserted Guru Gobind Singh in the
battle of Bhangani. It was ravaged. 61 Mustafabad, 40 km south-west of
Ambala, was also attacked and it fell before Banda Singh and the Khalsa
without much resistance. The officers were punished for their tyranny
and oppression.
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
127
The next target for attack was the cruel Zamindar of Kapuri village,
Qadam-ud-Din. The Zamindar was a moral-wreck of the worst type and
stories of his profligacy were still, after the lapse of about three centuries,
current in Kapuri and its neighbourhood. There was hardly a beautiful
Hindu woman there whose chastity had not been destroyed by this
depraved ruler. His sawars prowled over the territory, waylaying Hindu
marriage parties and snatching away young brides. Thus Qadam-ud-Din
was a terror to the non-Muslims of the region. 62 Banda Singh Bahadur
immediately pounced upon Kapuri, killed him and captured his fort.
Even by then, the Sikhs from Doaba and Majha had not been able to
cross the Sutlej and join Banda Singh Bahadur. But by his bold actions
Banda Singh Bahadur had received a substantial booty and war material.
Banda Singh's next expedition was against Sadhura. Its ruler, Osman
Khan, was notorious for the oppression of his subjects. He was the same
man who had tortured to death the great Muslim saint Sayyed Badar-ud-
Din-Shah, popularly known as Sayyed Budhu Shah, simply because he
had helped Guru Gobind Singh in the battle of Bhangani. The Hindus of
this place were subjected to every kind of indignity. Even their dead
were not allowed to be burnt. The Hindus complaint to him that "the
Muhammadans slaughter cows in our lanes and streets, nay before our
very houses and leave their blood and entrails there; they do not permit
the Hindus to perform their religious ceremonies". Banda Singh and his
companions now everywhere appeared to be "the defenders of the
faith". So this highhandedness infuriated Banda Singh Bahadur and he
ordered the attack of Sadhaura.
With the advance of Banda Singh and the Sikhs upon Sadhaura, the
aggrieved peasantry and many others of the neighbourhood, who were
only waiting for a favourable chance for rising, swelled the number of
the invaders and rushed into the town. The angry mob, uncontrollable
even by Banda Singh, set fire to the mausoleum of Qutab-ul-Aqtab, and
a bloody battle ensued in the streets. The frightened Sayyeds and Shaikhs
had taken Shelter in the haveli of Shah Badar-ud-Din, probably on the
presumption that, as the martyred Sayyed had been a friend of the late
Guru Gobind Singh, the Sikhs might spare their lives. But the Sikhs were
powerless. They were comparatively small in number and unknown to
the place. It was mostly the infuriated peasantry, inspired by a spirit of
revenge against their persecutors, that worked havoc here as elsewhere.
They had silently and helplessly suffered under the oppression of these
people for years, and now, when their chance came, nothing short of a
wholesale massacre could satisfy them. All the inmates of the haveli were
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
indiscriminately put to the sword and, on this account the place is up to
this day called the Qatalgarhi or slaughter house. 63
After having punished Osman Khan and captured Sadhaura, Banda
Singh now hurried in the north-westerly direction to relieve the northern
Sikhs who had collected on the other side of the Sutlej near Kiratpur, 64
and were anxiously waiting for his orders. Now Banda Singh sent his
message to the Majhail Sikhs at Kiratpur, saying that they were to
proceed towards Kharar, while he himself was advancing to Banoor. On
his way, Banda Singh occupied the small town of Chhat, on the appeal
of the Hindus for protection against the aggressions of the local Muslims
and complained of their usual highhandedness in the most pitiful
language. Their loose morality and religious intolerance were a terror to
their (Hindus) honour and faith. Banda Singh Bahadur after its
occupation, placed it under a Sikh Amil.
However small these victories may be, they certainly encouraged the
followers of Banda Singh, boosted their morale, and attracted others to
come under his banner. These victories served as a stepping stone to a
bigger one to follow, i.e., the victory of Sarhind. After the conquests of
Sonepat, Kaithal, Samana, Shahabad, Mustafabad and Sadhaura, Banda
Singh Bahadur had appointed his own men as Amils, responsible for
their civil and military administration and, thus, had acquired political
power in the recently conquered region. These activities of the Khalsa
under Banda Singh alarmed Wazir Khan of Sarhind and he repeatedly
wrote to the Emperor to secure reinforcement, telling him that the rebels
under Banda Singh Bahadur had emerged triumphant everywhere. The
petitions of Wazir Khan were brought to the notice of the Emperor as
early as February 25, 1710, A. D., and farmans were issued to the faujdar
of Emnabad on April 28, 1710, A.D., that he should in collaboration with
Rustam Khan, the Diwan of Lahore province, chastise all the followers
of Nanak. Again, on May 12, 1710, A.D., on learning about the activities
of the Banda Singh, the Emperor issued orders that "the faujdar be
urgently told to take action against them". However, no faujdar could
extend help to Wazir Khan because they had themselves become helpless
due to rebellion in their own realms. 65
Banda Singh Bahadur knew about the fatal consequences if he
delayed any more the attack on Sarhind. Therefore, he advanced from
Sadhaura towards Banoor and the Sikhs from the central districts of the
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
129
Punjab, after crossing the Sutlej, arrived at Kiratpur. Wazir Khan tried to
block the arrival of the Majha and Doab Sikhs towards Sarhind with the
help of Nawab Sher Mohammad of Maler Kotla. He tried in vain to
blockade the Sikhs 7 advance towards south as his forces were easily
defeated by the Sikhs at Ropar. His three brothers, Khizar Khan, Nashtar
Khan and Wali Muhammad Khan were killed, and he himself was
wounded. The sikhs now won the day. On the enemy's defeat and flight,
the left-over arms, ammunition and ration fell into the hands of the
Singhs. Now without loss of time, they hurried southward to join their
leader as early as possible. While the northern Sikhs were fighting with
the Afghans of Maler Kotla, Banda Singh had marched upon Banoor
which offered him no appreciable resistance and fell before him without
striking a blow. Banda Singh, at this time, was highly pleased to hear
about the glorious victory of his gallant allies at Rupar and marched out
a few miles from his camp to receive them. The memorable junction took
place between Kharar and Banoor on the Ambala-Ropar road. 66
Reinforced thus, Banda Singh was in no mood to lose time for his
final assault on Sarhind. The ultimate aim of Banda Singh was to punish
Wazir Khan and the conquest of Sarhind, where the two innocent sons
of Guru Gobind Singh, Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh were bricked up
alive by Wazir Khan at the instance of Sucha Nand Khatri and through
the treachery of Gangu Brahmin, the servant companion of the Guru's
mother and the two Sahibzadas. Thus, owing to his own sins and the
news of Banda's victories, Wazir Khan was passing sleepless nights. The
Sikhs anxiously looked forward to the happy prospect of the holy
crusade against the condemned city of Sarhind and its Governor, while
the number of plunderers who followed the Sikhs to prey upon the
countless riches that were supposed to have been amassed in the city
during many centuries, was steadily increasing. It was this class of
people who were mostly responsible for indiscriminate murder and
plunder during these expeditions. They were the most dangerous and
unreliable allies and were not unoften seen deserting Banda Singh in the
thick of battle wherever they feared a defeat. Preparation for an attack on
Sarhind were soon made. This infused a new spirit in the minds of the
Khalsa. Fearing this, the Nawab of Sarhind caused the nephew of his
Hindu Wazir, Sucha Nand to force his way along with a thousand
trained men into Banda Singh's camp pretending loyalty to him but to
put him to death at the earliest possible opportunity. Banda Singh, a man
of simple faith, put trust in his word and accepted him and his force. 67
In the meantime, Wazir Khan concerted every possible measure for the
protection of Sarhind and himself. He combined with him four or five
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
noted faujdars and zamindars and to collect as large a number of men as
could possibly be, so he had proclaimed Jehad, a religious war, against
the kafirs or infidel Sikhs. A large number of ghazis or religious warriors
from far and near responded to the call, and in a few days innumerable
religious volunteers, in addition to the regular forces of his own and his
allies, mustered round him. He collected large stores of lead and gun-
powder and mobilized a long train of artillery and elephants to meet the
Sikhs. According to Khafi Khan, Wazir Khan was leading a force of
15,000 men. 68 According to Dr. Ganda Singh, to this may be added the
number of the ghazis, 5000 at the least. 69
On the other hand, Banda Singh Bahadur had no artillery and no
elephants, nay, not even the required number of horses for all his men.
Only a few pf his men possessed matchlocks. Long spears, arrows and
swords were the only weapons of war that the Sikhs were equipped
with. The indomitable courage, an unsurpassable activity of Banda Singh
and his devoted Sikhs, however, made up for their meagre resources. He
mostly depended for his success upon the spirit that, he knew, would be
infused in the minds of his men at the very sight of the city associated
with cold-blooded murder of the young sons of their prophet. The exact
strength of the Sikh force cannot be ascertained, though, according to
Khafi Khan, the number of the Sikhs before the invasion of Sarhind had
increased to thirty or forty thousand. 70 This number, according to Ganda
Singh, was very much exaggerated to show that the Muhammadan force
was much less in numerical strength than that of the Sikhs. 71 But their
leadership by and large was in the hands of the tried and devout
followers of Guru Gobind Singh, like Baj Singh, Fateh Singh, Karam
Singh, Dharam Singh, Sham Singh and Ali Singh. 72 Wazir Khan came out
to meet the Khalsa with a large force and an innumerable host of
crusaders. Both the armies came face to face on the plains of Chappar-
Chiri on May 12, 1710, A.D. 73
Banda Singh Bahadur entrusted the command of his Malwa Sikhs to
Bhai Fateh Singh, Karam Singh, Dharam Singh, Ali Singh and Sham
Singh, and he himself occupied a place on a mound nearby to watch and
direct the movements of the army. As soon as the battle began and the
Nawab's artillery opened fire, the robbers and irregulars, who, though,
were several thousand, had no common commandant and whom only
the love of booty had brought together, took to flight. The next to desert
were the one thousand men of the treacherous nephew of Sucha Nand.
This caused a little confusion in the Sikh ranks. Baj Singh galloped back
to inform Banda Singh of the shaky condition of the battle. 74 Banda
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
131
Singh now rushed forward to the forefront of his army and boldly led
them on to the attack. The Sikhs were very much encouraged by this
bold movement of their leader and with the loud shouts of Wahiguruji
ki Fateh, they fell in a compact body upon the Muhammadans, advanced
sword in hand against their line of elephants and brought two of them
down. The Muhammadan force was unable to stand the fierce a'nd
repeated attacks of the Sikhs and many of them were killed in the battle-
field. Sher Muhammad Khan and Khwaja Ali of Maler Kotla were also
killed/ 5 and confusion arose in the imperial ranks. Wazir Khan, then
eighty years old, made no attempt to escape, but tried to rally his men,
and continued to shoot his arrows at the enemy. At last he met Baj Singh
and struck at him with his spear. Baj Singh laid hold of it and with it
wounded the Khan's horse in the forehead. Wazir Khan then drew his
bow and hit Baj Singh, on the arm and drawing his sword tried to make
an end of him. Fateh Singh, who was waiting nearby, gave Wazir Khan
a cut on his sword belt that wounded him from the shoulder to the waist
and his head fell to the ground. 76 According to Khazan Singh, Wazir
Khan fell from his horse and was captured alive. According to
Macauliffe 77 and the author of Sura] Prakash, 78 Wazir Khan was killed by
Banda Singh, but with the arrow given to him by the Guru. Dr. Ganda
Singh says that Baj Singh snatched the lance from Wazir Khan and struck
his horse on the head and wounded it, whereas Fateh Singh, who was
standing nearby, thrust his sword at the sword-belt so strongly that
passed through his shoulder to his waist and he fell down. The opinion
of Historian Karam Singh is different. He says: "The heroes were
wielding their swords. Suddenly an arrow struck Wazir Khan and he fell
down from his horse." 79 As soon as Wazir Khan fell down, his army fled.
He was caught alive. Karam Singh says that Wazir Khan was then tied
with a rope, dragged through the city. When dead, he was tied to a tree
for the birds to feast upon the corpse. This view is also endorsed by the
author of Banda the Brave, when he also says: "His (Wazir Khan's) legs
were tied with a rope, he was dragged through the bazaars of the town.
And when this had been done, he was fastened to a tree where his corpse
furnished a feast to kites and condors." 80 Khafi Khan says that he was
struck by a musket ball. 81 Akhbarat-e-Durbar-e-Mualla, dated May 13,
1710, stated that the battle began in the morning and lasted until
afternoon. Wazir Khan was wounded by arrows and bullets and fell
dead. His son and son-in-law also perished. 82 Latif writes that he was
killed by an arrow which pierced his breast. 83 Kanhayialal says he was
struck by a bullet in breast. 84 Thus, it is certain that Wazir Khan was
killed in the battle of Chappar-Chiri. His son, not caring for his father, ran
away to Delhi with the members of the royal family, leaving behind him
132
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
the hoards of wealth accumulated by his father. On seeing the fall of
Wazir Khan's head to the ground, the imperial army took to flight
towards Sarhind leaving behind their horses, arms, tents, cannons and
other ammunitions of war which were taken over by the Sikhs. 85 Wazir
Khan's head was stuck up on a spear and lifted high up by a Sikh who
took his seat in the deceased's howdah. The Sikhs with one voice and in
a wild excitement raised the sky-rending shouts of Sat Sri Akal. The
Muslim troops on beholding the Nawab's head trembled and fled helter
skelter in dismay and despair. The Sikhs fell upon them and there was
a terrible carnage. Blood flowed freely not only in the battlefield but on
a wide tract up to the city of Sarhind. 86 Wazir Khan's body was dragged
up by oxen and was then burnt. 87 Khafi Khan writes that in the course
of flight not a man of the army of Islam escaped with more than his life
and the clothes he stood in. Horsemen and footmen fell under the
swords of the infidels (Sikhs) who pursued them as far as Sarhind. 88
Wazir Khan's army was totally defeated and routed. The victorious
Banda Singh and his Sikhs were now masters of the field. They ascribed
the victory to Wahiguru, the Almighty, and their loud and joyous shouts
of "Wahiguru ji ki Feteh" 89 rent the air. They now marched upon the city
of Sarhind which was about ten miles from the field of battle, according
to Dr. Ganda Singh. The Sikhs reached Sarhind by nightfall. The gates of
the city were closed. The guns mounted on the walls of the fort
commenced bombardment. The Sikhs laid a siege to the place. They took
rest in the night and gained strength for another trial the following day.
Wazir Khan's family had already fled to Delhi. Many other well-to-do
people ran off with all that they could carry away. Everyone who had
been left behind, according to Muhammad Qasim, was taken prisoner.
Only those who disguised and hid themselves in the houses of the
Hindus, escaped injury. 90 Sucha Nand, the Hindu Peshkar of Wazir Khan,
was "one of the principal objects". Severe fighting took place on May 13,
1710, A.D. The fort guns caused great havoc among the Sikhs and about
500 of them lost their lives. 91 The Sikhs in knots were hammering at the
gates and the Mughal gunners obviously were playing a losing game.
The Sikhs succeeded in breaking open a couple of gates. On May 14,
1710, A.D., Banda Singh's troops entered the town and inside the town
destruction of life and property knew no bounds. The sentiments of the
crusaders had been very much excited by the cold-blooded murder of
the young sons of Guru Gobind Singh in this town. And, now, when
they entered it after a bloody struggle, the memory of that ghastly scene
naturally ignited their fury. Moreover, host of the plunderers who had
now rushed in from all sides, could not be restrained and so the City lost
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
133
heavily in life and property. The irregulars avenged their personal
animosities in a most reckless manner and paid their persecutors in their
own coin and, perhaps, with compound interest. Many well-to-do
families of the nobles ran off with all that they could carry away. 92 Sucha
Nand suffered an mgominious death and his houses were subjected to a
rapacious plunder. "Particularly the hoards and havelis of Sachidanand
(Sucha Nand)," writes Muhammad Qasim, "had been, as if, amassed and
raised for this day. ... I have heard it from reliable people of the
neighbourhood that during the time of the late (Wazir) Khan, there was
no Zullum (cruelty) that he had not inflicted upon the poor subjects and
that there was no seed, of which he now reaped the fruit, that he had not
sown for himself. 93 The booty that fell into the hands of Banda Singh was
estimated at two crores of rupees in money and goods belonging to
Wazir Khan and some lakhs belonging to Sucha Nand and others." 94
Much more money and property was taken away by the irregulars in
their carts. Sarhind was a famous commercial and trading centre of the
Punjab and was quite prosperous. The Hindu traders and rich merchants
had already handed over to Banda Bahadur a big amount of money as
ransom to secure his protection against their oppressors. Banda Singh
Bahadur proclaimed orders to the effect that none would attack the
Hindus of the town. 95 It is without doubt that Banda Bahadur's
victorious army punished Sarhind with unremitting severity and the
Sikhs wreaked their vengeance on the city of sins (Sarhind). To contain
the fury of the victors, Banda Singh had issued strict orders not to kill
even a single animal there. 96 But plunderers' sense of vengeance on the
town prevailed, and this order could not be implemented as desired by
him. Several Muslims of note saved their lives by embracing Sikhism.
Dindar Khan, son of Jalal Khan Rohilla, became Dindar Singh. The
official news writer of Sarhind, Mir Nasir-ud-din, changed his name to
Mir Nasir Singh, 97
The entire province of Sarhind consisting of twenty-eight parganas,
extending from the Sutlej to the Jamuna and from the Shiwalik hills to
Kunjpura, Karnal and Kaithal, yielded 36 lakh rupees annually. 98 Sarhind
came into Banda Singh's possession. Now Banda Singh took in hand the
administration of the conquered territories. Baj Singh, his companion
from Nanded, was appointed the Subedar or the Governor of Sarhind,
with Ali Singh as his Naib. Bhai Fateh Singh was confirmed in his
appointment as Governor of Samana, and Ram Singh, brother of Baj
Singh, was appointed Governor of Thanesar jointly with Baba Binod
Singh. 99 All thefaujdars of 28 recently conquered parganas were replaced
by the men owing allegiance to Banda Singh Bahadur. 100
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Banda Singh soon became popular as the defender of the faith and
the champion of the oppressed. He started holding regular darbars where
people came and presented to him their grievances. He spared no pains
in redressing their wrongs. In this way, he won the sympathy and love
of the common man. One day a man named Bulaqa Singh, a Sikh
musician, who had for some time been with Ali Singh, complained in an
open Divan against the Ram Rayias of Ghudani, in the Thana of Payal.
This village was inhabited by a large number of Khatris who were
masands of the establishment of Ram Rae. One day Bulaqa Singh
happened to be at their village. After the evening service of Rahiras in the
Gurudwara of Guru Hargobind, when he repeated the words Khalsa
Sahib Bolo ji Wahiguru (name of the Almighty) after the name of Guru
Gobind Singh in the prayer, they got annoyed, abused and asssaulted
him, broke his harp and used insulting language for the Guru. 101 It was
very hard for Banda Singh to bear this type of insult hurled at the Guru
Gobind Singh. Banda Singh at once marched out of Sarhind to punish
and teach them a lesson. The Ram Rayias (masands) were caught,
punished and driven out of the village. Banda Singh Bahadur then
established a Sikh Thana at Payal and the complainant Bulaqa Singh was
appointed its Thanedar. The choudhries of Gharoti, Dhamot and other
neighbouring villages offered nazranas to Banda Singh and offered their
allegiance. 102
Banda Singh then marched towards Maler Kotla. In the confusion
that had followed the attack upon Guru Gobind Singh after he crossed
the Sirsa, Bibi Anoop Kaur, a Sikh maid servant of the house of the Guru,
(some historians says that she was the sister of Mata Jito ji) fell into the
hands of Sher Muhammad Khan of Maler Kotla and was carried away
by him. 103 The brave Sikh woman, however, sacrificed her life at the altar
of her faith and chastity. She thrust a dagger into her heart and
committed suicide to save her honour. Sher Muhammad Khan,
thereupon, quietly buried her in a grave. Anup Kaur had not embraced
the faith of Islam and had died a Sikh. She should, therefore, have been
cremated according to Sikh rites. Banda Singh was moved to hear the
pathetic story and said that the last remains of the brave Sikh woman
should no longer be allowed to rot in a grave. He, therefore, marched
upon the town of Maler Kotla. There was no one to oppose his advance.
The sons of Sher Muhammad Khan with all their families and
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
135
belongings had fled the place. Banda Singh had no intention to destroy
Maler Kotla because its ruler Sher Muhammad Khan had advocated
mercy for the children of Guru Gobind Singh at the time of their
execution at Sarhind and the Guru had blessed him. 104 However
insignificant may be the favour done by anyone towards a Sikh, his
sense of gratitude is too strong for any feelings of revenge and he would
readily forget and forgive the worst of his enemies. It was under this
sense of gratitude that the Sikhs never raised even their little finger
against the town of Maler Kotla, although the whole of its
neighbourhood was trampled under the hoofs of horses and more than
once the city of Sarhind was sacked and its magnificent buildings
converted into heaps of ruin. 105 At Maler Kotla, Banda Singh met Kishan
Das Bania, in whose house he spent some time during his previous
mendicant excursions. Banda Singh recognised him and embraced him
with a sense of gratitude and the Bania offered some money to Banda
Singh with great respect. Banda Singh was not actuated by any offensive
motive in this expedition, as stated above. So the town was left
unmolested. He directed his attention exclusively to the last rites of Bibi
Anup Kaur. Her body was exhumed and was cremated according to the
Sikh rites. 106 Banda Singh Bahadur next proceeded to Raikot. The ruler
offered no resistance and acknowledged him as his overlord and is said
to have paid him a cash tribute of five thousand rupees. 107
After the receipt of Nazrana from Raikot, Banda Singh Bahadur
returned to Sarhind. The whole area surrendered to the Sikhs and
submitted to the new Sikh administration introduced at Sarhind. From
Sarhind, small detachments were sent in all directions to eliminate
resistance, if any, to the newly established Sikh administration. Small
parties carried expeditions into the north and north-west of Sarhind, and
Banda Singluwas, in a few days, the undisputed master of the territory
from Sadhaura to Raikot and from Machhiwara and Ludhiana to Karnal.
After these conquests, the power and prestige of Banda Singh Bahadur
increased immensely. He had conquered the area between Jhelum and
Jamuna and governed it through his deputies. Such was the spirit of the
Khalsa and the foresight of their commander that in less than a year of
their entry in northern India, Sikhs under Banda Singh Bahadur
converted their struggle into a people's movement and captured Sarhind
province along with the surrounding territories.
136
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Notes and References
1. Macauliffe, Max Arthur, The Sikh Religion, its Guru's Sacred Writings and Authors,
1963, New Delhi, Vol. V, p. 237.
2. Irvine, William, Later Mughals, 1972, Delhi, Vol. I, p. 93.
3. Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, 1469-1849, Vol. II, pp. 2-4.
4. Ganda Singh, Life of Banda Singh Bahadur, p. 1.
5. Giani Gian Singh, Shamsher Khalsa, quoted by Raj Pal Singh in Banda Bahadur And
His Times, p. 10.
6. Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur, p. 20.
7. Veni Prasad, Guru Gobind Singh, quoted by Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 10.
8. Khurana, Gianeswar, Banda Bahadur's Real Politics, Kurukshetra University,
Research Journal (Art and Humanities), Vol. XI, 1977, pp. 105-12.
9. Gopal Singh, A History of the Sikh People, 1469-1988, p. 320.
10. Narang, G.C., Transformation of Sikhism, 1956, p. 99.
11. Seetal Sohan Singh, Rise of Sikh Power in the Punjab, 1982, p. 18.
12. Satbir Singh, Sada Itihas, 1994, Vol. 2, p. 14.
13. Chhabra, G.S., Advanced History of the Punjab, 1971, Vol. 1, p. 325.
14. James Browne, History of the Rise and Progress of the Sikhs, 1788, p. 9.
He says that Banda Singh was the native of a village called Pundary in the Doaba
Bist Jullundur of the Punjab.
William Irvine, Later Mughals, Vol. 1, p. 93 quotes Kanwar Khan and Yahya Khan,
who are of the opinion that Banda was a native of village Pandor in the Baith
Jullundur Doab.
Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. 2, pp. 2-4. He advanced arguments to
show that Banda Bahadur belonged to Sirmaur state, now a district headquarter
in Himachal Pradesh.
H.A. Rose, A Glossary of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North West Frontier
Province, Vol. I, pp. 698-722. He believed that Banda Singh was a Punjabi Khatri
from Sialkot district.
K.C. Yadav, Haryana: History and Culture (Hindi), Vol. 1, Delhi, 1992, p. 334, says
that Banda Singh was native of some place in Haryana.
15. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 1.
16. Ibid.
17. But Banda Singh Bahadur was not illiterate. He was a self-educated man. It is
recorded that Aughar Nath, whom Banda Singh had served sincerely at Nasik,
had given him a book of Charms called Sidh Anunia that was nothing but a book
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
137
of tantras. It was a very valuable Yogic Granth, compiled by a disciple of Guru
Gorakh Nath, which was said to be in Sanskrit. So this required a considerable
knowledge of Sanskrit for understanding. This shows that Banda Singh knew
Sanskrit well. According to Swami Saraswati, "Banda knew Persian and Arabic
also. He had also read the Koran." See Saraswati B,, Banda Singh Bahadur, Raisi
(1944), p. 23.
18. Some writers have given him another alias, "Narain Dass", and remember him by
this name up to his admission into the Sikh faith.
19. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 4.
20. Bhangu, Rattan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash, p. 76. Ibbetson, Maclagan and
others, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and N.W.F.P, p. 698.
21. Previously it was a part of the Hyderabad state, now forms a part of
Maharashtra.
22. Here now stands a famous Gurudwara, known as GurudWara Banda Ghat, which
is at a distance of 3 furlongs from the Gurudwara Langar Sahib towards the west.
23. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 6.
24. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 1.
25. Ibid., p. 11. Khazan Singh, History and Philosophy of the Sikh Religion, Part I, p. 205,
Rattan Singh Bhangu, Prachin Panth Prakash, p. 78.
26. A similar view is also expressed by Sohan Singh, the author of Banda the Brave,
p. 17.
27. Seetal, Sohan Singh, op. cit., p. 23.
28. Macauliffe, M.A., op. cit., pp. 27-28.
29. S. Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur, pp. 27-28. Daulat Rai, Janam Sakhi Sri Guru Gobind
Singh ji Maharaj. Sir Denzil Ibbetson, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab
and N.W.F.P., Vol. I, p. 698. Khazan Singh, History and Philosophy of the Sikh
Religion, p. 207. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 4-6.
30. Dr. Ganda Singh is of the opinion that Banda Singh was baptised by the Guru
himself. He opines that "Baptism was a must and a routine of life for Kesadhari
Sikhs". Dr. Ganda Singh has made this conclusion after consulting the
contemporary and near contemporary Persian sources. Dr. Ganda Singh has
refuted the contention of the historians (those expressed the view that Banda
Singh was not baptised) that Banda Singh was not a baptised Sikh, on the basis
of contemporary records. Karam Singh's statement that though Banda Singh had
come within the fold of Sikhism, he had no time to take amrit, does not hold
ground in view of the fact that Banda Singh was with Guru for many days. Dr.
Ganda Singh says: "Sardar Karam Singh's Jiwan Britant Baba Banda Singh
Bahadur" was published in 1907. Research on Indian history was then yet in its
infancy, (see, Ganda Singh, Punjab Past and Present, October 1988, p. 118) and it
seems that he arrived at the conclusion because the relevant records were not
available to him. Bhai Santokh Singh opined that Banda Singh was not baptised
because he started his own sect. He did not mention that Banda Singh had taken
138
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
the baptism from Guru Gobind Singh. He further writes that Khalsa Panth did not
stand by him as he started his own sect, (see G.P.S.P., Vol. XIV (ed.) Bhai Vir
Singh, 1965, p. 6246). But there is no historical truth that Banda Singh had started
his own sect. If Banda Singh had done so, none of the eight hundred Sikhs who
were with him would have sacrificed their lives. Although Bhai Rattan Singh
Bhangu had not clearly mentioned that Banda Singh had taken the Pahul from
Guru Gobind Singh, but there are instances in his Panth Prakash that Banda
became the Sikh of Guru Gobind Singh. He writes that Guru Gobind Singh made
Banda Singh a member of Khalsa brotherhood (see Bhai Rattan Singh Bhangu,
S.G.P.P. (ed.) Jit Singh Seetal, S.G.P.C., Amritsar, 1984, pp. 126-29). So it seems that
Banda Singh was a baptised Sikh of the Tenth Master. Banda Singh converted
some prominent Muslims like Mir-Nasir-ud-din and Dindar Khan to Sikhism and
gave them new names of Mir Nasir Singh and Dindar Singh. And only a baptised
Sikh has the authority to baptise others.
Dr. H.R. Gupta is of the opinion that if Banda Singh was baptised, he would not
have changed the Guru's salutation of "Wah Guru Ji Ka Khalsa, Wah Guru Ji Ki
Fateh" to "Fateh Darshan". In this connection it may be mentioned that Banda
Singh never used the term "Fateh Darshan" against "Wah Guru Ji Ka Khalsa". Dr.
Ganda Singh writes that Khalsa had rejected "Fateh Darshan" because they feared
that it might be used in place of "Wah Guru Ji Ka Khalsa" and Banda Singh
accepted it. Banda Singh definitely abandoned it after it was rejected by the
Khalsa. After a careful and critical study of the various contemporary and semi-
contemporary sources, one may agree that Banda Singh was baptised by Guru
Gobind Singh himself. Dr. Ganda Singh maintains that Banda Singh had become
a full-fledged Sikh, a disciple of Guru Gobind Singh and a member of the Khalsa
brotherhood. (Ganda Singh, Ibid, p. 118). M. Gregor has also written that Banda
Singh was a baptised Sikh of Guru Gobind Singh, received the Pahooldee (Pahul)
and became a Sikh. History of the Sikhs. Further, we may say that it was impossible
to become the fathedar of the Khalsa without being baptised. Baba Sardul Singh,
a descendant of Banda Singh, is also of the opinion that Banda Singh had taken
the Pahul from Guru Gobind Singh himself. He says: "Our ancestor Baba Banda
Singh, popularly known as Banda Bahadur, was regularly baptised as a Singh,
having received amrit in Nanded in 1705 B.K. from the holy hands of Guru
Gobind Singh Sahib" (P.P.P. Ibid., p. 139). So Banda Singh was a baptised Sikh of
Guru Gobind Singh and there is no doubt about it.
Extract from a statement of Baba Sardul Singh of Dera Baba Banda Singh:
Dera Baba Banda Singh Sahib,
Post-office Raisi, Jarnmu State,
Dated, 19th Magh, 1891 Bikrami.
"Our ancestor Baba Banda Singh, famous as Banda Bahadur became a Sikh after
taking amrit at the hands of Guru Gobind Singh at Nanded in 1765 Bikrami and
thus left the Bairagi sect and became the follower of Guru Sahib. After him, his
successors became the followers of Guru Sahiban and are so even today.
Sahib Banda Singh Bahadur came to the Punjab on the orders of Guru Gobind
Singh and sacrificed his life in carrying out his orders.
During his service, he never claimed himself as the successor of Guru Gobind
Singh, and even today his successors are known as Babas.
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
139
There was never any dispute between Baba Banda Singh Bahadur and the Khalsa
nor did the Khalsa leave him. Instead, up to the last, about 800 Sikhs remained
with him and laid down their lives at Delhi and none of them deserted the Sikh
Panth to save his life.
After Baba Banda Singh's demise, whatever conflict arose between Tat Khalsa and
Bandae Khalsa, had no connection with the personality of Baba Sahib. . . "
Signed Baba Sardul Singh Sodhi
Gaddi Nashin
Dera Baba Banda Singh Sahib
Dated 19 Magh, 1891 Bikrami
I February, 1935
31. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Zikre Gurnan Wa Ibtada-i-Singhan iva Mazhab-i-Eshan, p. 11.
Ali-ud-Din Mufti, Ibrat Natna, p. 39, Kanhaiya Lai, Tarikh-i-Punjab, p. 56. M.
Gregor W.L., History of the Sikhs, p. 106, Muhammad Latif, History of the Punjab,
p. 294. Panye, C.H., A Short History of the Sikhs, p. 43. Macauliffe, M.A., op. cit.,
p. 239. Also see, Ghulam Hussain Khan, Browne Jas, Forster George, Iraeat Khan,
Lovett S.V., San Sakhi, Sardha Ram, Veni Prasad, Shri Ram Briksha Sharma. Works
of Harisi, Kannwar, Qasim, Malcolm, Gyan Singh, Radha Mohan Gokulji, Shri
Surendra Sharma, etc.
32. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 18.
33. Raj Pal Singh, Banda Bahadur And His Times, 1998, New Delhi.
34. He was a spy of Wazir Khan and later on of Emperor Bahadur Shah as well. See
Jodh Singh, Sri Kalgidhar Hulas, p. 270.
35. Banda Singh was one of the most unforgettable characters in medieval Indian
history whose role has not yet been put in right perspective before the readers.
He was neither a "Guru" nor a sectarian pigmy as some scholars had tried to
paint him to be. Rather, the leadership of the Sikhs in their fight against the
tyrannical Mughal officers of the Subas of Delhi and Lahore, after the
assassination of Guru Gobind Singh, was assumed by him at the behest of the
Tenth Guru as commander of the Khalsa and he lived and died for it.
Dr. Ganda Singh has come to the conclusion that Banda Singh never became
Guru after Guru Gobind Singh and he never sat on Gur Gaddi at Amritsar (Ganda
Singh, p.p.p., p. 17). Kanhaiya Lai is of the opinion that Banda Singh tried to
occupy the Gur Gaddi at Amritsar. (Tarikh-i-Panjab, Jit Singh Sital, Patiala, 1968, p.
53). Dr. Ganda Singh does not find any truth in the viewpoint that Guru Gobind
Singh had nominated Banda Singh as a Guru of the Sikhs. Banda Singh had never
mentioned himself as Guru in his Hukamnamas. Ganda Singh (ed.) Hukamnama,
Patiala, 1985 (Hukamnama of Banda Singh Bahadur dated December 12, 1710 A:D.,
p. 185). Moreover, Banda Singh after the conquest of Sarhind, issued an official
seal and coins in the names of Gurus and not in his own name. Bhai Santokh
Singh writes that Guru Gobind Singh nominated Banda Singh as the Jathedar of
Khalsa and not the Guru of the Sikhs. Banda Singh was simply a Karinda (political
leader of Khalsa). (Bhai Santokh Singh, op. cit:> p. 6243.)
After a careful analysis of the various sources one cannot agree with Latif that
Banda Singh assumed the title of Guru. [History of the Panjab, 1964, p. 274). It
140
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
seems that Muslim historians did not understand the nature and personality of
Banda Singh. To refute the above allegation, Dr. Ganda Singh says that Banda
Singh was simply a disciple and not a Guru, because Guru Gobind Singh
entrusted the guruship in Guru Granth Sahib. So there is no scope for anyone to
become the Guru after Guru Gobind Singh. Nowhere in his documents is he
mentioned as Guru like the earlier and later pretenders.
36. Ganda Singh, op. tit., p. 20.
37. Ibid.
38. Dr. Gopal Singh in his book A History Of The Sildi People in its footnotes on
page 322 writes that Sahib Kaur accompanied Banda Bahadur up to Delhi and
lived there for quite some time. But Dr. Gopal Singh has not given his source of
information. According to Santokh Singh, writer of Suraj Prakash, when Guru
Gobind Singhji realized that he would not survive very long he instructed Mata
Sahib Deva not to immolate herself on the funeral pyre, but go to Delhi with Bhai
Mani Singh where Mata Sundari was staying, and obeying Guru Gobind Singh
she came to Delhi with Bhai Mani Singh separately not with Banda Bahadur.
39. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 22.
The mission of Banda Singh has been generally misunderstood by historians. He
is represented to have been commissioned by Guru Gobind Singh to avenge the
murder of his sons, just as the Guru himself is said to have prompted in his early
days by the desire to revenge the death of his father Guru Tegh Bahadur. There
is nothing in the whole history to warrant this conclusion. The Guru never led
any offensive expedition against Aurangzeb or any of his local deputies. In all his
wars, either against the Rajas of the Sivaliks or against the Mughal officers,
whether at Bhangani, Anandpur, Chamkaur or any other place, we always find
him on the defensive, taking to the sword as the last resort, in self-defence and
for self-preservation. A person of revengeful spirit cannot be expected to render
timely help to his bitterest enemies or to the heir-apparent of his father's
murderer. He was for above these personal animosities. Those who are
acquainted with the tenets of Sikhism, the writings of the Guru and the various
events of his life, cannot believe that he could ever have thought of asking any
one to avenge the murder of his own sons. Had it been so, Banda Singh's work
should have been finished after the defeat and death of Wazir Khan and the sack
of Sarhind and he should have led no expeditions against the rulers of
Saharanpur, Nanauta and Jalalabad, the Ram Rayias of Ghudani, and the Faujdar
of Batala and Sultanpur. Banda Singh was thus inspired not with the spirit of
revenge, but with the mission of continuing a holy war against the tyrants. His
mission seems to have become to extirpate the tyrants and establish perhaps a
Sikh Raj in their place (see Ganda Singh, op. cit.).
40. Gupta, H.R., History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, p. 7.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid.
43. Every Sikh is enjoined to set apart one-tenth of his income for religious purposes.
This is called Daswandh. In the time of the Gurus this was very strictly observed
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
141
and the amount was regularly remitted to the Guru's treasury direct or through
accredited masands.
44. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 23.
45. Just as "the beat of drum" is used to attract the attention of people, a scarf was
also waived by a person who went from place to place to announce a
proclamation. The "waiving of a scraf" was called Pallu Pherna.
46. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 26.
47. Ibid., p. 26.
48. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 8. Gopal Singh, op. cit., p. 322.
49. Ganda Singh, op. cit., pp. 26-27.
50. Khafi Khan, Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, 1874, Vol. II, p. 652. Quoted by Raj Pal Singh,
op. cit., p. 17.
51. Prachin Panth Prakash, pp. 98-102.
52. Narang, G.C., Transformation of Sikhism, pp. 100-101.
53. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 102-7.
54. Narang, G.C., op. cit., p. 138.
55. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 104.
56. Raj Pal Singh, Banda Bahadur And His Times, p. 17.
57. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 9.
58. Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, pp. 350-51.
59. Prachin Panth Prakash, p. 102. Also see Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 34.
60. Narang, G.C., Transformation of Sikhism, p. 106.
61. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 9.
62. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 38.
63. Mirza Muhammad Harisi, Ibrat Namah, p. 40. Quoted by Ganda Singh, Ibid., p. 41.
64. Ibid., p. 43.
65. Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 20.
66. Macauliffe, V., pp. 247-48. Latif, History of the Punjab, p. 274.
67. Gopal Singh, A History of the Sikh People, p. 339.
68. Khafi Khan, Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, p. 11, 653, Elliot, History of India, Vol. VII, p. 414.
Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 50.
69. Ganda Singh and Teja Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs, p. 83. Wazir Khan's force,
combined with those of his collaborators from Hissar and its neighbourhood and
of Lahore, Eminabad, etc. could not have been less than 20,000.
142
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
70. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 53.
71. Ibid.
72. He joined Banda Singh Bahadur after abandoning the service of the Nawab of
Sarhind (Wazir Khan).
73. Sohan Singh records this date as 30th May 1710 A.D. Dr. Raj Pal Singh, Dr. Gopal
Singh, Dr. Hari Ram Gupta, Dr. G.S. Chhabra, record the date as May 12, 1710,
A.D. Dr. Ganda Singh and Dr. Gokul Chand Narang records May 30th, 1710, A.D.
Dr. G.S. Deol has not recorded any date. But none of the above historians, cited
their source. To the author of the present work, May 12, 1710, A.D. appealed the
most.
74. According to Prachin Panth Prakash, p. 110, Sham Singh also accompanied Baj
Singh. Also compare Panth Prakash, p. 306 and Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, II, p. 8.
75. See Dr. Ganda Singh, p. 54.
76. William Irvine, Later Mughals, Vol. I, pp. 95-96.
77. Macauliffe, M.A., The Sikh Religion, Its Gurus, Sacred Writings And Authors, Vol. V,
p. 248.
78. Santokh Singh, Suraj Prakash, p. 62.
79. Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur (1907), p. 72.
80. Sohan Singh, Banda the Brave, pp. 84-85.
81. Khafi Khan, II, p. 653, Elliot, VII, 414. Irvine I, p. 96.
82. Ganda Singh, Makhiz-e-Twarikh-e-Sikhan, I, p. 85.
83. History of the Punjab, op. cit., p. 274.
84. Kanhiyalal, Tarikh-e-Panjab, p. 59, as quoted by H.R. Gupta, op. cit., p. 13.
85. Macauliffe, op. cit., p. 248.
86. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., pp. 13-14.
87. Yar Muhammad, Dastur-ul-Insha, quoted by Karam Singh, p. 46.
88. See, Gupta, H.R., op. cit., p. 14.
89. Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 56.
90. Muhammad Qasim, Ibrat Namah, pp. 20-21. Quoted by Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit.,
p. 57.
These punishments were not inflicted upon them because of their being the
followers of the Prophet Muhammad Sahib but because of their political
persecution of the innocent and religious intolerance towards their poor and
helpless subjects. Even the Hindus who were guilty of these offences were not
spared.
91. A Shahid Ganj now stands on the site where they were cremated.
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur
143
92. Ibrat Natnah, op. cit., p. 21. Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 58.
93. See Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 58.
Also see S.S. Gandhi, op. cit., p. 8. He writes: It is wrong to say that the Sikhs took
Sucha Nand and "made him walk with a thread in his nose through the bazaars
of Sarhind, after which he met his miserable, disgraceful and ignominious
death." According to Akhbarat he had escaped prior to the fall of Sarhind to
Lahore and was very much alive and present in the court of Emperor on March
20, 1711, A.D.
94. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 60.
95. Gandhi, S.S., op. cit., p. 7.
96. Akhbarat, dated May 14, 1710, Quoted by Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., pp. 22-24.
97. Yar Muhammad, Dastur-ul-Insha, p. 159, quoted by Karam Singh, op. cit., p. 37.
98. Dr. Hari Ram Gupta noted the figure 52 lakhs, op. cit., p. 14.
99. Ibrat Namah, p. 21. Ganesh Dass, Chahar Gidshan-i-Punjab, 189, G.C. Narang,
Transformation of Sikhism, p. 107. Quoted by Dr. Ganda Singh, p. 61.
100. Narang, G.C., op. cit., p. 141.
101. Prachin Panth Prakash, p. 114.
102. Ibid.
103. Inayat Ali Khan, Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans, p. 14, quoted by Ganda
Singh, op. cit., p. 64.
104. Ibid.
105. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 65.
106. Inayat Ali Khan, op. cit., pp. 13-14.
The account of the plunder of Maler Kotla in the Prachin Panth Prakash, p. 115-16,
VII, XI, is not supported by any historical evidence. There is not even a passing
reference to it in Inayat Ali Khan's Description of the Principal Kotla Afghans. The
exhumation and cremation of the body of Bibi Anup Kaur have either been
misunderstood or misrepresented by the imperial news writers and others and
have laid the foundation for the erroneous statements of Khafi Khan and Sayyed
Muhammad Latif. See Muntakhib-id-Lubab, p. 11, 654. Elliot, op. cit., VII, 415,
Muhammad Latif, History of the Punjab, pp. 274-75.
107.
Sohan Singh puts this figure at 5000, whereas Khazan Singh puts it at 10,000..
3
Establishment of Sikh State
Banda Singh was the first Sikh leader who laid the foundation of
political sovereignty of the Sikhs. He made Sikhism popular with the
people of Punjab, not by force or persuasion, but by his bravery and
generosity. In about a year, more than one lakh persons embraced
Sikhism and became the Khalsa of Guru Gobind Singh, says Dr. Hari Ram
Gupta. 1 Those who had not heard the names of the Gurus, were attracted
towards Sikhism by Banda Singh's victories. Banda Singh had shown
what self-government meant. Even afterwords, the lesson was not lost
on the Sikhs. He had brought about a revolution in the minds of the
people. A will was created in the masses. Heads could be cut off, but the
ideas remained, leading ultimately to success.
Banda Singh aimed at national awakening and liberation of the
country from the oppressive government of the Mughals. Guru
Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh had transformed the Sikhs from a
peaceful people into a class of warriors. They never took any offensive
and fought only defensive battles against the government. They did not
acquire territory, did not take prisoners, and did not seize enemy's
property and wealth and obeyed the government. But the seeds of
sovereignty were sown and they germinated during the time of Banda
Singh Bahadur. According to Banda Singh, the spirit of mercy,
compassion, sympathy, tenderness, forbearance and their forgiving
mood inculcated among the Indians by religion, had been responsible for
Establishment of Sikh State
145
the slavery of the Hindus by people from the north-west. Banda Singh
showed them that the only way to meet the foe was to adopt the policy
of paying them in their own coin, a tooth for a tooth, and an eye for an
eye, and to settle old scores. The Sikhs learnt this lesson from Banda
Singh and admirably succeeded in establishing their own rule in their
homeland. 2 Banda Singh always took the offensive, he fought battles,
took prisoners, seized the enemy's property and lands, and set up an
alternative government. He issued his own coins, had his own official
seals and gave orders which had the power of firmans of the Mughal
Emperor. Like the year of accession of the Mughals, Banda Singh also
introduced his own sammat or the year commencing with his victory at
Sarhind. All this was obviously an open demonstration of equality with
the Mughals, guided by the explicit object of infusing in the minds of the
Sikhs a spirit of equality with the rulers and to impress upon them that
they were in no way inferior to them. Banda Singh did not want merely
to weaken the Mughal power, but to destroy it root and branch, and to
establish in its place national rule or self-government.
After the conquest of Sarhind and the surrounding territories, the
problem before Banda Singh was the choice of a place for his
headquarter (not the capital of the state) which should be strong,
protective, invincible and away from the enemies. The choice fell on the
fort of Mukhlispur. Banda Singh fixed the fort as a base depot for his
future military operations. Mukhlispur had been occupied by him with
the conquest of Sadhaura. The fort of Mukhlispur was built by one
Mukhlis Khan under instructions from Emperor Shah Jahan who
occasionally spent his summers there. 3 The fort was in a most neglected
condition when Banda Singh occupied it. It was soon repaired and was
given the new name of Lohgarh, or Iron Fort. All the treasures of
Sarhind, the booty of various expeditions, and the tribute and revenue
from the conquered territories were brought here. The Sikhs from all
over the country, trans and cis-Sutlej, now flocked to his standard in
much larger numbers and swelled the ranks of his volunteer-soldiers,
some dedicated to the noble cause of the holy war, while others attracted
by the prospect of wealth and position under the rapidly rising power of
their co-religionists. 4 The choice of Lohgarh was ideal because the place
was situated on the top of a hill among the steeps of the lower
Himalayas, approachable only through craggy rocks and rivulets. He
had friendly relations with the ruler of Nahan, Nahan was in the rear of
Mukhlispur. Thus, the place chosen by Banda Singh Bahadur for his
headquarter was ideal from the strategic point of view also. The location
of the fort seems to have been determined not only by the strength of the
146
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
place, of which there is no doubt, but also by his desire to consolidate the
conquests made hitherto. 5 It was also taken as a firm base for future
expeditions. As such, the war materials also got stored here. According
to Khazan Singh, Banda Singh fortified and provided it (Lohgarh) with
immense stores of war. 6
Surinder Singh in his paper published in Oriental Numismatic Studies
entitled "Initial Sikh Coinage", says that Sarhind, the largest town, was
considered too accursed by Sikhs and was treated only as a base depot
for its supplies. Dr. Ganda Singh, on the other hand, says that originally
Banda Singh's choice of a capital fell upon the town of Sarhind and,
apparently, it was with this object in view that he had spared it from
complete destruction. But being situated in the plains and on the Grand
Trunk Road, it was not considered safe from the attacks of the imperial
forces who might at any time attempt to regain their lost power. 7
Sadhaura fort was strengthened with an extra wall and a moat, and the
Lohgarh fortress (the entire area covered with water streams and forests)
was also strengthened. Lohgarh is located at a straight mountain cliff
about 700 ft above the ground on the border of a thick, extensive jungle
area (which even after three centuries is a reserved forest with virtually
no habitation). Banda Singh Bahadur successfully used Lohgarh as a
tactical retreat or rearguard action stage, when his forces could not
withhold the onslaught of Mughal armies at Sadhaura. When the
combined Mughal forces, along with Rajputs and Jats, heavily
outnumbered his forces and further fighting was suicidal, he would
suddenly withdraw his forces to Lohgarh and after a day's rearguard
action to stall the enemy forces, would escape into the forests beyond
Lohgarh along with his forces. This tactics was successfully utilised in
both the battles of Lohgarh in 1710 A.D. and 1713 A.D. The ground
conditions of Lohgarh clearly establish the above position. The last few
kilometres do not have even a cart road to the fortress and the
surrounding area is totally unsuited for habitation. There are remains of
fortifications for rearguard action all round the fortress to stall advance
by enemy suicide squads. 8
Eminent historians of Punjab, Dr. Ganda Singh, Dr. G.S. Deol,
Dr. Rajpal Singh, Karam Singh, Sohan Singh, Hari Ram Gupta,
Dr. Gopal Singh and Gurbux Singh have stated that Banda Singh
Bahadur established his capital at Lohgarh, which does not seem to be
based on any concrete evidence says Dr. Surinder Singh, but merely on
historical hearsay, as the small fortress covering a few acres could not
accommodate a state capital, however small the state might be. The basic
Establishment of Sikh State
147
needs of a capital — its central location, easy accessability and sufficient
area for habitation, etc. — are totally wanting at Lohgarh site, and the
examination of the area clearly establishes that the capital of the Sikh
state could not have been Lohgarh. In fact, one is inclined to believe that
the Sikhs never got sufficient time to set up a state capital and all their
time was spent in the attempt to retain their acquired territories.
Historians and biographers of Banda Singh Bahadur have called him
the successor of Guru Gobind Singh, Sacha Padshah, etc., some others
have called him false Guru. 9 But most of them state that he took on regal
authority. Khushwant Singh calls him an Emperor, 10 Ganda Singh calls
him a king except in name, 11 based on the prevailing medieval concept
of kingship and the absolute hold of the ruler over his subjects. This has
not been true of the Sikh organisation. The spirit of democracy led deep
into the very foundations of the Sikh society by their Gurus and the
spirit of collective leadership bequeathed to the Khalsa by the tenth Guru
was too strong amongst the Sikhs that any single person could not think
of abrogating it to himself, much less of assuming it. This was equally
true even after half a century when the Sikhs occupied Lahore in 1765
under the leadership of Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, who had successfully led
the Sikh forces for over a quarter century. Banda Singh Bahadur was the
first amongst equals but was certainly not the absolute ruler or leader in
contemporary sense. He had not only been giving due consideration to
the opinion of senior Sikhs who came from Nanded, he also gave them
all the senior commands and governorship of territories. There are
instances of the Khalsa over-ruling Banda Bahadur and his acceptance of
their verdict. For example, when the question arose about the
introduction of a new war-cry Fateh Darshan, and that as it came to be
used for and to replace the old Sikh salutation — Wahiguru ji ka Khalsa,
Wahiguru ji ki Fateh — it was rejected by the Khalsa and Banda Singh
Bahadur bowed his head before the collective decision of the Khalsa. This
is further established by the fact that all the symbols of sovereignty were
in the name of the state and Sikh Gurus, and no epithet, however minor,
was adopted for himself by Banda Singh Bahadur. He always preferred
to be called Banda or servant of the Guru, by the Khalsa. 12
Contemporary historians and news-writers have mentioned the
striking of Sikh coins with the establishment of the first Sikh state after
the fall of Sarhind in 1710 A.D. to the Sikh forces under the leadership
of Banda Singh Bahadur, the commander of the Khalsa army, so chosen
by the tenth Guru, Guru Gobind Singh, shortly before his demise at
Nanded (Deccan) in 1708 A.D. For a long time these historical accounts
148
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
either remained unnoticed or were not given credibility by historians or
numismatists, presumably on account of non-availability of any such
coins. But from 1967 13 onwards a couple of such coins have been found
and it appears logical that initial Sikh coinage was struck during 1710-
12 A.D., with the formation of the Sikh state over the province of Sarhind
and surrounding territories under Sikh occupation. The first account of
Sikh coins occurs in the news-writers' account of January 1710 A.D. in
'Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Ma'ulla' u William Irvine in The Later Mughals, has
given an account of the Sikhs. He states: "At Lohgarh, Banda Bahadur
tried to assume something of a regal state. He was Sacha Padshah, the
veritable sovereign ... a coin was struck in the new sovereign's name."
William Irvine is wrong here, as the coin had been obviously struck in
the name of the Gurus and not Banda Singh Bahadur, which is clear from
the legend it bore as under:
Obverse : Sikhah Zad bar har do alam, Tegh Nanak Wahib ast, Fateh
Gobind Shah-i-Shahan, fazal Sachcha Sahib ast.
Reverse : Zarb aman-al-dahar, masavarat Shahr Zinat altakht
mubarak bakut.
Meaning: "Fateh Gobind, king of kings, struck coins in the two
worlds, the sword of Nanak is the granter of desires, by
grace of God he is the veritable Lord. Coined at refuge of
the world the walled city, ornament of the fortunate
throne. 15
There are, however, no footnotes, etc. giving the primary or
contemporary accounts from which William Irvine took the above
legends. Otherwise, William Irvine is known for his giving copious
references from manuscripts, etc., of which he had a very large collection,
for the authenticity of the factual portion of his accounts. William Irvine,
however, appears to have taken the material on coins from an
"anonymous fragment of a manuscript folio no. 141 (his own
collection)". This was a part of the Mohammad Ihsan Ijad's 16 manuscript
of which another fragment is in the British Museum library. 17
Karam Singh was a very conscientious scholar well-conversant with
Persian language. He wrote his first book on Banda Singh Bahadur in
1907 A.D., 18 in which there is no mention of coins having been struck by
the Sikhs, nor is there any reference to Farrukh Siyar Nama by Ihsan Ijad
in the bibliographical notes. In his second book Banda Kaun Si, he has
Establishment of Sikh State
149
mentioned in detail about Shahnama by Ihsan Ijad and the special
features of his work in his bibliographical notes. 19 Based on Ijad's
authority he had recorded the striking of coins by Banda Singh Bahadur
and the obverse legend thereon. 20 Karam Singh has also given a second
reference Hadiqat-ul-Aqalim for these Sikh coins. 21 This part of Karam
Singh's statement is incorrect as the legend mentioned therein is a
different one. The legend mentioned by Karam Singh is exactly the same
as given by William Irvine and so it established the impression that both
these scholars took the above legends from the account of Ihsan Ijad. The
legend mentioned by Ganda Singh is also the same as that of William
Irvine except that he has inserted the word Singh after Gobind. 22 Ganda
Singh has made a slightly different rendering of the Persian legend in
English. In fact, he has changed his rendering in his next writing on
Banda Bahadur. However, the Roman English rendering of the legend is
exactly the same as by William Irvine and some minor mistakes
committed by him, are repeated by Ganda Singh, viz., the word "al"
between "aman" and "dahar" and before "takht" has been written as
"ud". Ganda Singh has profusely quoted Persian extracts and references
but has not given any source reference on the coin and its legends. It is
quite likely that Ganda Singh took the legends from William Irvine and
Karam Singh. Hari Ram Gupta, in his History of Sikhs, has simply stated
that Banda Singh Bahadur struck coins and issued orders under his own
seal, 23 without giving any source reference for the same, although he has
otherwise been as meticulous as William Irvine in giving references and
footnotes. G.S. Deol, has mentioned about the coin and its legend
acknowledging the same having been taken from Ganda Singh's
account. 24 Giani Gian Singh in his book Guru Khalsa has given a fairly
detailed account of Banda Singh Bahadur, but there is no mention about
the coin or its legends 25 Khushwant Singh in his book recorded he had
also "new coins struck to mark his reign bearing the names of Guru
Nanak and Gobind" 26 The legends mentioned in footnotes are those
mentioned by Ganda Singh without giving his source reference or
acknowledging Ganda Singh's account. Dr. Grewal adds further
confusion on the Sikh coinage 27 when he writes that he struck a new coin
in the name of Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh. With a similar
inscription he started using a seal on his orders (Hukamnamas). He has
not given any contemporary historical evidence in support of his
assertion that it was the same as on the seal and not in any way different.
150
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
So from the above discussion, the picture that emerges is that the
legend on the coins struck by Banda Singh Bahadur was apparently
recorded by Ihsan Ijad in his manuscript which appeared to have been
scrutinized by William Irvine and Karam Singh. Karam Singh carried out
most of his research in Lahore libraries and hence Ijad's manuscript is
likely to be available in some library in Lahore. The manuscript
examined by William Irvine was his own copy and to which library it
had been donated required a search in British libraries. Ganda Singh
seems to have taken the account of legends from William Irvine's and
Karam Singh's works. All the other modern historians took the legend
from Ganda Singh. All this examination of the initial Sikh coinage has
been carried out by historians without any examination of actual coins
and hence has been based on hearsay and imagination, as no author
seems to have actually examined the coins and thereafter recorded about
them.
Col. Charles Panish came across a silver rupee coin which was fairly
true to the coin legends mentioned by William Irvine. Although there
were certain minor variations, Panish was inclined to consider it to be
the legendary issue of Banda Singh Bahadur. He brought the same to the
notice of the numismatic world through an article thereon in 1967. 28
Over a decade later, John Deyell 29 came across a somewhat similar coin
and wrote an elaborate article on various aspects of his and Panish's coin
in 1980. 30 John DeyelTs coin is an earlier issue than that of Panish as it
carries the numerical 2 and the other coin carries the numerical 3. But his
coin is not the first issue of Banda Bahadur. The prevailing practice on
contemporary coinage had been to use the word Ahad on first issues
instead of numeral I, and there was evidence that the Sikhs were using
this word Ahad on their state correspondence of the first year of their
new (Sammat era). 31 The first coin is as yet to be located along with the
account of Ihsan Ijad for its examination and comparison with the
historical account.
John Deyell has stated that Ganda Singh's addition of the word Singh
with Gobind on the obverse legend has hopelessly muddled the rhythm.
Ganda Singh has the flair of adding Singh to the names of historic Sikh
personalities as the same is deemed to be an inherent part of the name
and not a surname or sub-caste. One is inclined to agree that Ganda
Singh may have added the word Singh with Gobind without having it on
any historical evidence, but the second coin has the word Singh added
to "Gobind", thus establishing that the Sikhs themselves made the said
Establishment of Sikh State
151
change in 1712 A.D. assuming that the simple word "Gobind" as such
was not in full reverence to their Guru who had made Singh an essential
part of the Sikh names. The question as to why and how Ganda Singh
added the word Singh becomes irrelevant due to the actual appearance
on the third year's coin.
Initial Sikh Coinage
Second Year's Coin
OBVERSE: SIKKAH ZAD BAR HAR DO ALAM TEGH-NANAK
WAHIB AST
FATEH GOBIND SHAH-SHAHAN FAZAL SACHCHA
SAHIB AST
REVERSE : ZARB BA AMAN-UD-DAHAR MASWARAT SHAHR
ZINAT-UT-TAKHT KHALSA MUBARAK BAKHT
Third Year's Coin
THE WORD GOBIND IS WRITTEN AS GOBIND SINGH ON THE
OBVERSE.
THE WORD AMAN-UD-DAHAR IS WRITTEN AS AMAN-UD-DIN
ON THE REVERSE.
152
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
The meaning of the legends, keeping in view the Sikh ethos, should
be as under. 32
Obverse: The coin has been struck in both the worlds herein and
hereafter. With the guarantee of Guru Nanak's sword or
granted by Guru Nanak under the strength of his sword.
The victory of Guru Gobind Singh, King of Kings, has
been achieved with the grace of Sacha Sahib, the God
Almighty. Sikhs have always believed in God Almighty
and taken their ten Gurus as one identity and all their
saviours God, Nanak to Gobind Singh stand encompassed
in the couplet.
Reverse: "Coined at the place of peace and security, picture of a
beautiful city, where the auspicious throne of Khalsa is
located." 33 The word Khalsa appears on both the coins and
whether the same was also printed on the first coin or was
an innovation of the second year can only be ascertained
after the first year's coin is located.
John Deyell is right to assert with logical arguments that the Sikh
coins need not have been minted at Lohgarh, but from the place where
it was convenient or where the main strength of the Khalsa army was
located. He further stated that from the elegance of his coin pertaining
to the second year, it could be assumed that it was minted in more secure
and peaceful circumstances than the second coin pertaining to the third
year which is rather crude and dumpy. There is a change on the reverse
legend of the second coin and the words aman-al-dahar have been
changed into aman-al-din i.e., from the security of the place, it has been
called under protection of the faith, which also, in a way, gives an
indication to the disturbed conditions at the time of minting. This view
gets further support from the fact that when the Sikhs had developed
their firm hold on territories after 1765, they started giving the names of
mint towns on the reverse of the coins. The author shares the views of
John Deyell that Sikh coins may not have been minted from Lohgarh.
The changes on the coins give indication of the change in political
situation faced by the newly arisen and growing nation. The study of
initial Sikh coinage, however, remains incomplete till the first year's coin
and Ijad's account mentioning the said coins or any other contemporary
historical reference are traced and ' examined by scholars and
numismatists with the three features not known, i.e., the name of the
ruler, place of the mint, and the year of minting. The cloud of some
Establishment of Sikh State
153
The Hukam Natnah or Letter of Banda Singh Bahadur, dated 12th Poh, Sammat
1, about December 26th, 1710, addressed to the Sarbat Khalsa of Jaunpur.
uncertainty will hang over these coins, whether their having been struck
during Banda Singh Bahadur's time or in the period of some later Sikh
leaders.
The first Sikh state under Banda Singh Bahadur also had a royal
stamp inscribed for use. It was used on Banda Singh's hukamnamahs and
farmans or orders and letters patent. 34 This was a little smaller in size
than a paisa, a copper coin of the British time, before 1947 and was used
for making impressions on the orders of his government. 35 The first
account of Sikh seal occurs in the news-writer's account of January 1710
A.D. in "Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Ma'ulla." 36 In addition, it is learnt from a
letter 37 of Hidayat Kesh, the chief news-writer, that Banda Bahadur's seal
contained the following verse:
154
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
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Establishment of Sikh State
155
Azmat-i-Nanak Guru ham Zahar-O-batan ast
Padshah-i-din-O duniya aap Sachcha Sahib ast.
The English translation of the verse is: "Inwardly and outwardly the
greatness of Guru Nanak was established. The true Guru was the king
of religion and the world." 38 It is further corroborated by the recording
of the same couplet by another contemporary historian in Hadiquat-i-
aqalim? 9 The use of this legend on the state seal is not authenticated by
the availability of its imprint on any state document. The seal
impressions that have been located are of:
"Deg Tegh Fateh Nusrat Baidarang,
Yaft Uz Nanak Guru Gobind Singh"
Meaning, the kettle to feed the poor, sword to defend and protect the
meek and helpless, and spontaneous victory (fateh and nusrat have the
same meaning) received from Guru Nanak to Guru Gobind Singh. This
legend appears as a seal imprint on hukamnamahs issued by Banda Singh
Bahadur, such as one dated December 26, 1710, A.D. to the Sangat at
Jaunpur, and another (undated) to Bhai Dharam Singh. 40 Half a century
later, this legend has been profusely used by Sikhs on their coins struck
regularly from Lahore, Amritsar, Multan, Kashmir, etc. 41
Besides firmly establishing the position that Sikh coinage was started
by Banda Singh Bahadur in 1710 A.D. as derived from the historical
accounts and numismatic investigations of the coins so far located, it
throws light on a very important feature of the Sikh concept of
sovereignty, shortly after the demise of Guru Gobind Singh, and with the
institution of the first Sikh state. The two legends, both on the coin and
the seal, give a true depiction of the concept of temporal sovereignty as
bequeathed by the tenth Guru to the Khalsa Panth. The growth of the
community in misls, and then a strong monarchy, over a period of a
century and a half, did in some way dilute the initial concept, but the
symbol of sovereignty of the Khalsa so chosen remained the same till the
very last days of the Sikh state. It is amazing that Banda Singh Bahadur,
belonging to a different religious creed, became disciple of Guru Gobind
Singh and, within a short period of a few months or even less, was
selected the commander of the Khalsa army and sent to Punjab where all
his energies and time was spent in creating and defending the infant
Sikh state. Yet, in this short time he could understand and express the
Sikh concept of sovereignty in such simple, lucid, and meaningful,
words that, leave alone any change, no Sikh authority has ever suggested
156
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
any alteration or improvement therein. He certainly had a spectacular
insight in the Sikh ethos and traditions, besides his being an
extraordinary commander of forces in whose psyche the fear of death
was totally nonexistent.
Banda Singh put on the coins the most appropriate and elegant
descriptive definition of the concept of Sikh sovereignty as bequeathed
to the Khalsa Panth by its Gurus that it remained universally acceptable
during the entire duration of the Sikh state, i.e., from 1710 A.D. to 1850
A.D. If at all in the near or distant future the Sikhs regain their
sovereignty, says Surinder Singh, the legends inscribed by Banda
Bahadur are- likely to decorate the future Sikh currency as the true
exposition of the Sikh sovereignty.
Ganda Singh holds that Banda Singh Bahadur introduced his own
Sammat* 2 or year commencing with his victory at Sarhind, as did the
Mughal rulers with their years of accession. This was done by him to
create in the minds of the Sikhs a spirit of equality with the rulers and
to impress upon them that they were in no way inferior. 43 Banda Singh's
swift success did not make him blind to the reality that the Mughal
Emperor was bound to do all within his power to retrieve his lost
territories and prestige. As a realist in politics, Banda Singh Bahadur
took steps to evolve an alternative state. Since Guru Gobind Singh "had
enjoined upon Banda Singh to serve the Panth and had appointed him
commander of the Khalsa, he knew that it was not he but the collective
Sikh community that was blessed with the sovereignty by the Sacha
Padshah (Guru Gobind Singh)". 44 Therefore, it is wrong to suggest that
Banda Singh had set up a monarchy and styled himself as Padshah.* 5 It
is true that he issued his orders, coins and seals, but all this cannot be
taken to mean that Banda Singh became a Padshah. Banda Singh was not
an anarchist. He aimed at not only the destruction of the Mughal
government in Punjab but also the establishment of a Sikh state. S.S. Bal
writes: "Normally the result of the brilliant campaign of Banda Singh
would have been the establishment of a monarchy with coins and seals
engraved with his name, but that did not happen." 46 Emphasizing the
distinction between the state established by Banda Singh Bahadur and
the Mughal state of India, Ganda Singh has beautifully summed up:
"The Mughal Emperors struck coins and engraved seals in their own
names. Banda Singh ... on the other hand, struck his coins and engraved
his seals in the name of Guru Nanak and! Gobind Singh. . . . His orders
and appeals to the Sikh Sangats were issued in the name of the Guru
(Guru Gobind Singh)." 47 The word Sri Sacha Sahib he used for the Guru
Establishment of Sikh State
157
not for himself. It was in the name of the Guru (Guru Gobind Singh) that
he issued orders and appealed to the Khalsa to join him. The use of such
words as "Nanak", "Gobind Singh", "Deg" and "Teg" explain that
whatever he did was strictly in the name of the Khalsa and the authority
which he assumed was on behalf of and in the name of the Khalsa.
Very little is known about the constitution and administrative system
of the government set up by Banda Singh Bahadur and his deputies.
Perhaps he had neither the time nor the requisite experience to do so,
and it was all a military activity. Amongst the few administrative
measures taken by Banda Singh Bahadur was that he established Sikh
thanas at various important towns, created subdivisions and placed them
under charge of Sikh Sardars.
It is also said that Banda Singh Bahadur abolished the much abused
zamindari system!® The word zamindar in Mughal administration was
used to denote various types of hereditary interests ranging from
powerful, independent and autonomous chiefs to petty intermediaries at
the village level. Zamindari as a system and institution had so much
penetrated the Mughal administration that it could be found in the
Khalsa as well as in the assigned lands or jagirs. Here we are concerned
with the type of zamindars who collected the revenue from the cultivators
or peasantry and paid it to the imperial treasury or to the jagirdars or to
the chiefs or in certain cases, kept it for themselves. 49 Under strong
administrators, these zamindars performed their duties according to the
imperial regulations and exercised their rights within the specified
limits, but under weak administrators they hardly ever hesitated to
break the rules. In actual practice they always tried to go beyond the
specified limits and to appropriate to themselves a greater share of the
revenue than what they were entitled to. The frequent use of the term
zamindar an-i-zor talab in the contemporary administrative literature
indicated that there were quite a large number of zamindars who would
not pay unless force was applied. These zamindars were sandwiched
between the superior zamindars (chiefs or rulers of Indian states) and the
state, on the one hand, and the peasantry on the other. They were
constantly struggling to improve their position and thus came frequently
into clash with both the sides. They always tried to shift the burden of
revenue demands to the cultivators and thus contributed to the
intensification of economic exploitation of the peasantry. 50 The
authorities did not interfere in their affair^ so long as they paid land
revenue regularly. It was perhaps this type of zamindars whom Banda
Singh Bahadur removed from their positions and appointed his own
158
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
men as collectors or amils. The Sikh movement signified a protest against
the beneficiaries of the existing structure of authority. These beneficiaries
may be zamindars or madad-i-ma' ash grantees, 51 were corrupt and
extortionist. The economic condition of the peasants was very miserable
because of the highhandedness of these beneficiaries of the state. Not
only the zamindars and Mughal amils (revenue collectors of the Mughals)
but the madad-i-ma'ash holders were also removed from their lands, by
the Sikhs. 52 These grantees were not suppose to pay revenue to the rulers,
so they exploited the peasants and collected more from the peasants,
than the assessed revenue. 53 So Banda Singh Bahadur, for the first time
in India's memorable history, abolished the corrupt and extortionist
intermediaries called the zamindars and the tiller of the soil heaved a big
sigh of relief. This is the class which has been the backbone, since then,
of all movements of religious and political freedom in Punjab. 54
The Sikhs being mostly the cultivators themselves, the sufferers
under this zamindari system, naturally wanted to get rid of it. So Banda
Singh took up the question of land reforms and abolished the most hated
system. Thus, the right to collect the revenue which had hitherto been
under the jurisdiction of intermediaries and Mughal amils, were given to
the lowly placed and non-descript communities who joined Banda Singh
Bahadur. "The scavangers, the leather-dressers and the other low-born
had only to leave their homes and join the Sikh leader when in a short
time they would return to their birthplace as its rulers." This rulership
implied primarily the right to collect the revenue says, Dr. Muzaffar
Alam. 55 Even before the conquest of Sarhind, Banda Singh dislodged the
old and corrupt intermediaries and appointed his own men for the
collection of revenue and issued orders to Mughal officials and jagirdars
to. submit and give up their claims to their territories (right to collect
revenue). In 1710 A.D. when the Sikhs entered Rahon, they issued
threatening orders to the chaudhries, muqaddams and qanungos of Rahon
and the adjacent parganas calling upon them to surrender. 56 To
consolidate the gains of their victory, the Sikh appointees followed batai
system. 57 They gave two parts of the produce to the peasants and one part
was retained by them. 58 On these conditions the peasants agreed to work
on the land, 59 and happily extended their helping hand to Banda Singh
Bahadur. So, on the economic plane, Banda Singh Bahadur could be
given the credit for introducing revenue reforms in the Punjab. This was
a remarkable contribution of Banda Singh Bahadur, which was later
improved upon by Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
The victory of Sarhind had been achieved as a result of the tide of
Establishment of Sikh State
159
religious zeal of his followers and political ambition of Banda Singh
Bahadur. In order to resist future invasions by the Mughals, Banda Singh
Bahadur could not solely rely on the meagre resources at his disposal.
The only hope of survival lay in broadbasing the movement. Banda
Singh could expect support generally from two sections of society, one
consisted of the people who were opposed to Muslim bigotry, and the
second were the peasants who were driven to despair by the extortions
of revenue officials. Banda Singh Bahadur decided to espouse the cause
of both these groups — Hindus and Muslims alike — and welcomed them
in his ranks. Thus the struggle was essentially not a war of revenge as
suggested by Gianeshwar Khurana, but was certainly a struggle for
socio-religious liberty and economic equity. The result of this farsighted
policy of Banda Singh Bahadur was amazing. His revolt did not remain
a localised issue but became a widespread affair, growing into a mass
movement. People all over the hills and the plains rose against the
tyrants. The Hindus and the Muslims alike joined Banda Singh Bahadur
to expel the Mughals from their regions. Banda Singh's realistic politics
made it considerably difficult for the Mughal officials either to curtail or
curb the rebellion easily. In addition to appointing Sikhs to important
posts, Banda Singh Bahadur appointed Jan Muhammad, the Zamindar of
the whole pargana of Buria (renamed by Banda Singh Bahadur after
occupation as Gulabnagar), and his lapses were forgiven. He was
ordered to go along with his contingent to bring Sardar Khan, the
Zamindar of Chondla. According to Bhagwati Das Harkara's report
submitted to the Emperor on April 28, 1711, Banda Singh Bahadur had
given a word and expressed his resolve not to harass the Muslims.
Therefore, all those Muslims who joined him were given daily allowance
and wages and were properly looked after. He had permitted them to
read Khutba and offer prayers. Thus, 5000 Muslims (living around
Kalanaur) joined the service of the rebel Sikh leader, with freedom of ajan
(call for prayer) and the namaz (daily prayer). These Muslims felt
comfortable in the army of the rebels (Sikhs). 60 Banda Singh's movement
"was a movement of the depressed classes" and as the time passed, men
from all walks of life, all castes, creeds and religion flocked to his banner.
With the establishment of the Sikh rule by Banda Singh Bahadur, the
prestige of the Sikhs rose and their very name and sight became a terror
to others. In this connection, Ganda Singh remarks: "The terror of the
very name of the Sikhs was to completely establish that even the sight
of a single Sikh horseman would unnerve a multitude of the erstwhile
unbending officials and their followers. Every Sikh, whatever, station in
160
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
life, felt to have been providentially raised above every one of his fellow-
subjects and destined to be a ruler." 61
The power and prestige of Banda Singh Bahadur increased
immensely. He commanded a large army and was looked upon by the
Hindus as the champion of Hinduism. "Oppressed Hindus resorted to
him for help which was willingly and efficiently given, a fact which had
a great influence in promoting the growth of the Sikh power. The slayers
of the kins were given no quarter and this alone was sufficient to win
over the sympathies of the whole Hindu race." 62 Such was the awe he
inspired throughout the occupied territory that, according to William
Irvine, "it led to a complete and striking reversal of the previous customs
in the caste-ridden land". "A low scavanger or a leather-dresser, the
lowest of the low in Indian estimation, had only to leave home and join
the Guru (i.e., Banda Singh Bahadur) when in a short time he would
return to his birth place as its ruler with his order of appointment in his
hand. As soon as he set foot within the boundaries, the well-born and
wealthy went out to greet him and escort him home. Arrived there, they
stood before him with joined palms, awaiting his orders. . . . Not a soul
dared to disobey an order and men who had often risked themselves in
battlefield, became so cowed down that they were afraid even to
remonstrate. Hindus who had not joined the sect were not exempt from
these." 63
In fact, during the short period of the Sikh rule under the leadership
of Banda Singh Bahadur, "the state was administrated as per the concept
of the double sovereignty. Whatever the Sikhs demanded for themselves,
they conceded to all people including the Muslims. It is in this
perspective that Muslims were not maltreated at all, rather they were
allowed to enjoy their rights and privileges as a distinctive culture-
group, provided they shed off their concept of theo-monastic-state." 64
Thus, Banda Singh built the structure of a secular state and government
in the community and defended and headed it like a potentate, who
combined the spirit, the work and the mission of a nation-builder with
the self-denial of a saintly personage. His talent for fighting skilfully,
tenaciously and, even brilliantly, to a victorious consummation, had won
him a name among the Sikhs and had made him a nightmare for their
enemies. Banda Singh Bahadur, thus, laid truly the foundation of a Sikh
state in the country, upon which was confidently raised a superstructure
later by his community, which culminated in the rule of Maharaja
Ranjeet Singh, the lion of Punjab. Banda Singh's life as the captain of the
Establishment of Sikh State
161
Sikh nation's ship, though short-lived, was beyond a doubt as distinctive
as it was distinguished.
The Sikh rule headed by Banda Singh Bahadur heralded a new era —
the era of the peasant, free from zamindars, egalitarianism and individual
liberty — in the history of the Punjab in which Banda Singh Bahadur
evolved the concept of participative leadership. Consequently, Banda
Singh Bahadur was able to lead into the field "an army of innumerable
men, like ants and locusts, belonging to the low castes of the Hindus and
ready to die at his orders." 65 These adherents of Banda Singh Bahadur do
not by any means exhaust the list of his followers who participated in his
task of the liberation of their motherland and breaking of age-old
shackles of economic and social inequities.
With the establishment of the Khalsa Raj, however small in its extent,
there was a tremendous change in the outlook of the Sikhs. They looked
upon themselves, just as they were looked up to by the non-Muslim
population, as "defenders of the faith and country". Every complaint
from the oppressed people, therefore, excited them against the local
officials and aristocrats. They considered it their religious duty to help
their suffering brethren, and as this could only be accomplished by the
removal of Mughal deputies, the Sikhs all over voluntarily embarked on
a career of conquest, and set themselves the task of effecting their plans,
of course, in their own way. There was at this time a general Sikh rising
in the country. Their conquests were not confined to southern districts of
Punjab only, but were carried on in the north with almost the same and
perhaps greater zeal and vigour.
Notes and References
1. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. ext., p. 36.
2. Ibid., p. 37.
3. It was a strong hill fort about half way between the towns of Sadhaura and
Nahan {about nine kos from Sadhaura according to Ganda Singh. Khazan Singh
says that it was 26 miles from Sadhaura), within the boundary of the village of
Amuwal, among the steeps of the Himalayas on an elevated summit, which could
be approached only through craggy rocks and ravines. It was surrounded by two
rivulets, Pamuwali and Daskawali Khols, or Khuds, which originally formed
only one stream, parting into two to embrace the hillock of the fort.
4. Ganda Singh, op. ext., p. 69.
5. See Pxinjab Past and Present, October, 1917, p. 884.
162
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
6. Khazan Singh, History and Philosophy of Sikh Religion, Part I, p. 210.
7. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 68.
8. Surinder Singh, Initial Sikh Coinage, p. 183 in oriental numismatic studies by
D. Handa.
9. 'Banda Singh always declared himself to be Banda or servant of the Guru, but
some of his followers from amongst the Khalsa took him to be the Guru and
followed him as such, says the author of the Risalah-i-Sahib-Nwna. There is
nothing on record to show that he ever mentioned or described himself as a
Guru. In his letters addressed to the Sikh Sangat (see his letter to the Sarbat-Khalsa
of Jaunpur dated 12th Poh 25-26th December, 1710 A.D.), he used the words Sri
Sacha Sahib, not for himself but for the Guru, in whose name he issued orders
and appealed to the Khalsa to join "him. See Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 71.
10. Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, pp. 57-58.
11. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 69.
12. Ibid., pp. 70-71.
13. Charles Panish, JNSI, Vol. XXIX, pt. II, 1967, pp. 88-90. The first coin pertaining
to Banda Singh Bahadur's period was located by Charles Panish in 1967. Quoted
by Surinder Singh, Initial Sikh Coinage, p. 183.
14. See Surinder Singh, op. cit., p. 184 in Oriental Numismatic Studies by D. Handa.
"The Khalsa Sikhs have strange practices amongst themselves. They call one
person as an army. In their despatches, they write that an army of Sikhs have
arrived. Some say they have struck coins and in their hukamnamas the year 'Ahad
is written'.
15. William Irvine, The Later Mughals, 1989, Delhi, p. 110.
16. Ijad was a court chronicler who wrote Shahnama under the orders of Farrukh
Siyar in 1131 Hijri, i.e., 1715 A.D. Some of the accounts of Banda Singh Bahadur
written by Ijad are not available in any other Persian manuscript.
17. Surinder Singh, op. cit., p. 185.
18. Karam Singh, Banda Singh Bahadur (Punjabi), Chief Khalsa Diwan, Amritsar, 1907.
19. Karam Singh, Banda Kaun Si (Punjabi) Amritsar, p. 34.
20. Ibid., p. 35.
21. Bid., p. 36.
22. Ganda Singh, op. cit., pp. 69-70.
23. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 10.
24. G.S. Deol, Banda Bahadur, 1972, pp. 57-58.
25. Gian Singh Giani, Guru Khalsa, Patiala, 1970.
26. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 60.
Establishment of Sikh State
163
27. J.S. Grewal, The Cambridge History of India, II. 3. The Sikhs of Punjab, Orient
Longman, 1990, p. 83.
28. Charles K. Panish, "The First Sikh Trans-Sutlej Coinage", J.N.S.I., Vol. XXIX, 1967,
pp. 88-90. Quoted by Surinder Singh, op. cit., p. 178.
29. A scholar of numismatic of international repute and an official in Canadian High
Commission in India.
30. John S. Deyell, "Banda Singh Bahadur and the first Sikh coinage," Numismatic
Digest, Vol. IV, Part I, June 1980, Bombay, pp. 59-67. Quoted by S. Surinder Singh,
op, cit.
31. The first account of Sikh coins occurs in the news writers account of January 1710
A.D. in Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Ma'ulla. "Some say they have struck coins and in their
hukamnamas the year 'Ahad' is written."
32. Surinder Singh, op. cit., pp. 14-16.
33. According to Dr. Ganda Singh, these were the titles and epithets used by him for
Lohgarh, just as each imperial city had its appropriate honorific name.
34. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 69.
35. Sohan Singh Seetal, Rise of Sikh Power in the Punjab, p. 68.
36. See Surinder Singh, op. cit., p. 184 in Oriental Numismalic Studies, by D. Handa.
. . . elephants, cash and grain of Wazir Khan of Sarhind has fallen in their hands
in large quantities. They have made their own mohar seal.
37. Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Ma'ulla, 39, p. 40, Translated and edited version available in
Punjab Past and Present, Vol. XVIII (II) October, 1984, Punjabi University, Patiala,
p. 30, Hidayat Kesb, the chief news writer, presented the Emperor the following
verse of the rebel Guru:
"Azmat-i-Nanak Guru ham Zahar o batan ast
Padshah-i-din-0 duniya aap Sachcha Sahib ast."
38. Ibid., Quoted by Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 28.
39. Hadiqat-al-Aqalim (M.S.), Muslim University, Aligarh, p. 148.
40. Hukamnama dated December 12, 1710, and another addressed to Bhai Dharam
Singh (undated) reproduced in Hukamname by Ganda Singh, Punjabi University,
Patiala, 1985 pp. 92-95.
41. Hans Herrli, Coins of the Sikhs, Indian Coin Society, Nagpur, 1993, pp. 31-33.
Quoted by Surinder Singh, op. cit.
42. Like the Sann-i-Jalus or the year of accession, of the Mughal Emperor.
43. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 84.
44. Rattan Singh Bhangu, Prachin Panth Parkash, 1939, p. 117.
45. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 107, writes about Banda Bahadur as a Padshah or
king.
164
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
46. S.S. Bal in the Medieval Indian State, Chandigarh, 1966, p. 124. Quoted by Raj Pal
Singh, op. cit., p. 28.
47. Ganda Singh, op. cit., pp. 80-85.
48. Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., pp. 72-73. "In matters of government, he introduced one
of the greatest fiscal reforms in the country by abolishing the zamindari system of
the Mughals which had reduced the cultivators to the position of slaves. With the
establishment of Banda Singh's Raj, the actual cultivators of the soil became the
proprietors of their holdings and the oppression resulting from the old system
was for ever eradicated from the Punjab."
49. Day, U.N., The Mughal Government, p. 137.
50. Ibid., p. 139.
51. They were the holders of revenue-free land. These types of grants were given to
the saints -or- scholars to help them. For details see Day, U.N., op. cit., pp. 143-44.
52. Muzaffar Alam, The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India — Awadh and the Punjab
(1707-1748), p. 146.
53. Day, U.N., op. cit., p. 139.
54. Gopal Singh, op. cit., pp. 342-43.
55. Muzaffar Alam, op. cit., p. 146.
56. Ibid.
57. Batai is a type of assessment in which the state claims from its representative
directly a share in the produce of the soil. This was effected in two ways. One
method was to send officers to visit the field with standing crop and make an
assessment of the approximate produce and then to fix the government's share
thereon. The other method was measuring the produce after it had been actually
harvested and then demanding the share on the basis of the measure.
58. Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Ma'ulla, January 1710 A.D. ". . . In the villages the produce is
divided between them and the tillers of the land, two parts to the tiller and one
part to them. The land has been given to the tillers. They (Sikh) want all this be
made known to the king. . . ."
59. The number of cultivators available for tilling the soil was much less than the
land available for cultivation. The cultivators too were ever willing to leave their
land on the slightest difficulty and migrate to new track where there was no
dearth of land for them to occupy and cultivate. Since agriculture was not
profitable and was carried out with primitive means of cultivation, mobility was
easy and hardly caused sufficient loss so as to lure them not to abandon their
fields for new ones. Under the circumstances, government's policy was to prevent
the cultivator from leaving his field unless he could find a substitute to cultivate
his land or could find a buyer who, after purchase, would cultivate it. The basic
idea, therefore, seems to have been not to allow agricultural land to get converted
into fallow land.
Establishment of Sikh State
165
60: Akhbarat+Darbar-i-Ma'ulla, January 9, 1711 A.D.
61. Ganda Singh, op. ext., p. 88.
62. Narang, Gokul Chand, op. cit., p. 103, fn. 3.
63. William Irvine, Late Mughals, Vol. I, pp. 98-99.
64. S.S. Gandhi, op. cit., p. 480.
Saiyid Ghulam Ali Khan, Imadur Saadat, p. 71. Quoted in Agrarian System of the
Mughal India by Irfan Habib, p. 345.
65. Khafi Khan, op. cit., p. 672, Satish Chandra, op. cit., p. 51.
4
Rising of the Sikhs
YAMUNA-GANGA DOAB REGION
The success of Banda Singh Bahadur, "the temporal leader of the Khalsa"
was quite swift and the conflagration had spread simultaneously
between the Ganga and the Yamuna, and Majha and Jullundur Doab. So
it is not possible to follow a strictly chronological order in the narration
of events of this period and they will be dealt with one after another.
After establishing themselves firmly at Lohgarh, Banda Singh and the
Khalsa started invading the Mughal territories in the neighbourhood of
Lohgarh. The Mughal officers withdrew in panic. Banda Singh Bahadur
put his own armed posts in the villages and towns of the conquered
areas which spread "from a few days" march from Delhi to the outskirts
of Lahore. In this area, the Sikhs set up their own administration. They
appointed their own thanedars and tahsildars to collect revenue". 1
Consequently, the persons oppressed by the Mughal officers or tyrants
from the neighbouring areas started to lodge their complaints before
him. Encouraged by this response, Banda Singh Bahadur addressed
himself to chastise the cruel Mughal officials of Yamuna-Ganga Doab
region and to do justice for the downtrodden and weak. His concept of
justice has been aptly summed up in the Prachin Pothi in Banda Singh's
own words: "The best worship for a king is to be just", is written in the
holy Granth. "Those who do not administer justice are caste into hell. A
king should practise justice. Thus spoke to me the great man (Guru
Rising of the Sikhs
167
Gobind Singh). If you call yourself the Sikhs of the great man, do not
practise sin, adharma and injustice. Rise up true Sikhs and smite those
who do un-Sikh like deeds. Bear the sayings of the great man in your
hearts." 2
The news of Banda Singh Bahadur's victories and progress travelled
far and wide. People, out of fear, started embracing Sikhism. According
to Sohan Singh Seetal, the author of the Rise of Sikh Power in the Punjab,
the ascendancy of the Khalsa to this power had prompted numerous
Hindus, from far and near, to embrace Sikhism. Even some Muslims had
preferred to be called Sikhs. Many Hindus had forcibly even atrociously
been converted to Islam during the Mughal rule. They had not been
reconciled to their new religion. As soon as they felt a little safe from
Muslim oppression, they threw Islam overboard and adopted the Sikh
creed. Hinduism did not take back any of the converts at any cost, even
though they had been forced to leave it at the point of the sword. But the
doors of Guru Nanak's creed were always open to welcome anybody.
Consequently, these persecuted citizens gladly found refuge under the
protection of the liberator of the oppressed that Guru Nanak was, and
turned Sikhs. That was why the number of Sikhs had grown rapidly. 3
The whole tract of Deoband — a pargana of Saharanpur — embraced
Sikhism. Many of these converts were from the village of Unarsa. But
this conversion became an eyesore to Jalal Khan, the Faujdar of that tract.
So he ordered all these Sikhs to be imprisoned and persecuted. Kapoor
Singh, who had been appointed a Sikh missionary of the Khalsa of that
area by Banda Singh, wrote to him about the pitiable condition of the
Sikhs there and asked for help. 4 Thus the condition of the non-Muslims
in general and Sikhs in particular in Saharanpur and Muzaffarnagar
districts had indeed been extremely deplorable because of the tyrannical
activities of Jalal Khan, the Hakim of Jalalabad. According to Gokul
Chand Narang, "Banda marched eastward on receiving a complaint from
the Hindus of Deoband who were being cruelly treated by Jalal-ud-
din." 5 On the receipt of the complaint either by the Hindus or Sikhs or
by both, Banda Singh Bahadur decided to extend help to the oppressed.
But before displaying the strength of his arms, he sent his emissaries to
the said Khan asking him to stop his . highhandedness towards them.
However, his emissaries were ill-treated. ^ Thereupon Banda Singh
Bahadur was left with no other choice but to lead a punitive expedition
to check his atrocities on the innocent, hapless people.
168
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
The Khalsa army marched upon the town of Saharanpur on their way
to Jalalabad as Saharanpur was equally obnoxious to them as one of the
principal strongholds of bigoted Mughal Faujdar. Ali Hamid Khan/ a
Sayyed of Qanauj, was then the Faujdar of this place. The Sikhs
addressed a letter to him and called upon him to submit, in which case,
they said, he would not be molested. Instead of submitting to the Khalsa
or asserting himself, Ali Hamid Khan Qanauji, the Faujdar of Saharanpur,
immediately took to flight on hearing about the Sikh march in the Doab.
The Sikhs chased him but he safely escaped to Delhi. The Sikhs crossed
the Yamuna, captured Sarsawa and then fell on Saharanpur. Soon they
overcame the resistance of its inhabitants. In panic many people fled
from the town. 8 A large booty consisting of money, jewels and goods fell
into the hands of the Sikhs. In the words of Muhammad Harisi, 9 "The
whole country, far and near, was in panic. Those people who were rich
enough or lucky enough to obtain means of conveyance carried off their
goods and families. The rest taking their wives and children by hand fled
on foot. Women who had rarely been outside the courtyard of their own
houses, and had never gone one step outside on foot, were forced to
walk distances of thirty and forty miles. In this way, half of the Sarkar
of Saharanpur fell into the hands of the Sikhs."
Beyhut, a village of the Pirzadas,™ was situated at a distance of
seventeen miles from Saharanpur. They were very notorious for cow
slaughter and tyrannising the poor Hindus. They plundered the property
of the Hindus and killed cows in the streets and desecrated the Hindu
homes of the town disdainfully. The Sikhs swooped upon Beyhut as soon
as they came to know of these atrocities. The Pirzadas tried to oppose
them. But that was of no avail at all. They were all put to the sword,
except one of them who happened to have been away to Bulandshahr.
He was the only survivor of the clan. After plundering and burning the
mansions of the Pirzada families, the Sikhs returned to Saharanpur.
On return of this detachment to Saharanpur, the Sikhs prepared to
march southwards to Jalalabad, lying about thirty miles south of
Saharanpur and about twenty miles west of Deoband. They addressed
severe orders to Jalal Khan, the founder and Faujdar of that place, to
release forthwith the Sikh prisoners of Unarsa and to tender his
submission to the Sikh power. Unlike Ali Hamid Khan of Saharanpur,
Who had fled to Delhi on receipt of the Sikh message, Jalal Khan was a
typical Afghan "famed for his boldness and valour throughout the
country". Jalal Khan was a Pathan of sterling courage. He had already
taken part in many a battle successfully and creditably. He had fought
Rising of the Sikhs
169
under the command of Aurangzeb in the Deccan. He had conquered and
destroyed the town Khera Manihar of the Rajputs, and had built on its
ruins his present town that was called Jalalabad after his own name. He
commanded a very powerful army of the Pathans of the Khybar Pass
and his town and fort were both strongly built. When the letter of the
Sikhs reached him, he ordered the Sikh messengers to be mounted on
asses, paraded through the streets of Jalalabad, and turned out of the
town. 11
This provocative news made the Sikhs very indignant. They started
for Jalalabad immediately. The town of Ambeyta fell in their way, though
five miles aside. The majority of its population consisted of Pathan and
Gujjar Muslims. The eminent Muslim saint, Sheikh Abb-ul-Muali, lived
there. His followers in that area used to make offerings to this pir. The
town was, thus, quite prosperous. The Sikhs directed their attention to
this place first. Sheikh Abb-ul-Muali offered them no resistance. The
Sikhs, therefore, took no life there. They had an easy access to the town
which yielded sufficient booty to compensate them for their efforts. 12
Next was the turn of Nanauta. Nanu Gujjar had founded this town
in the remote past, and had given his own name to it. In course of time
the Gujjars were thrown out by the Sayyads who now occupied the town.
Some Pathans and Sheikhs had also settled there later. Several residents
of the Sayyad tribe had held high positions in public life. A Sayyad of
this town had been appointed the commander of Saharanpur during the
reign of Aurangzeb. He had some large mansions built in Nanauta.
When the Sikhs left Ambeyta and advanced further, a large number
of Gujjar from Rampur turned up to join the Sikhs. They declared that
they were the followers of Guru Nanak and that they came there to take
part in the Sikh religious war. By this strategem they were able to secure
the advantage of making their own town and its surrounding area safe
from pillage. Moreover, they also became partners in the plunder of
Nanauta. The Gujjars had some old accounts to settle with the Sayyads.
The Sikhs entered Nanauta on July 11, 1710, A.D. The Shaikhzadas of the
town were brave fighters and expert archars. They contested every inch
the Sikh onslaught in their part of the town. Three hundred Shaikhzadas
lost their lives on that day during the courageous fighting in the
courtyard of Sheikh-Mohammad Afzal's house alone. This sharp, bloody
contest led to an utter destruction of the town. The royal mansions of the
Sheikhs and of the Sayyads were destroyed. The whole town was left in
ruins. It has been called Phuta Shahr or the town in ruins, since that day.
170
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
In this way, half of the Sarkar of Saharanpur fell into the hands of the
Sikhs and the town was rechristened as Bhagnagar. 13 Banda Singh
Bahadur "established his forces in the Thanas of Rampur, Nanauta,
Jhujhana, Bakaur, Barsadau, Karana, Budhana, Kandhala. . . . The
wayfarers and qanungo of Saharanpur had collaborated with the
vanquished." 14 The impact of the march of Banda Singh Bahadur in the
summer of 1710 A.D. was so great that panic spread in the Yamuna-
Gangetic Doab. The rich fled eastwards to Oudh or northwards into the
hills. "The sight of one Sikh lancer on horseback was enough to terrorise
a whole village." 15 Needless to say, the Sikhs collected a large booty from
Saharanpur, Behut, Nanauta and other surrounding villages.
Next, Banda Singh Bahadur moved towards Jalalabad (five miles
from Nanauta). Jalal Khan, 16 the Faujdar of Jalalabad, who received the
information of Sikhs' advance, fortified himself by collecting men and
ammunition. Banda Singh Bahadur sent a word to him to release the
poor, innocent Singhs who were cruelly confined by him. But he was
made of a little harder stuff, as Sohan Singh puts it, and wrote back in
stronger words. Said he: "Don't hope to find in me the Nawabs of
Sadhaura or Sarhind and if you have to fight me with that much estimate
of strength, you are sadly mistaken. You are welcome to fight, as I am
sure you will soon reap the result of your folly. My army consists of
Khybri Pathans, whom the very appearance of death even cannot
mtimidate. So bear you in mind mat you will have to face such a people
and not the timid inhabitants of Hindustan. And the Sikhs I will not set
free under the threat of war." 17 He made full preparations to resist the
Sikhs. He had collected a sufficient quantity of food and war material in
the fort. He had also called a large number of villagers to fight for him
by the side of his regular army. The Sikhs approached Jalalabad straight
from Nanauta. The ground between the two towns was overgrown with
a big forest of butea frondosa trees {keysoo, dhak or plaas). As the Sikhs
advanced half way, they saw the enemy forces waiting for them.
Jalal Khan had despatched his nephew Hazbar Khan, and his
brother-in-law Ghulam Mohammad Khan to go ahead and meet the
Sikhs and drive them back. The Pathans had under them 400 cavalry
men, 1000 foot soldiers, and 4,000-5,000 strong special militia from the
villages, besides hordes of the Ghazis.
The Sikhs rushed at the enemies head-long. It was a very bloody
battle. Hazbar Khan and numerous Ghazis were killed. 18 Jamal Khan and
Pir Khan, the nephews of Jalal Khan, waited in the wings behind,
Rising of the Sikhs
171
commanding fresh forces for the aid of the front where help was
required. They chose their chance now and attacked the Sikhs. The
fighting raged for three days. Then Dindar Ali Khan, the son of Jalal
Khan, rushed to the battlefield at the head of fresh and specially selected
seven hundred men. But before he had joined the battle, Jamal Khan and
Pir Khan had been killed. The Sikh army had now encircled the Muslim
defenders. Dindar Khan rushed upon the Sikhs ferociously. There were
many casualties on both sides. Somehow, he forced his way to where the
corpses of his brothers lay. And with the help of his men he got hold of
the bodies of Jamal Khan, Pir Khan and other Sardars and wangled his
way back through the Sikh encirclement. He then retreated to
Jalalabad. 19 It was about this time that Jalal Khan reported the invasion
of the Sikhs to Emperor Bahadur Shah. 20
Banda Singh Bahadur and his followers besieged Jalalabad, situated
on a high ground. A small stream, called the Krishna, flowed by it. It was
the rainy season now and the stream was in flood. The fort and the town
had large sheets of water standing all around it. The siege was
maintained for about 20 days. The Sikhs failed to take the fort. Nor did
Jalal Khan have the guts to come out, drive the Sikhs away and put an
end to the siege. The Town was safe, but the countryside around it was
devastated by the Sikhs. The Sikhs made repeated attempts to capture
Jalalabad but were repulsed. According to Khazan Singh, "Banda
applied ladders to the walls of the fort in order to get over it. Hundreds
lost their lives in the attempts." 21 Ultimately, Banda Singh Bahadur,
without having been able to achieve a definite result even after 20 days
of fighting and loss of several soldiers, raised the siege. He, at that time
was said to be commanding an army of "seventy to eighty thousand
strong and adequate arms and ammunition, was forced to lift the siege
because of two factors: "First, he had received appeals from the Sikhs of
the central Punjab to extend them help against the local Faujdar. 22
Secondly, he had learnt that Emperor Bahadur Shah had already sent his
vanguard to crush the rebellion in the Punjab and was likely to be there
soon to retrieve the lost territories and glory of the Mughals. The rains
then set in and flooded the surroundings. The river Krishna was also
overflowing its banks. Now it was fatal to wade through water to reach
the fort when the besieged were raining arrows and shots on them.
Hence, Banda Singh Bahadur thought it advisable to give up the siege
and retreated towards Karnal. Thus, Jalal Khan breathed a sigh of relief
and took a full vengenance upon the Sikhs of Unarsa, who were cruelly
done to death along with Kapoor Singh. The Sikh commanders, Ram
Singh and Binod Singh, settled at the inn of Tirauri, now their
172
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
headquarters. The rest of the Sikh forces returned to the Punjab. The
Governor of Delhi, Asaf Daula Asad Khan, too, felt some relief now. He
dismissed Muhammad Ali Hamid Khan, the Governor of Saharanpur,
and replaced him by Jalal Khan. He awarded Jalal Khan a robe of
honour, along with this new appointment, on August 21, 1710. His son,
Dindar Ali Khan, was also promoted to a higher rank in the army. 23
RISING IN MAJHA
Most of the baptised Sikhs were the residents of the Malwa, the
Doaba, and the Majha, during the life time of Guru Gobind Singh. When
Banda Singh Bahadur appeared in the Punjab, many Sikhs joined him in
the fulfilment of his mission and when he conquered Sarhind and a large
area around it. The Sikhs of the Majha had also started their plans and
preparations for establishing a Sikh government there. Banda Singh
Bahadur did not himself take part in the rising in Majha and the
disturbances in the Doaba. They were certainly caused by his activities
and victories in the Malwa. Therefore, it will be in the fitness of things
and in all fairness to Banda Singh that a brief account of these events be
given here.
"The victory of Sarhind," writes Ganda Singh, "had served as a
signal for a general Sikh rising throughout the country, and it revived in
them a new spirit of independence." They believed to have been
providentially elevated to the position of conquerors and rulers, and
refused to acknowledge the authority of their Mughal masters. Added to
this were the orders of Banda Singh "addressed to the Khalsa of the
Punjab (to the north of Sutlej) to devastate the territories on that side".
The Sikhs, on their part, were only waiting since the battle of Chamkaur
in December 1704, A.D. for an opportunity to settle the old scores with
their persecutors. The entire Khalsa of Majha, and the Doaba, rose to end
the Mughal rule and to establish the Sikh rule in the whole of the Punjab.
"There was a sudden eruption and the Sikh volcanic lava flowed with
such rapidity and force that it drove before it all who came in its way,
Muslim or Hindu, officials or non-officials," writes Dr. Ganda Singh.
About 8000 Sikhs of the Majha assembled at Amritsar and counselled
together to overrun the territories of the Punjab. They collected arms and
started considering themselves independent rulers and extorted nazranas
from the surrounding villages.
The Khalsa of Majha discussed their plans and the way in which they
were to advance. It was not safe to move towards Lahore where the
Rising of the Sikhs
173
Governor and the imperial army were too strong for them to tackle.
Qasoor, too, was well-defended by Kheshgi Pathans, who possessed well-
trained armies and well defended forts. They agreed that the earliest area
to attack was the Riarki. The Khalsa made up their mind and paid
homage to their temple (Golden temple), said their prayers to their
Gurus and God, and marched on the way to Riarki in Gurdaspur district.
They compelled the chaudhries of every village that they approached, to
pay them the tribute money and made them promise loyalty to the Sikh
rule, and then moved ahead. Any village where the chaudhries were not
traceable and yielding, was pillaged by them. The government police
and revenue officers were dismissed and replaced by the Khalsa.
Next the Khalsa turned to the Parganas of Batala and Kalanaur. 24
These were exceptionally rich in those days. The Hakim of Batala,
accompanied by his force, came to oppose them, but could not resist the
assault. The Singhs then occupied Batala, turned out its government
officials and established their own thanas. Then they ransacked Kalanaur,
the residence of many a rich imperial noble. Batala was the market for
commodities from Kashmir and Kabul. The conquest of these places
added much to the resources of the Sikhs and they retraced their steps
and marched towards Lahore. One group of theirs, mainly the Sikhs of
Sathiala and Batala, pushed northwards and went to occupy the town
and the territory of pargana of Pathankot.
The main body of the Khalsa, which went towards Lahore, ravaged
the country up to the Shalimar gardens. Lahore at that time was
governed by Sayyad Aslam Khan. He was very weak and timid. So he
was very much frightened. He dared not come out of the city to oppose
the Sikhs in an open battle. The Mullas 25 now took the lead. They raised
a religious cry, appealed to the sentiments of the Mohammadans, planted
a green banner, known as the Haidri Flag, 26 near the Idgah Mosque, and
proclaimed a Jehad, 27 a crusade against the Sikhs. In response to their call,
the Muslims collected at the Idgah. The rich Muslims contributed funds
for this move, and a vilification campaign against Aslam Khan. At last,
when Sayyed Aslam Khan heard that he was being publicly defamed as
a coward, he deputed Mir Ata Ullah and Muhib Khan, a zamindar of
Faridabad, to join the Ghazis with a force of five hundred horses and one
thousand foot soldiers. The leading persons amongst the Hindus who
joined this party of Jehad was a grandson of Todar Mai and son of
Paharamal. 28
The Sikhs, on the other hand, divided their forces into four groups.
174
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
One was deputed to deal with the situation in the Majha — the districts
of Amritsar and Lahore — and the second was sent to Riarki and Kandhi,
in the district of Gurdaspur up to the foothills, the third was to invade
the capital city of Lahore, and the fourth was to remain in reserve as a
moving column to be used in an emergency. The Lahore group
established its firm base in the village of Bharat on the bank of the Ravi.
Here, Mehta Bhagwant Rai, the Qanungo of the pargana of Neshta Bharli,
in which Bharat was situated, had built a small brickfort which is
mentioned by historians as Qila Bhagwant Rai. The Sikhs occupied it. It
served as a rallying centre and as a place of defence. The Haidri Flag
arrived there and the Sikhs in the meantime collected their supplies and
put themselves in a defensive position. The crusaders and the imperial
troops besieged the fort. The Khalsa did not come into the open to fight,
but showered bullets and arrows from the walls of the fort. There was
considerable bloodshed on both sides. The Sikhs then decided to leave
the fort. So they sallied forth one night and broke through the enemy's
lines. In an instant, they were beyond the reach of the besiegers. The
crusaders were greatly disappointed at this slipping away of the Sikhs
from their grasp. The crusaders then returned to Lahore. To cover up
their shameful retreat, they started insulting the Hindus of the city and
threatened their own rulers.
When the Sikhs heard of this state of affairs, they again collected at
Kotla Begam, near Chamiari, a few miles from Lahore, and resumed
plundering and ravaging. The crusade (jihad) was again proclaimed and
a large force collected to oppose the Sikhs. Soon, they came face to face
with the Sikhs at the foot of Kotla Begam. The Sikhs came out of their
enclosure and fell upon them. A desperate battle ensued, resulting in
huge losses on both sides. Both the parties were balanced. Just at this
stage the Sikhs made a bold attack, which turned the tables against the
crusaders who could not withstand the onslaught, and fled. The Ghazis
left the battlefield. The Sikhs, therefore, prudently took into their
possession the material left behind by the fleeing Ghazis rather than
pursue them further in that most inclement weather. They nursed their
wounded and collected the booty, and retired behind their defences to
spend the night there. At this time Banda Singh Bahadur was fighting
against Jalal Khan across the Jamuna. The crestfallen crusaders returned
towards Lahore. But their misfortunes had not ended yet. Another blow
and perhaps the severest of all, was still waiting for them. On their way
back they stopped at the village of Bhilowal for a night's rest. The
regular soldiers were lodged in the fort and the others lay down to sleep
Rising of ike Sikhs
175
in an open place, unmindful of any threat from the Sikhs. The Sikhs, on
the other hand, were cautiously and secretly pursuing them closely with
the intention of striking another blow before they could get to Lahore.
Early on the following morning, before daybreak, they issued forth from
the neighbouring bushes and pounced upon the crusaders who were
taken unawares. To quote Ganda Singh: "The Muhammadans offered no
united front and most of them were cut down before they could be ready
for resistance/'' This was like driving the last nail into the coffin of the
enemy. The remaining crusaders now dispersed to their homes and their
leaders came back to Lahore "hiding their faces". The crusaders lost very
heavily in men and horses. Several hundreds of them, including Murtaza
Khan and the grandson of Todar Mai, the leader of the Hindu allies,
were killed, and horses and property worth several thousands fell into
the hands of the Sikhs. Except the occupation of Lahore proper,
practically the whole of the territory in the Majha and the Riarki tracts
lay prostrate at their feet. Even after this Muhammadans appealed to
their religious leaders to gird up their loins for revenge, but they dared
not take the risk.
RISING IN JULLUNDUR DOAB
The Bist Jullundur Doab consisting of the present districts of
Jullundur and Hoshiarpur, could not remain unaffected. According to
Ganda Singh, "Being on the border of the province of Sarhind, which
had been conquered and occupied by Banda Singh Bahadur, was the first
to be electrified with the spirit of rising and independence." So, the
Khalsa of Doaba, following the footsteps of their brethren in the south,
also embarked on a campaign of conquest. They took up arms and
within a few weeks turned out the petty officials in the districts of
Jullundur Doab and appointed Sikh tehsildars and thanedars in their
place. 29 It was mainly the work of the local Sikhs and only a small
detachment from the south sent across the Sutlej by the main force at
Sarhind joined them. 30
Shamas Khan, a Khalafzai Pathan of Kasur, was then the Faujdar of
Jullundur Doab. He was the only son of Peer Khan, whose father, Sultan
Ahmad Khan Khalafzai, had rendered yeoman's service to prince
Muhammad Azam. Peer Khan held a high rank under Bahadur Shah and
it was in recognition of his meritorious services that, after his death, his
son Nur Khan, under the popular title of Shamas Khan, obtained the
Faujdari of Doaba Bist Jullundur with his capital at Sultanpur. Inspired
176
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
and encouraged by their small successes, the Sikhs in Jullunder Doab
now considered themselves strong enough to face the Faujdar himself.
They sent him a letter in the form of a parwana, calling upon him to
submit. But, according to the author of Banda the Brave, this ultimatum
was sent by Banda Singh himself, which read: "The only means of your
safety are to pay homage to the Khalsa and in future consider himself
their tributary, and to send with the bearer a considerable quantity of
ammunition, and come yourself with all your treasure/' 31 They
despatched this letter to him by two Sikhs. Shamas Khan consulted his
nobles and military officials, who all took oaths of fidelity and unity to
stand by him till their last breath, and they swore by the holy words of
the Quran. To gain time for his warlike preparations, he gave the
messengers an evasive reply that he would soon come to meet the Sikhs.
He also sent to them a little quantity of lead and powder and wrote to
them that he could not send more for want of conveyance which he
required for his friends and nobles. The merchants in the bazaar and the
government stores, he said, had heaps of powder, which could be
supplied in any quantity provided sufficient arrangements were made
for conveyance. 32
Shamas Khan was a clever man. So, on the one hand, he sent a small
quantity of lead and powder to the Sikhs, assuring more to follow, and,
on the other, proclaimed a jehad with the beat of the drum. The Sikhs
took his message as genuine and relaxed in the hope of getting more.
During the interregnum, Shamas Khan prepared for the fight and
collected his men and material. It is said that more than a hundred
thousand men were collected by him, in addition to large hordes of
crusaders. They then proceeded against the Sikhs. On hearing of this
anti-Sikh crusade and the advance of Shamas Khan with such an army
and all the equipment of war, the Sikhs moved with all their force,
numbering seventy to eighty thousand, according to Khafi Khan. This
seems to have been very much exaggerated by Khafi Khan. According to
Ganda Singh, "In all probability, it was at this time that they called upon
Banda Singh and the Sikhs in the Gangetic Doab to hurry to the
Punjab." 33 This seems to be plausible, too. The Sikhs then reached
Rahon — a town 14 miles from Sultanpur. They occupied here the
mounds of some old brick kilns and used the brick-kiln as a garhi
(fortress), threw lines of entrenchments around their camp and got ready
for the battle. From this place, as Khafi Khan relates, the Sikhs sent out
patrols in all directions and issued threatening orders to the chaudhries,
the revenue payers and the qanungos, the revenue officers, calling upon
them to submit.
Rising of the Sikhs
111
The combined forces of Shamas Khan and his allies reached Rahon
and attacked the Sikhs. The battle began with guns and muskets. The
forces of Shamas Khan fell upon the Sikhs like locusts on a crop from all
sides with cries of "Ali, Ali and AUah-u-Akbar". The Sikhs replied with
voHeys of their cannons and their war cry "Sat Sri Akal", but they were
completely at a disadvantage due to the overwhelming numbers of the
enemy. The only way out of the impasse for them was to fight a
rearguard action and retreat into the fort of Rahon.
Shamas Khan besieged the fort. The battle raged between the Sikhs
within the fort and the Ghazis outside it. It was October 11, 1710, A.D.
The Sikhs saw no advantage in holding the fort against the
overwhelming enemy. They, therefore, slipped out of the fort about
midnight, breaking safely through a weak point in the enemy
encirclement. Shamas Khan, too, thanked his stars for this easy riddance.
He did not pursue the Sikhs. He reappointed his officers in Rahon and
marched back to Sultanpur. The Ghazis who had survived the battle,
returned to their homes, thanking God for an escape from the harm's
way. In this connection, Ganda Singh remarks: "Apparently, he (Shamas
Khan) felt tired and was looking for an opportunity to leave the Sikhs
alone, especially when he thought of their being reinforced by the
terrible Banda Singh, the conqueror of Sadhaura, Sarhind and
Saharanpur." 34
Shamas Khan, satisfied with the "so-called victory", returned to his
headquarter (Sultanpur), stationing his men at Rahon. But, as per their
plan, the vigilant Sikhs came back at once after the evacuation of the
imperial forces, attacked the garrison, put faujdar's men to the sword and
reoccupied the fort. They then placed their own thana there. The tactics
of war, says Dr. Ganda Singh/is peculiarly a Sikh tactic and as so often
been used by them in their wars with the Mughals, the Durranis and the
local officials, has generally been misunderstood and misinterpreted a
defeat. Their trick flights were many a time mistaken for their actual
flights and under this impression the enemy followed them up, but they
were soon disillusioned on finding the Sikhs turning upon their heels,
pouncing upon their pursuers and cutting them down to the last man.
The battle of Rahon was fought on the October 11, 1710, A.D., and its
report (by Shamas Khan) was received by Emperor Bahadur Shah on
October 25„ while he was at Sonepat. "Thus the progress of the Khalsa"
writes Sphan Singh, "was now uncontested and uncurbed, till it received
a fatal blow in the time of Farrukh Siyar." 35
178
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
After the occupation of Rahon, the Sikhs moved on to Jullundur. The
Pathans of this place, so terrified that they found their safety in fleeing
Rahon, fell into the hands of the Sikhs without any resistance from the
officials and residents. Hoshiarpur followed suit, and like all others in
the neighbourhood, its ruler acknowledged the authority of the
conquerors. Thus, before long, practically the whole of the Bist Jullundur
Doab came under the sway of the Sikhs. Shamas Khan himself was not
allowed to remain at rest at Sultanpur and, according to the Maasir-ul-
Umra, twenty-two battles were fought between the Sikhs and himself. 36
Consequently, Jullundur, Hoshiarpur, Batala, Kalanaur, Pathankot and
other places came under the domain of Banda Singh's men. The Sikhs
had revolted and removed the Mughal officers between the Sutlej and
the Ravi and threatened to occupy Lahore. However, the capital town of
Lahore remained under the Mughal authority and the surrounding area
came under the Sikh rule. This victorious campaign of the Sikhs between
Delhi and Lahore created so much terror in the minds of the Mughal
aristocracy that it was felt that "there was no noble daring enough to
march from Delhi against them". 37
About the demoralization in the Mughal aristocracy and glorious
successes of Banda Singh Bahadur, S. Khushwant Singh observed thus:
"In those fateful days, had Banda shown more enterprise he could have
captured Delhi and Lahore and so changed the entire course of Indian
history. But the otherwise daring Banda Singh Bahadur showed a lack of
decision which proved fatal to his dreams." 38 And if Bahadur Shah had
not quit the Deccan, which he did in A.D. 1710, and marched towards
the Punjab with all his imperial forces "there is every reason to think,"
says Malcolm, "the whole of Hindustan would have been subdued by
these . . . invaders." 39 The historic role must be judged on the basis of
actual happenings and activities, says Dr. Raj Pal Singh, not on "ifs" and
"buts". Therefore, while judging the role of Banda Singh Bahadur
during "those fateful days", one cannot close ones eyes to the historical
realities. It is a historical fact that notwithstanding the sporadic successes
of revolts of either the Marathas or Rajputs or Jats of Bharatpur or the
Sikhs, Bahadur Shah held the reins of administration fast in his hands.
In matters of state, his word was final. Therefore, when he learnt about
the Sikh obduracy and spirit of defiance in the key province of the
Mughal empire, he immediately started making strenuous efforts to deal
with the insurgency of Banda Singh Bahadur. It is difficult to accept the
argument of learned Khushwant Singh, Malcolm and Iradat Khan that
Banda lacked power of taking "decision" or did not show "more
enterprise" to capture Lahore or Delhi. In fact, the provincial officers,
Rising of the Sikhs
179
where the Sikh rebellion had broken out, were not totally weak or
insignificant as had been tried to be made out by Iradat Khan or S.
Khushwant Singh. As discussed earlier in this chapter, in spite of their
best efforts, the forces of Banda Singh Bahadur had to leave the fortress
of Jalalabad unconquered. Likewise, their efforts to capture Lahore had
been nullified by Aslam Khan. It was not lack of enterprising spirit on
the part of Banda Singh Bahadur that Lahore or Delhi were not captured,
but it was due to the relentless efforts made by the Mughal officers that
checked the Sikh advance towards Delhi or Lahore. This author agrees
with Dr. Raj Pal that Banda Singh Bahadur had sent his forces to take
over Delhi also. But in this respect we have to agree with S.S. Gandhi
and Iradat Khan that "their further progress southwards from Thanesar
was opposed by Sardar Khan, a Muhammadan Rajput Zamindar. If it has
not been for his exertions, there was nothing really to stop their
advancing upon Delhi. It is true that Asad Khan or viceregent was there,
and as a governor of the province in which Sarhind was included, it was
his duty to have taken active measure to restore order. But he did
nothing, probably because he was old and indifferent." 40 So we can
conclude that Banda Singh Bahadur made serious efforts to capture both
Lahore and Delhi, but did not find enough strength and opportunity to
eject the ruling Mughal officers from there. Before he could accomplish
his plans to capture either the provincial capital (Lahore) or the national
capital (Delhi), Banda Singh Bahadur had to face the big Mughal army
led by Emperor Bahadur Shah, advancing towards his recently
conquered territories.
5. Narang, G.C., op. cit., p. 141.
6. Khafi Khan, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 655. Elliot and Dowson, History of India, as told by
its own Historians, Vol. VII, p. 416.
7. Muhammad Harisi, Ibrat Natnah, p. 82, Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 75.
Khafi Khan, in the Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, Vol. II, p. 654, gives his name as Ali
Notes and References
4
3
2
1
Khafi Khan, op. cit., p. 672; Satish Chandra, op. cit., p. 51.
Quoted by S.S. Gandhi, op. cit., p. 33.
Sohan Singh Seetal, Rise of the Sikh Power in the Panjab, p. 71.
Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 75.
180
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
8. Khafi Khan, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 654. Quoted by Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 33.
9. Muhammad Harisi, Ibrat Namah, 41 a-b, Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 77.
See Irvine, Later Mughals, p. 101.
10. Descendants of the Muslim Saints, generally rich, influential families.
11. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 78.
12. Karam Singh, Banda Singh Bahadur, pp. 86-87.
13. Akhbarat, dated July 1, 1710.
14. Ibid.
15. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 108.
16. Jalal Khan was the son of Mir Hazar Khan. He was a descendant of the Orak Zai
tribe of the Afghans, who had migrated to India during the time of Shah Jahan.
He had been granted some villages as his estate. Jalal Khan succeeded Hazar
Khan as the landlord of those villages. He had helped Aurangzeb during the
latter 's war against Dara Shikoh. He was granted some more villages in the
Pargana of thana Bhawan as a reward for his services. He had destroyed Khera
Manihar and built a fort on its ruin and called it Jalalabad.
17. Sohan Singh, Banda the Brave, pp. 95-96.
18. Khafi Khan, Muntakhib-ul-Labab, p. 655, Quoted by G.S. Deol, op. cit., p. 63.
19. Karam Singh, op. cit., pp. 90-91.
20. Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 81. Sohan Singh Seetal writes in his book, Rise of the
Sikh Power in the Punjab, p. 76: "Jalal Khan wrote a report of all this fighting to
the Emperor that was received in Delhi on July 1, 1710 A.D."
21. Khazan Singh, History and Philosophy of Sikh Religion, Part I, Lahore (1914), p. 212.
22. Khafi Khan, op. cit., p. 652, Vol. II.
23. Sohan Singh Seetal, op. cit., p. 77.
24. The place where Akbar the Great had been crowned.
25. The Mullas and other religious fanatics, who were mostly at the bottom of all
religious persecution of the non- Muslims and who now suffered most at the
hands of the Khalsa, were fleeing to Lahore. Great consternation prevailed there.
26. Muslim flag named after Hazrat Ali.
27. Holy war.
28. Ganda Singh, op. cit., pp. 85-86.
29. Ibid., p. 93.
30. Sohan Singh Seetal, op. cit., p. 89.
31. Sohan Singh, Banda the Brave, p. 116.
Rising of the Sikhs
181
32. Irvine William, op. cit., p. 99.
33. Ganda Singh, op. cit., pp. 96-97.
34. Ibid., p. 98.
35. Sohan Singh, op. cit., p. 120.
36. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 101.
37. Iradat Khan, Quoted by Ganda Singh, p. 101 and S.S. Gandhi, op. cit., p. 16.
38. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 109.
39. Malcolm, Sketch of the Sikhs, p. 79. Also see, Irvine, Later Mughals, p. 98.
40. S.S. Gandhi, op. cit., p. 10.
5
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
The report of the Sikh uprising had been received by the Emperor near
the Narbada in December 1709 A.D. 1 This was followed by the reports of
the further progress of the activities of the Sikhs under Banda Singh
Bahadur. The Emperor who had been alarmed by reports of the Sikh
aggression sent by Asad Khan from Delhi and by various Waqa
Nawises, 2 was hastening back to the north in order to suppress the
rebellion. Bahadur Shah reached Ajmer on May 30, 1710, A.D., after a
successful expedition against his younger brother Mohammad Kam
Bakhsh. 3 He had come to Rajputana to reduce the refractory chiefs, Raja
Jai Singh Kachhwaha and Raja Ajit Singh, son of Jaswant Singh Rathor. 4
It was here that the alarming news about the seriousness of Sikh
rebellion reached the Emperor, which changed the situation because its
gravity invited the Emperor's immediate attention to affairs in the north.
The Emperor did not even enter his capital to take rest after his southern
successes, but marched straight on towards Sarhind to punish the Sikhs.
The possible consequences of a popular uprising such as that of the
Sikhs, in close proximity to the imperial capital and the strategic north-
western area, were considered to be more dangerous than the pending
quarrel with the Rajputs. . . . Hence, a settlement was hurriedly patched
up with the Rajput Rajas. Bahadur Shah hastened towards the Punjab
from Ajmer after he had heard the tales of woes and sufferings of the
plundered inhabitants of Sarhind, Thanesar and Sadhaura. The stories of
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
183
sufferings of his co-religionists and also of the members of the ruling
aristocracy lent poignancy to his hitherto resolve of destroying the Sikhs
root and branch. 5 On hearing about the activities of the Sikhs under
Banda Singh Bahadur, Emperor Bahadur Shah took steps to suppress
them. He sent a big contingent towards Saharanpur under the command
of Feroz Khan Mewati and himself decided to reach Punjab to take steps
to suppress the disturbances. He left Ajmer on June 27, 1710, A.D.
accompanied by Chatar Sal Bundela and other nobles. En route to
Punjab, he issued orders to Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf-ud-Daula Asad Khan,
Khan-i-Durrani, Subedar of Awadh Muhammad Amin Khan Chin,
Faujdar of Muradabad Khan Jahan, Subedar of Allahabad Sayyid
Abdullah Khan Barha, and others to join with their forces without delay,
the forces of Asad Khan, the Subedar of Delhi, in his expedition against
the Sikhs. The Emperor's camp moved via Rupnagar, Sambhar, Rasulpur,
Pragpur, Narnaul and Sonepat. En route Bahadur Shah kept on issuing
important orders to the Mughal officers to mobilize their forces against
Banda Singh Bahadur. On August 26, 1710, A.D., Abu Muhammad Khan
was "given a Khilat and told that the Zamindar of Kumaou be sent to
chastise Banda Singh Bahadur". On August 28, 1710, A.D.,farmans were
issued in the names of zamindars of Srinagar (Garhwal) and Sirmaur
(Nahan) regarding administering of punishment to the Nanak
worshippers. 6
Banda Singh Bahadur was aware that it would be very difficult for
him to face the Mughal power with the meagre resources at his disposal.
For broadening his base of support, he wrote letters to Raja Jai Singh of
Amber and Raja Ajit Singh of Jodhpur soliciting their help in this hour
of reckoning against the Mughals. 7 Similar letters were despatched by
him to the ruler of Jawalapur. 8 He was also reported to be in touch with
the Mughal aristocracy for their help and cooperation. For example, on
September 23, 1710 A.D. it was "conveyed to the Emperor that Bakht
Mai, Peshkar of Muhammad Yar Khan, Nazim of Shahjahanbad (Delhi),
was in correspondence with the Sikhs". But none came to his help. 9 On
the other hand, Bahadur Shah tried to weaken the hold and influence of
Banda Singh Bahadur on the Sikhs by beseeching the cooperation of Ajit
Singh, the adopted son of Mata Sundari (wife of Guru Gobind Singh)
who was staying at Delhi. The Emperor deputed Raja Chhatar Sal
Bundela to bring him from Delhi in his presence. When Ajit Singh and
Chhatar Sal appeared in the camp of Bahadur Shah on September 23,
1710 A.D., the Emperor gave presents' to both the Raja and the
Sahibzada. "The Raja received Mohars and Khilat and Ajit Singh — Mohars,
a sword, a shield, and a Khilat." 10
184
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
On September 29, 1710, A.D., Bahadur Shah, "after a quarter of the
night had passed", called Munim Khaiv's son Mahabat Khan "into his
presence and presenting him with a Khilat sent him to punish the Nanak
worshippers. He was asked to stay at Karnal and furnish the account of
the areas between Delhi and Karnal to the Emperor. The services of
Nusrat Khan, Ghulam Nabi Quli Khan, Raja Chhatar Sal Bundela, and
Sayyid Hasan Khan were drafted to help him. Bahadur Shah arrived at
Sonepat on October 22, 1710, A.D. In the meantime, fearing lest there
should be any disguised Sikhs among the bearded Hindus in the royal
camp, an order was issued on September 8, 1710, A.D. for all Hindus
employed in the imperial office to shave off their beards". There was no
Sikh at all in the whole establishment and the Hindu Peshkars and
Diwans submissively obeyed the royal order, shaved off their beards, and
received from the Emperor Khilats for their implicit obedience and loyal
service. At Sonepat, on October 26, the Emperor got the news of the
battle of Rahon fought on October 12, 1710, A.D. Here he learnt the news
of a couple of engagements with the Sikhs.
The advance contingents sent by the Emperor under the command of
Feroze Khan Mewati, Wazid Khan (Faujdar of Jammu) and Mahabat
Khan, after having re-established their authority on the towns of
Sonepat, Kaithal, Panipat and Karnal, came face to face with the forces
of Banda Singh Bahadur near Amin (Thanesar) on October 16, 1710, A.D.
The Sikh contingent led by Baba Binod Singh and Baba Ram Singh won
an early victory over the contingent led by Mahabat Khan. However, the
army of Mahabat Khan faced the Sikh onslaught valiantly. On October
20, 1710 A.D ., it was reported to the Emperor that Feroz Khan had "got
great victory and chopped off three hundred heads of the rebels and sent
the same to the Emperor". Elated at the news, the Emperor ordered that
"the heads be displayed on the route. The heads were mounted on
spears and exhibited". Feroz Khan Mewati was given one lakh rupees
and appointed Governor of Sarhind in supersession of his previous
orders for the appointment of Zain-ud-din Khan. 11 Emperor also sent six
dresses of honour for him and his allies on October 30, 1710, A.D. Hotly
chased by the Mughal forces, Baba Binod Singh and Ram Singh escaped
from Arnin, Thanesar, Shahabad and Mustafabad and reached Sadhaura.
On the Emperor's arrival at Azamabad-Tirawari (Alamgirpur)
Rustamdil Khan presented to him a gold, studded parasol that had fallen
into Firoz Khan's hands at Thanesar and informed him that Firoz Khan
had moved from Thanesar towards Shahabad in pursuit of the Sikhs.
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
185
While Firoz Khan Mewati was busy with the Sikhs, Bayzid Khan
Kheshgi pushed on towards the north. Shamas Khan, from Bist
Jullundur, was also encouraged by the Emperor's march against the
Sikhs and the return of his own uncle Bayzid Khan. He collected a large
host of villagers from the Bist Jullundur Doab and marched upon
Sarhind, says Dr. Ganda Singh. The combined forces of Bayzid Khan,
Shamas Khan and Umar Khan encountered the Sikhs in the garden of
Yaqub Khan. Baj Singh, the Governor of Sarhind, was then absent on
some expedition. His brother Sukha Singh and Sham Singh offered a
bold front, but they were outnumbered. Sukha Singh died while fighting
with the Mughals, and the 'Sikhs retired to the fort of Sarhind. Bahadur
Shah reached Okala on November 27, 1710, A.D., and ordered
Muhammad Amin Khan Chin Bahadur to move upon Sarhind by forced
marches and lay siege to the fort. But before his arrival there, the fort had
fallen into the hands of Shamas Khan and he had despatched 300 heads
of the Sikhs killed in the battle, and some colours and rockets to the
Emperor, which were received at Sadhaura on December 4, 1710, A.D.
The loss of his opportunity for gaining credit for the capture of Sarhind
perturbed Mohammad Amin Khan very much and he became an
avowed enemy of Shamas Khan. He reported to the Emperor that
Shamas Khan had collected a large force with evil intentions and that his
movements were not without danger to the peace of the country. Poor
Shamas Khan, against all hopes of being raised to a higher rank, was
treated most ungratefully. He was dismissed from the Faujdari of Doaba
Bist Jullundur, and Isa Khan Manj 12 was appointed in his place with the
rank of 1500 Zat, 1000 Sawar. 13 Firoz Khan Mewati was ordered to restore
Emperor's authority in the rural areas. 14
The Sikhs from Thanesar and Sarhind had retreated towards Lohgarh
when Bahadur Shah arrived at Sadhaura on December 4, 1710, A.D. Banda
Singh Bahadur had also come there to strengthen his fortifications. In the
royal camp it was rumoured that Banda Singh Bahadur was a "most
powerful magician, greater even than the one who made a calf to talk, he
could turn a bullet from its course and could work such spells that spear
and sword had little or no effect upon his followers". 15 Owing to these idle
rumours the Emperor and the nobles and the soldiers were much
disturbed mentally and were disheartened and terror-stricken.
On December 4, 1710, A.D., a strong Mughal force under Rustamdil
Khan advanced from its base at Sadhaura- towards Lohgarh to examine
the position of Ban da's defences. At a distance of 5 km they were
suddenly attacked by Banda Singh's troops. Khafi Khan writes: "It is
186
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
impossible for me to describe the fight which followed. The Sikhs in
their faqir dress struck terror into the royal troops. The number of the
dead and dying of the imperialists was so large that, for a time, it seemed
they were losing ground. A nephew of Firoz Khan Mewati was killed
and his son wounded." 16 In this battle Banda Singh Bahadur lost 1,500
(fifteen hundred) Sikhs and two sardars. 17 This battle was fought on
December 5, 1710, A. D. Banda Singh Bahadur cut off convoys and other
detachments and killed two or three Faujdars. It rained for four or five
days and weather became very cold. Thousands of soldiers of the
imperial force fell ill and many horses died. Their stench was
unbearable. The soldiers attributed this calamity to the sorcery of Banda
Singh Bahadur.
Another big contingent under the command of Emperor's son, Prince
Rafi-us-Shan, was ordered to reinforce Rustamdil Khan. Kan war Khan in
his Tazkirat-ul-Salatin writes: "This humble person was then present with
the troops of Prince Rafi-us-Shan, and saw with his own eyes that
everyone of the cursed Sikhs came out of the entrenchments, challenged
the imperial troops and after great struggle and trial, fell under the
swords of the Ghazis." 18 And with the setting of the sun, they retreated
towards the eastern mountains and fell back upon the foft of Lohgarh.
Rustamdil Khan was then raised to the mansab of 4,000 Zat and 3000
Sawar with the title of Ghazi Khan Rustam-e-Jang.
Rustamdil Khan made a further advance by 4 km and reached the
stream Som. From there the fort of Lohgarh was visible. It was perched
on the top of a hill. Between the stream Som and Lohgarh lay a dense
forest. It produced frightful sounds at night. The imperial camp arrived
there on December 9, 1710, A.D. The Prime Minister Munim Khan and
his son Mahabat Khan were assigned the duty to guard the royal camp.
The following day on December 10, 1710, A.D., the imperial army, 60,000
strong, pushed forward in battle array so as to surround the fort of
Lohgarh on all sides. Wazir Munim Khan, his son Mahabat Khan and
Chhatarsal Bundela were incharge of the right wing. Udet Singh Bundela
and Churaman Jat commanded the left wing. Rustamdil Khan was in the
centre when they reached within the range of the Sikh guns, they were
heavily shelled. The Mughal troops entered the trenches at the foot of the
hill. The Sikhs fought hard, but they were repulsed. The survivors
retreated up the hill and large number of Mughals were also killed. 19
The fort of Lohgarh was small. There was no space for storing large
quantities of grain and fodder. Their supplies had run short. From the
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
187
top of their fort they bargained, with signs of their hands and eyes, with
the grain-dealers with the royal army, and bought what they could from
them at two and three rupees a seer of grain. They threw their chadars or
sheets from above and pulled it up with ropes. A handful or two of it
was distributed to each of the besieged, many of whom died of
starvation. Dr. G.S. Deol says that one Diwan Hardyal, a prominent
figure in the royal camp, an admirer of the Sat Guru, helped Banda Singh
Bahadur with provisions as far as he could. But this could no longer
suffice. They were also said to have eaten their horses and other beasts
of burden to appease their hunger. The last faint hope now left to the
Sikhs was the desperate chance of cutting through the enemy. A Sikh
Gulab Singh by name, a Hindu convert, Bakshi of the Khalsa force, had
a great resemblance with Banda Singh Bahadur. He put on Banda Singh's
clothes and took up position in his place. At 3 o'clock in the morning on
December 11, 1710, A.D., a hollow trunk of a big tamarind tree lying in
the lower parts of the hill was filled with gun powder. The guns in the
fort were also kept ready to fire simultaneously. Just when the
gunpowder in the tree trunk was blown off and the guns in the fort fired,
Banda Singh and his men escaped in the great confusion prevailing in
the Mughal camp. They safely disappeared into the Sirmaur hills 20 or
towards the mountains of the Barfi Raja of Nahan. 21
With the sunrise on December 11, 1710 A.D. the imperial forces
delivered a vehement assault on the fort. The Mughal troopers continued
climbing the hill. Gulab Singh and thirty of his companions were
captured. A number of women and children of the neighbouring village
had taken up shelter in the Sikh fort. They were taken prisoners. The
;booty in the fort comprised many horses and camels, five elephants,
three big guns, seventeen light guns, a few muskets and swords, a
canopy with silver poles, gold and silver coins worth eight lakhs of
rupees, and from underground gold coins to the value of twenty lakhs
of rupees. 22
There were great rejoicings in the imperial camp. On December 12,
1710, A.D., a great durbar was held and various honours were conferred
on all the commanders. In the evening it was discovered that the real
Banda Singh Bahadur had escaped and that it was a duplicate who had
been captured. According to Khafi Khan, "The hawk had flown and an
owl had been caught/' 23 All were thoroughly disappointed. The Mughal
camp wore a mourning appearance. The Emperor summoned Prime
Minister Munim Khan and administered to him a sharp rebuke. The
Wazir took the insult to heart, fell ill and died two and a half months
188
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
later, when the Emperor was halting at Badhauli, not far from Sadhaura,
on his way to Lahore. 24
On December 13, 1710, A.D., orders were despatched to the Rajas of
Srinagar and Nahan calling upon them to sieze the Sikh leader and
despatch him to the royal presence. Hamid Khan was sent in pursuit
with the orders: "If they caught the Sikh chief they were to take him
prisoner alive, if they could not, they were to take the Barfi Raja and
bring him to the presence." As Banda Singh and the Sikhs had effected
their escape into or through the territory of the Raja of Nahan, the crime
of the Raja was considered to be more potent. The imperial nobles,
finding no trace of the Sikhs, poured their bile upon Raja Bhup Prakash
of Nahan and brought him to the royal camp near the village of Puri on
December 22, 1710, A.D. He was thrown into prison and about thirty of
the leading hillmen who were deputed by his old mother to plead for his
release, were executed on March 23, 1711, A.D. The fate reserved for Raja
Bhup Parkash was rather pitiable. He and Gulab Singh, Banda Singh's
substitute, were both put in an iron cage, sent to Delhi and imprisoned
in the Red Fort. Gulab Singh's thirty companions were beheaded. 25 Raja
Fateh Singh of Srinagar, living in inaccessible mountains, could not be
arrested.
After the despatch of orders to the Rajas of Nahan and Srinagar for
the capture of the Sikh leader Banda Singh Bahadur, and of Hamid Khan
Bahadur in pursuit of him, Emperor Bahadur Shah moved -his camp
towards Puri and Sadhaura, Sarwarpur, Rasulpur and Badhauli, where
his Prime Minister Munim Khan passed away, he reached Rupar on
April 30, 1710, A.D. He crossed the Sutlej on May 17, 1711, A.D., and
reached Hoshiarpur on June 9, 1711, A.D. The river Beas was crossed on
June 23. He arrived at Kahnuwan on July 17 where he enjoyed hunting
water fowls. He reached Lahore on August 11, 1711, A.D. Some time
afterwards, the Emperor developed signs of insanity and died on
February 28, 1712, A.D.
After his escape from Lohgarh, Banda Singh Bahadur arrived at
Kiratpur on December 12, 1710, A.D. The escape of Banda Singh Bahadur
and the Sikhs was in fact a defeat for the Emperor and his crusading
forces whose every effort to capture the Sikh leader had hopelessly failed
and he had escaped, says Dr. Ganda Singh, sword in hand, cutting
through the lines of over sixty thousand horse and foo±. After his tactical
escape from Lohgarh, Banda Singh Bahadur did not lose heart nor was
he worried about the loss of his stronghold and the treasure. Banda
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
189
Singh Bahadur knew that he was labouring under a disadvantage of
numerical strength against the imperial odds, and that he suffered the
loss for want of ammunition and provisions. No doubt, he conquered
some six districts of the then Punjab from Panipat to Lahore, but it was
purely a military occupation and he had not as yet been able to establish
an indisputably complete mastery over them. Whatever small force he
had was distributed over the conquered territories. And, as all this from
the occupation of Samana to the evacuation of Lohgarh, had taken place
in the short space of less than a year, it was beyond his means to collect
provision large enough to stand a siege by sixty thousand imperial
troops. Dr. Ganda Singh says that in spite of all this, Banda Singh and a
handful of Sikhs foiled the attempt of the great Mughals with all the
resources of the vast Mughal empire at their command. Banda Singh
Bahadur knew that his strength lay in the spirit of the Sikhs, which was
unconquerable. So, within a period of two weeks he started issuing
hukamnamas to the Khalsa throughout the length and breadth of the
country. One such hukamnama dated December 26, 1710, A.D., was sent
by him to the Khalsa of Jaunpur in U.P., inviting them to gather at
Anandpur immediately. It is reproduced below in English:
I Seal 1
Deg O Teg O Fateh O Nusrat-i-Bedirang
Yaft as Nanak Guru Gobind Singh. 26
Ik Onkar Fateh Darshan. 27
This is the order of Sri Sacha Sahib. 28 The Guru shall save the entire
Khalsa of Jaunpur. Repeat Guru Guru, the life shall be purified. You are
the Khalsa of tine great Akal Purkh. On seeing this hukam, repair to the
presence, wearing the five arms. Live according to the Rahit of the Khalsa.
Do not use bhang, tobacco, post (poppy capsules), wine or any other
intoxicant. Do not eat meat, fish and onion 2 ^ Commit no theft, adultery
or any sexual immorality. We have brought about the age of Sat-Yuga.
Love one another.
I enjoin that he who lives according to the Rahit of the Khalsa shall be
saved by the Guru.
Poh 12, Samrnat L
(December 26, 1710 A.D.)
190
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
This hukamnama exhorted the Sikhs to join him fully armed in the
service of the Khalsa. On getting these letters several contingents of the
Sikhs from various parts of the Punjab assembled at Kiratpur. When
Banda Singh felt that now he was strong enough to take up expeditions,
he started for the hills to punish hill chiefs of the Shiwaliks.
The first among them on whom Banda Singh Bahadur focussed his
attention was the Raja of Kahlur, Bhim Chand by name. The main reason
of his becoming the first target was because of his having played a role
against Guru Gobind Singh in his fights against the hill chiefs and the
imperial troops. As usual with Banda Singh, a messenger was sent with
a parwana, calling upon him to submit. But the Raja, on the other hand,
expecting the attack by the Sikhs, had requisitioned the services of
leading zamindars of the Jullundur Doab and the Rajas of the
neighbouring hills who now strengthened the fortress of Bilaspur. The
Sikhs attacked the fortress so fiercely that the combined forces of Raja
Bhim Chand and his allies was no match for the army of Banda Singh
Bahadur which slaughtered them ruthlessly. It is estimated that over
1300 were slain in the fight. The town of Bilaspur was then looted and
"it yielded immense booty to the Sikhs". The defeat of Raja Bhim Chand
disheartened the other hill chiefs of the Shiwaliks. So, in order to avoid
the horrors that might befall them in case of resistance, they thought it
better to submit to Banda Singh. Many of them came into Banda Singh's
camp to greet him and offered Nazrana, assuring him of their loyalty.
Raja Sidhsen of Mandi also accepted the overlordship of Banda Singh. 30
Raja Mansingh of Kullu is said to have unsuccessfully attempted to
capture Banda Singh, who dodged him and escaped towards Mandi. 31 It
is also learnt that Banda Singh went into the realm of Raja Udai Singh
of Chamba and was married to a princess from whom he begot his son
Ajai Singh. 32 After this short sojourn in the hilly tract, he (Banda Singh)
went towards Jammu and defeated its Faujdar. Then he came to a quiet
place in south of Jammu and lived in a dera there for some time. It was
here that a son, whom he named Ajai Singh, was born to Rajkumari of
Chamba, towards the end of 1711 A.D. 33
Banda Singh did not stay in the hills for long, while the Emperor was
still at Sadhaura busy in the lower hills. In the beginning of 1711 A.D.
(February-March), in about three months from the date of the fall of
Lohgarh, the Sikh chief issued from the hills near Raipur and
Bahrampur, and began to extend his influence in the direction of
Gurdaspur, 34 where he built a fort and collected stores of munition, grain
and fodder. 35 Bazid Khan was the Governor of Jammu at that time. He
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
191
was also called Rutb-ud-din Keshgi. He had been joined by his nephew
Shamas Khan after his fight in the battle of Rahon and his subsequent
removal from the office of the Faujdar of the Doaba. So both the uncle
and the nephew came and met the Sikhs near Bahrampur (Gurdaspur
District). After some fighting the Khalsa retreated as a part of their tactical
move. That retreat was taken by the enemy as fleeing. Though the uncle
advised his nephew to stop and not to pursue the Sikhs, the nephew
insisted on chasing the fleeing Sikhs. But after the Sikhs had gone a few
miles, they turned round and fell upon him and "his uncle like hungry
lions. The Sikhs' swords then worked like machines. The arrogant
Shamas Khan was killed in the midst of the battle, whereas Bazid Khan
was seriously wounded. The other men chasing them were also cut to
pieces, but those who survived were soon joined by others who were
coming behind from Raipur. But the Sikhs again goaded their horses and
in the twinkling of an eye vacated the field. Wazid Khan's son (Shabad)
could only carry the bodies of Shamas Khan and the dying Bazid Khan,
who died a couple of days later at Raipur as a result of his serious
wounds. 36 The entire camp equipage of the Faujdar of Jammu and
Shamas Khan fell into the hands of the Khalsa who overran the towns of
Raipur and Bahrampur and advanced upon the parganas of Kalanaur and
Batala.
On receipt of the information of the arrival of the Sikhs in the
neighbourhood, many of the inhabitants of these places deserted their
homes and fled to Lahore and other places of safety with their families
and such property as they could carry. The victory at Raipur-Bahrampur
in November 1711, A.D., had greatly encouraged the Sikhs. They
pillaged the whole territory of Kalanaur, Batala and Achal. These
well-known towns which enjoyed special importance in the Mughal
times were known to be the repositories of wealth throughout that part
of the province. So the Khalsa army had a good amount of booty from
these places.
Next Banda Singh Bahadur' wanted to advance upon Lahore but
since he was being pursued by the imperial generals at close quarters
and the Emperor himself being not far off, he crossed the Ravi into the
Rachna Doab and went towards the hills of Jammu. According to
Dr. Ganda Singh, "Mohammad Amin Khan, Aghar Khan and Rustamdil
Khan now combined their troops together and encircled Banda Singh
from three sides. But his genius extricated him without any loss." Giving
them a slip, Banda Singh suddenly appeared from the opposite direction,
near Parol and Kathua, and fell upon the troops of Rustamdil Khan.
192
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Cutting through the enemy lines, he, accompanied by the Singhs,
escaped unhurt into the difficult defile of craggy mountains and
Rustamdil was unable to pursue him. Dejected at his reverses Rustamdil
Khan poured his anger upon the inhabitants of Parol and Kathua. He
committed terrible atrocities on the people and captured youngmen and
women and brought them to Lahore for sale in the horse market
(Nakhkhas). 37
Soon afterwards, some differences, resulting in a serious quarrel,
arose between the two commanders, Muhammad Amin Khan and
Rustamdil Khan, and as Amin Khan succeeded in poisoning the
Emperor's impressionable mind against Rustamdil Khan, he (Rustamdil
Khan) left the expeditionary force in disgust and returned to Lahore. The
Emperor got annoyed and ordered that he be produced before him. He
was brought at night and the Emperor ordered that he be imprisoned
with fetters on his feet and his property be confiscated. Muhammad
Amin Khan, however, continued his stay in the hills in connection with
the pursuit of the Sikhs, though evidently, without much success.
The Sikhs of Lahore and its neighbourhood were passing through
hard times in those days. The Mughal oppression and tyranny heaped
upon them were of the extreme type. There was a general order to kill
the Sikhs wherever they were found. Anyone suspected of being a Sikh
or being friendly with a Sikh, was put to death without much ado. The
order was carried out most indiscriminately and many people were
murdered and persecuted on the charge of being Sikhs or their
supporters and sympathisers. They even objected to the religious
worship of the Hindus, resulting in the murder of a poor Avadhuta
women. It was almost impossible for the Hindus to live in Lahore. The
entire Hindu population in Lahore was thoroughly terrorised by such
acts. This was followed by a more serious mishap. 38
One day, the relations of the Khan-i-Khanan's Hindu Mutasaddi, Shiv
Singh, whose son was suffering from smallpox, were going for worship,
singing and beating a drum, to the temple of Seetla Devi, the goddess of
smallpox. On this the Maulavis or Mullas of Lahore raised a religious cry,
complaining that Kufar or heresy was gaining ground in the city. A
hundred thousand Muslim fanatics, mostly shoemakers and vegetable-
sellers, responded to the call and under the leadership of one Virdi Beg,
backed by the Mullas, subjected the defenceless Hindus to an
^discriminate plunder. The whole of Lahore was shocked to see this
fanaticism and cruelty. But for the timely help of Bachan Singh
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
193
Kachhwaha and Badan Singh Bundela, who had been deputed by the
Emperor for the protection of the city, most of the Hindu population
would, perhaps, have perished. At this critical juncture these two
officials occupied a safe position outside the city and by beat of drum,
called the Hindus out into their protection. Zabardast Khan now realized
the graveness of the situation and, on his advice, Aslam Khan, the
Governor of Lahore, put an end to this unpleasant affair. 39
The imperial camp was at this time on its way to Lahore. Quite
contrary to what the truth was, those idiotic fanatics, steeped in
ignorance, ''complained to the Emperor that they had suffered very
heavily at the hands of the Hindus and the Sikhs in the last riot". It was
also suggested to the Emperor by some interested people that the Sikhs
in the guise of the Hindus, were at the bottom of all this trouble. The
Emperor asked them about the difference between the Hindus and the
Sikhs. He was told that the Hindus shaved their heads and chin but the
Sikhs never did that. Emperor issued a royal proclamation that it was
compulsory for the Hindus to shave their heads and beards and any
Hindu disobeying the order, was to be punished as a Sikh. The
government officers in the city took the barbar with them and whoever
met them with a beard on, was shaved without fail. Royal princes,
Mutsaddis and other well-known Hindus, shaved off their beards in their
own houses before they came into the royal presence. This practice went
on from day-to-day until the royal camp arrived in the neighbourhood
of Lahore and orders for preparations for the coronation day celebrations
were issued. 40
Emperor Bahadur Shah, as we know, arrived at Lahore on August 11,
1711, A.D. He did not reside in the fort. Instead, he pitched a camp near
the village of Anwala, near the bank of the river Ravi. In January 1712,
A.D., the Emperor fell ill and his health started deteriorating. He could
not even appear for the annual celebrations of his coronation. His
condition deteriorated further in another month. He ordered the dogs
and the donkeys in the city to be killed. Another royal order demanded
the yogis, ascetics and fakirs to be turned out of the city. The Emperor
held his last Durbar on February 24, 1712, A.D. The next day he was
reported to be very seriously ill. A great excitement and commotion
prevailed among the Princes and Amirs during the three days of his
illness. During the night between February 27 and 28, 1712, A.D.,
Monday, the Emperor breathed his last. 41
194
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Thus we see that Bahadur Shah's attempt to quell the Sikh uprising
led by Banda Singh Bahadur had come to a naught in spite of his best
efforts. The Hindus and the Sikhs had joined hands to make it a grand
success. The bewildered Emperor was finding no way out to disunite
them as his efforts to browbeat the Sikhs by imposing Jazia at the double
rate had also failed to produce the desired effect. Likewise, shaving of
beards of the Hindus also had no effect on the Sikh movement as such.
So other punitive steps were taken. On May 29, 1711, A.D., "an order was
issued that in future the jazia should be realised at the increased rate
from the Hindus also." 42 Raja Jagat Singh of Srinagar-Garhwal took stern
action against the Sikhs residing in his area as evidenced by his act of
sending twenty-five chopped off heads of the Sikhs to the Emperor at his
camp in the vicinity of Rahon. 43 Banda Singh Bahadur frustrated the
efforts of the imperialists in the hills of Jammu whose topography he
knew as a young boy.
The Emperor was trying his level best to reinforce the forces of the
generals engaged in fighting Banda Singh Bahadur by issuing
instructions immediately on the receipt of the whereabouts of Banda
Singh Bahadur and his men. To keep the high spirits from sagging
further, the Emperor continued to order them either to hold Banda Singh
Bahadur captive or murder him. But it is to the credit of this brave
fighter for the liberation of the people that, by his bold planning and
daring fighting, he brought every effort of the imperialists to naught.
Banda Singh Bahadur was a man of war and his followers were soldiers
in the spirit of the word. Both made an excellent combination to frustrate
their enemies. The hope of getting proprietary rights on the land and
booty, attracted the sturdy peasantry to his standards in ever-increasing
numbers, which enabled him to carry on his fight against the
imperialists in spite of the heavy odds against him. Commenting on this
aspects, Fauja Singh has rightly said that his "general promise at the very
outset of his campaigns to distribute the conquered lands among those
who would fight for him, and his land reforms after the conquest of
Sarhind, conferring proprietorship upon petty cultivators in place of
Zamindars or Chaudhries, popularised his cause and made him the
rallying point of the poor agricultural classes, thereby broadening the
base of his struggle. As a result of this, he was able to mobilise a huge
mass of people for the execution of his grandiose plans". 44 Enraged at
the continued support of the common people to the cause of Banda
Singh Bahadur, his opponents "committed great excesses" as was done
against the inhabitants of Kathua by Rustamdil Khan, "by seizing many
persons with the wrongful accusation of being Sikhs and giving them to
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
195
his soldiers in lieu of pay. These latter sold the poor wretches in the
horse market (nakhkhas) at Lahore". 45 As discussed earlier, the
imposition oijazia on the Hindus and the Sikhs of Subah Delhi at double
the rate did not deter the common people from joining his standards. At
times, Banda Singh Bahadur took full advantage of the conflicts of the
party politics at the Mughal court as it happened at the time of the
mutual differences between Rustamdil Khan and Muhammad Amin
Khan. By then, Banda Singh Bahadur had been driven towards Jammu
but on Rustamdil Khan's dismissal he got a respite and returned to the
plains to carry out his plan. In this mutual suspicion, Muhammad Amin
Khan had alleged that Rustamdil Khan had accepted a handsome
amount as bribe from Banda Singh Bahadur and accordingly he let him
go unpunished. The complaint had been upheld by the Emperor
resulting in dismissal of Rustamdil Khan and putting him into the
prison. If it is true that Banda Singh Bahadur greased the palm of such
a high imperial officer, then no hope was left of success of imperial
efforts against him.
Banda Singh Bahadur continued to receive support of the people of
the area in spite of the stern measures employed by the imperialists.
Some people took full advantage of the greed of the imperial officials
who indulged in selling provisions from the military establishments. On
October 27, 1711, A.D., this report of corruption was brought to the
notice of the Emperor who deputed the daroga of the topkhana to
investigate. It was also reported that "some people purchased horses and
ammunition to be delivered to the rebels and they carried the same by
way of Kohistan. If somebody obstructed them, they pretended that they
were taking the same for the Zamindars of the district". The Emperor
ordered that investigations should be conducted in this regard. 46 The
same day another report was submitted to the Emperor that stated: "The
Hindu Fakirs, Yogis, Sanyasis and Bairagis conveyed the imperial news to
the rebel Guru. The Emperor ordered that if that was proved in any case
the alleged informer be murdered. He further ordered that Surbarah
Khan Kotwal should turn out the Hindu Faqirs from the imperial
camp." 47 These royal orders and court reports reveal that in spite of
concerted efforts of the imperialists, Banda Singh Bahadur kept on his
efforts to harass them and also continued to receive help from different
sections of society. He very cleverly planted his men in the royal camp
who kept him informed about the moves of the Emperor against him.
Simultaneously, he was able to secure war material from the garrisons
of the Mughals by means of bribing the concerned officials.
196
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
So Banda Singh Bahadur gave a good account of gurriella warfare in
the face of adverse circumstances created by well-equipped hordes of
enemy forces. The Emperor had been kept fully informed about the
day-to-day activities of the rebels and the action taken by the imperial
officers engaged in the action against Banda Singh Bahadur and his men.
Here, it would not be out of place to reproduce a news report which
throws ample light on the history of the Sikhs in general and the role of
Ajit Singh in it in particular. The report reads: "Ajit Singh (adopted) son
of Guru Gobind Singh, who was staying with Sarbarah Khan, came to
the Emperor and made an offering of nine ashrafis. The Emperor ordered
that he could live wherever he pleased and he should keep association
with Mahabat Khan Bahadur. Chak Guru (Amritsar) was conferred on
Ajit Singh/' 48
The contents of the report made it explicitly clear that the Emperor
by conferring Amritsar on Ajit Singh, tried to sow the seeds of dissension
among the Sikhs so as to weaken their struggle against the Emperor. But,
due to the sterling qualities of leadership, Banda Singh Bahadur defied
all his attempts in this direction. After the retreat of Raja Jai Singh and
Raja Ajit Singh from Sadhaura and demise of the Emperor Bahadur Shah
on February 28, 1712 A.D., Banda Singh Bahadur got ample opportunity
to recapture Sadhaura and Lohgarh (Mukhlispur). This goes to the credit
of inspiring leadership of Banda Singh Bahadur that he kept the Khalsa
united and defied the mighty Mughal armies during the life time of
Bahadur Shah. Banda Singh Bahadur's endeavour to liberate the toiling
masses from the clutches of their tyrant Mughal officers had so much
endeared him among the common people that they again flocked under
his banner. When the sons of Bahadur Shah were busy in deciding the
claimant to the throne on the banks of Ravi at Lahore, Muhammad Amin
Khan also left his mission of chastisement of Banda Singh Bahadur
unfinished and went to Lahore. Banda Singh Bahadur took full
advantage Of the situation.
Notes and References
1. Irvine, William, The Later Mughals, p. 104.
2. Taj-Din Diwan Buotat, Hafiz Khan Diwan, Hasan Riza Kotwal, Fakhar-ud-din
Bakshi, Muhammad Tahir and Darwesh Muhammad Qazi. These names from
Tarikh-i-Muhammad Shahi are quoted by Gokul Chand Narang, op. cit., p. 105.
3. Irvine, op. cit., p. 104.
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
197
4. When Bahadur Shah was marching into the Deccan against his brother Kam
Bakhsh, Raja Jai Singh Kachhwaha and Ajit Singh Rathor had escaped from his
camp near Mandeshwar on April 30, 1708, A.D., and had entered into an alliance
with Raja Amar Singh of Udaipur to resist the Mughal authorities in Rajputana.
The imperial forces sustained heavy losses in the bloody conflicts that followed
and the Emperor was made to realise the necessity of adopting conciliatory
measures to pacify the disturbances in the neighbourhood of the capital at a time
when greater portion of the imperial forces was employed in far south. On his
return from the expedition he thought of availing himself of the opportunity to
reduce these insurrectionary chiefs. With this object in view, he marched into
Rajputana and, on May 15, 1710, A.D., his army was encamped at Dandwa Serai
on the banks of the Banas, 30 kos from Ajmer. The negotiations began and the
letters of the "chief men" of the Rajas were presented on the 22nd. On May 26, the
imperial camp and the army reached Toda. It was in these days that the gravity
of the rebellion of the Sikhs in the Punjab was brought to the Emperor on May
30, 1710, A.D.
5. S.S. Gandhi, op. cit., p. 16.
6. Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 38.
7. Akhbarat, May 23, 1710 A.D.
8. Ibid., September 21, 1710 A.D.
9. Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 38.
10. Ibid.
11. In July 1710 A.D., the Emperor appointed Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan the
Governor of Sarhind. See Karam Singh, op. cit., p. 25.
12. Isa Khan Manj was an important personality in the Doab. His grandfather,
Bulaqi, had been a notorious dacoit, who had terrorised the whole of the Doaba.
Isa Khan proved to be a worse beast. He had taken to robbing the caravans on
the highways in place of raiding small places. He had, at the same time,
developed intimate relations with the local rulers. He, thus, played safe, escaped
punishment, for his crime, and was taken for one of the richest persons in the
region. When the Sikh revolution began, he moved into Sultanpur under
protection of Shamas Khan who asked him later to look after the Doaba region
during his absence in Sarhind. He was next appointed the commissioner of the
Doaba by imperial orders. Isa Khan inflicted the most terrible cruelties on the
Sikhs who had then returned to the Doaba. He put to the sword every solitary
Sikh who was caught moving in the area.
13. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 111.
14. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 18.
15. Irvine, William, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 111.
16. Muntakhab-ul-Litbab, Vol. II, pp. 669-70, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, pp. 423-24.
17. Kanwar Khan, quoted by Karam Singh, op. cit., p. 26.
198
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
18. Quoted by Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 114.
19. Khafi Khan, Vol. II, pp. 671-72. Quoted by H.R. Gupta, op. cit., p. 19.
20. Khafi Khan, in Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 424.
21. The Rajas of Srinagar and Nahan, particularly the latter, have generally been
styled by the Muhammadan writers Barfi Raja or Icy kings. They were so-called
because of their territories being in the ice-clad mountains, or because the Raja of
Nahan used to send boat-loads of ice or barf as presents to - the Emperor and
nobles of Delhi — from Tarikh-i-Muhammad Shah-Nadir-us-Zamani, quoted by
Irvine, William, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 117.
22. Kanwar Khan, quoted by Karam Singh, op. cit., p. 27. Ganda Singh, op. cit.,
pp. 121-22
23. Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 424.
24. Tarikh-i-lradat Khan, in Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. VII, pp. 555-56.
25. At about this time Muhammad Khan came from Sarhind and presented to the
Emperor six cartloads of Sikh heads.
26. Kettle (symbol of the means to feed the poor), sword (symbol of power to protect
the weak and helpless), victory and unhesitating patronage have been obtained
from Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh.
27. One God! Victory to the sect.
The new war cry introduced by Banda Singh. Later, as it was feared to be used
for and replace the old Sikh salutation, it was rejected by the Khalsa in favour of
Wahiguruji Ki Fateh.
28. These words are used for the Guru in whose name he issued the letter. Some
writers have misconstrued that he had used these words for himself and that he
had tried to pose himself as Guru. But this does not stand the test of historical
evidence. Here, in this document, the personality of the Guru is mentioned
distinct from his own. He clearly enjoins that the Guru and not himself, is the
saviour of the Khalsa.
29. There is no injunction for or against the use of meat, fish, onion in the teachings
of the Sikh religion. It is left to individual choice. Banda Singh's injunction
against their use betrays the predominance of his old Bairagi vegetarianism over
his mind in respect of food. Although the majority of the Sikhs are meat-eaters,
there is no religious injunction for or against it.
30. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 128.
31. Ibid., p. 129.
32. Ibid.
33. Deol, G.S., op. cit., p. 78.
34. Mohammad Harisi, Ibrat Namah, p. 43. a. quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 132.
35. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 22.
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs
199
36. Their bodies were removed to Kasur and buried there. This is quoted by Ganda
Singh from Ibrat Namah of Harisi, op. cit., p. 135.
37. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 23, Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 138. G.S. Deol, op. cit., p.
79.
38. See Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 140.
"For a long time past some Sannyasis and Bairagis had a monastery of theirs near
the imperial palace on the bank of the Ravi, where they practised religious
austerity and devoted themselves to meditation. An Avadhuta woman from
amongst the Sannyasis was absorbed in her meditation when some
ungentlemanly, Muslims, out of bigotry, thrust a dagger into her heart and broke
her skull . . . blood gushed out of the wound like water from a spring. The
Hindus and Muhammadans present on this occasion were filled with sorrow, but
on account of their partiality for Islam, none could move his tongue." Quoted
from Tarikh-i-Mnhammad Shahi, 223 b.
39. Tarikh-i-Muhammad Shahi, 223 b-224 b. Quoted by Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 141.
40. See Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 142. Also see G.S. Deol, op. cit., p. 79.
41. His corpse was prepared for burial and laid in a coffin by Maulvi Murad Ullah
Mahfuz Khan and Abdul Qadir, but it lay unburied until the question of the
successor to the throne had been decided. It was despatched to Delhi on April 11,
1712, A.D., in the charge of Bibi Mehar Parwar, the Emperor's widow and of Chin
Qilich Muhammad Khan. It arrived at Delhi on the May 15, 1712, A.D., when it
was buried in the courtyard of the marble mosque erected by Aurangzeb near the
shrine of Khwajah Qutab-ud-din Bakhtiar Kaki.
42. Akhbarat, dated May 29, 1711 A.D., quoted by Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 45.
43. Ibid., dated May 30, 1711 A.D.
44. Fauja Singh, The Punjab Past and Present, Vol. XVI, No. 1, April 1982, p. 382.
45. William Irvine, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 119-
46. Akhbarat, dated October 28, 1711 A.D.
47. Ibid., dated October 28, 1711 A.D.
48. Ibid., dated December 30, 1711 A.D.
6
The Struggle against Jahandar Shah
The death of .Bahadur Shah was followed by the usual struggle among
his four sons for the throne. In the civil war which occurred at Lahore on
March 14 to 17, 1712, A.D., prince Azim-us-Shan lost his life as a result
of his elephant being wounded and throwing him into the river Ravi.
Jahandar Shah, the eldest son of Bahadur Shah, killed his remaining two
brothers (Jahan Shah and Rafi-us-Shan) in the battle which was fought
on March 27 to 28, 1712, A.D., ultimately, Jahandar Shah ascended the
throne on March 29, 1712, A.D. His reign began with a series of
executions and imprisonments, but it did not last long. Ten months later,
he himself was defeated by Farrukh Siyar, son of Azim-us-Shan. With the
help of Sayyed brothers, Hussain Ali and Abdulla, Farrukh Siyar put his
uncle (Jahandar Shah) to death on February 11, 1713, A.D., to avenge the
death of his father and he himself ascended the throne of Delhi.
On the death of Bahadur Shah, Muhammad Amin Khan returned to
Lahore to take part in the struggle for succession, and the Khalsa emerged
from their retreats to establish once again their lost power. Banda Singh
Bahadur availed himself of the opportunity and occupied Sadhaura
without any loss of time in early February 1712, A.D. The short period
in which he came and conquered Sadhaura is simply astounding.
Commenting on this, Ganda Singh writes: "The agility with which he
moved in the craggy mountains, appears to have been wonderful; from
The Struggle against Jahandar Shah
201
the vicinity of Jammu he managed to reach Sadhaura in a marvellously
short time." 1
After capturing Sadhaura, Banda Singh Bahadur went to Lohgarh
and got it repaired, and once again it become his residence or
headquarter. 2 He once again mustered his Sikh veterans under his
banner and strongly fortified Sadhaura and Lohgarh. Taking full
advantage of the confusion created due to the war of succession, Banda
Singh Bahadur employed his men to restore the previously enjoyed
dignity of Lohgarh. Many of the hill states were reduced to subjugation
and their rulers paid tributes into the Sikh treasury. 3 Banda Singh
Bahadur made elaborate preparations for resistance against the imperial
forces by strongly garrisoning Sadhaura and Lohgarh. From the first
ridge up to the wall of Lohgarh itself, they had built fifty-two defensive
posts, arranged in such a manner that each protected the other, thus
exposing an assailant to a deadly fire throughout his advance. Adequate
arrangement was made for storing ammunition and foodgrains and
other necessities at Sadhaura and Lohgarh. He also rehearsed guerilla
warfare to be waged against the imperial army
Jahandar Shah became the Emperor at Lahore by murdering his
brothers and, like other officers, Muhammad Amin Khan Chin also
waited upon him for soliciting his posting orders. Describing the
meeting, official news writer wrote on March 20, 1712, A.D., that
Muhammad Amin Khan Bahadur had gone for the punishment of the
rebel Guru (Banda Singh Bahadur). During this time he came to the
Emperor and paid his respects to him and made an offering of one
thousand mohars and one thousand rupees. Special khilats were conferred
on him and his four companions. 4 He was again drafted to punish the
rebel Sikhs. For this purpose the Emperor issued orders on March 29,
1712, A.D. According to this, "nine thousand troopers under the
command of Muhammad Amin Khan Bahadur were drafted for the
punishment of the rebel Guru (Banda Singh Bahadur)". 5 But he did not
proceed immediately as is clear from another news report dated April 5,
1712, A.D. On this day the Emperor called him in his prayer room,
"awarded a special khilat along with a turban, decorated sword and an
increase in his rank." He was wished well for his proposed campaign at
the head of ten thousand sawars" against Banda Singh Bahadur. 6 He did
not proceed immediately: perhaps he wanted his rank to be increased
and he requested the Emperor and his wish was granted as is evident
from the above quoted news report. Emperor Jahandar Shah made him
head of ten thousand sawars, as against the earlier order of nine
202
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
thousand sawars. But it seems that still Muhammad Amin Khan was not
satisfied with the number of soldiers and horses made available to him
and he again requested Jahandar Shah for granting him more men and
horses. This also made clear that Sikh rebellion was a very serious
rebellion which could not be crushed with meagre resources.
So Mohammad Amin Khan made preparations to send Muaraf Khan
as a leader of the vanguard on April 9, 1712, A.D. It seems that Jahandar
Shah was very eager to control the Sikh rebellion as is evident from his
anxiety in the matter. When preparations were on for starting on his
journey to Delhi, he kept on ordering early despatch of imperial forces
against the rebels. On April 12, 1712, A:D., the Emperor ordered that Raja
Mohkam Singh along with his son be posted to the army of Muhammad
Amin Khan. Muaraf Khan and Mohkam Singh were ordered to depart
for stations of their posting. They were given the ranks of five thousand
Zat and four thousand sawar each. Seeing the gravity of the situation and
seriousness of the rebellion, on April 23, 1712 A.D. "the Emperor ordered
that one thousand and five hundred horsemen at an average monthly
salary of twenty-five rupees, according to the prevalent practice, and two
thousand foot soldiers at the average monthly pay of four rupees per
mensem, be deputed to join him (Amin Khan)". 7 Thus every available
man of the imperial army who could be spared from Delhi, and the
troops of the province of Lahore were placed at his disposal.
Jahandar Shah reached Sarhind on May 20, 1712, A.D., where a
deputation of the people of the Chakla of Sarhind waited upon him and
requested to provide them security against Banda Singh Bahadur's men.
They said: "When the Emperor would return to Akbarabad, the rebels
(Sikhs) would wander about in the district of Sarhind. Thus there would
be no security for the people there. If due care was paid to them they
would show firmness in staying on, otherwise they would like to move
away from that place along with his Majesty. The Emperor told them that
they should rest assured that due attention would be paid to their
security." 8 The same type of complaint was lodged by the people of
Thanesar on May 29, 1712, A.D., when the Emperor reached the town.
They told him that when Banda Singh Bahadur was "plundering their
habitations, most of the vagabonds who had joined the Nanak
worshippers supplied all sorts of provisions to the rebels. They gave
trouble to most of the Muslims". 9 Here it is worth noting that common
people were, helping Banda Singh Bahadur in his fight against the
imperialists and they did not give trouble to all the Muslims but
punished only those Muslims who sided with the imperialists. The
The Struggle against Jahandar Shah
203
imperialists gave an exaggerated account of the activities of the rebels.
But these tales of woes of the people infuriated the Emperor who
ordered his attendant Rai Manu to go to the town of Thanesar
accompanied by Sarabarah Khan Kotwal along with a contingent to
capture all those people who had declared themselves to be the Sikhs.
Seventeen persons were arrested and punished. The Emperor assured
the people of Thanesar that Imadat-ul-Mulk would shortly send his
forces and make the remaining rebels captive. Then the Emperor
marched on his journey to Delhi and Agra. He reached Narela on June
7, 1712, A.D., and issued an order that the Emperor "would enter the fort
of the capital (Lai Quila) and would sit on the throne on the 10th of June,
1712 A.D". 10 On June 10, 1712, A.D., a new coin was given currency and
the Emperor sat on the throne in the Diwan-i-Khas of Red Fort. On this
auspicious occasion it was brought to the notice of the Emperor that the
rebel Guru (Banda Singh Bahadur) had set up his thana in the
neighbourhood of Chhatta Ambala. But the Faujdar and the Zamindars
got together and the thana of the rebel leader was removed. 11 Alarmed at
the news about the audacity of Banda Singh Bahadur, Jahandar Shah
took steps to mobilise the support of the rulers of the hills. He sent
Khilats and farman to Jagat Chand, the ruler of Kumaon, ordering him to
punish Banda Singh Bahadur. 12 He set Bhup Prakash, the ruler of Nahan,
free and gave him Khilat 13 and gave diwani of the army of Muhammad
Amin Khan to Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan, Faujdar of Sarhind. An
addition was also made in his mansabdari rank. His nephew named
Abu-ul-Qasim was appointed to deputyship of the Faujdar of Sarhind
and he was given a rank of four hundred. 14 He sent Isa Khan and
Muhammad Daulat Khan to reinforce Muhammad Amin Khan Bahadur
so that they could punish the rebels. 15 He also ordered Jagat Chand, the
ruler of Kumaon (Garhwal), to march against Banda Singh Bahadur, and
the ruler of Srinagar (Garhwal) to collaborate with one another. 16 Thus,
Jahandar Shah took every possible step to bring under control the
situation created by Banda Singh Bahadur and his associates. 17
Mohammad Amin Khan and Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan (Faujdar of
Sarhmd) arrived in the vicinity of Sadhaura taking along with a large
army. Both these generals threw a siege around Sadhaura. For several
months the two commanders maintained a close watch on Sadhaura and
the fort of Lohgarh but, in spite of all efforts, they failed to make any
effect upon the besieged. The Khalsa stood fast their ground and repulsed
the repeated attacks of the imperial forces. Banda Singh Bahadur was a
soldier of the first rank who faced the mighty Mughal imperial force for
many months with a handful of his warriors. He sent out his three or
204
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
four divisions from the fort of Sadhaura to attack by surprise,
unexpectedly at different times and at different places daily. As soon as
the imperial troops tried to advance towards Sadhaura or Lohgarh, they
raised alarm and the Sikhs came out from all directions and fell upon the
Mughals. These sorties met with success against the Mughals and kept
them at bay. 18
When the war of succession was going on between Jahandar Shah
and his three brothers at Lahore, taking advantage of the situation, the
Khalsa constructed a stone and brick fort at Sadhaura, from where they
offered a stout resistance to the imperial forces and maintained their
position in spite of all the efforts of Amin Khan and Zain-ud-din Ahmad
Khan. Muhammad Amin Khan constructed an earthen fortress (Kachi
Garhi) on the otherside of Sadhaura where Banda Singh Bahadur had
constructed a pucca garhi (fortress built with stone and bricks) at about a
distance of one kos. Reporting this, Muhammad Amin Khan wrote to the
Emperor that Banda Singh Bahadur was staying there in his pucca garhi.
"He came out every day. The imperial troopers engaged the Sikhs in a
skirmish. He had come out of the hills on the 17th of August, 1712 A.D.
The Mughal forces reached there and engaged in fighting with small
weapons. Many rebels were killed and many of the royal soldiers also
died or were injured/' 19 It seems that Muhammad Amin tried to hide his
failure to capture Banda Singh Bahadur or his fortresses, and lamented
the inadequacy of arms and men at his command. He continued to write:
"For want of more men the Mughal personnel were very much in
trouble." 20 In the same way, he again wrote that he "was hoping to be
reinforced with two big guns for the punishment of the rebel Guru
(Banda Singh Bahadur). His request was accepted". 21 The Emperor
ordered Shujah Ali Khan Bahadur, Darogha-i-Topkhana, to provide the
needed guns to Muhammad Amin Khan. On the other front, Bhup
Prakash, the ruler of Nahan, wrote to Khan Firoz Jung that the forces of
Banda Singh Bahadur had entered his district. He sent his contingents
against the Sikhs and fighting took place. Many of the rebels were killed.
According to the estimate of the Nahan ruler, Banda Singh Bahadur
"intended to go towards the hills. A horde was sent to gear up the
Zamindar." 22 But this could not deter Banda Singh Bahadur from starting
new troubles in other areas.
Banda Singh Bahadur wanted to divert the attention of the imperial
forces by enlarging the sphere of his activities. So, he sent a few Sikhs to
invade the town of Chhat Sarkar which was being protected by Abu-ud-
Qasim, the deputy of Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan. Abu-ud-Qasim ran
The Struggle against Jahandar Shah
205
away without facing the Khalsa He left the town at the mercy of God.
"This emboldened the Sikhs who collected material resources for
carrying on their fight from other parganas of the Chakla of Sarhind and
the agents of the Faujdar were incapable of punishing the rebels." Zain-
ud-din Ahmad Khan, who was with Muhammad Amin Khan at
Sadhaura, also ''failed to take speedy action. Thus, all the Chaklas of
Sarhind were ruined and the rebels had set up their thanas at many
places". 23 This report throws ample light on the helplessness of the
imperial forces against the followers of Banda Singh Bahadur, who had
risen to a man to get their rights from the ruling class. When some area
went under the control of the men of Banda Singh Bahadur, who fully
protected the life and property of the people by establishing police posts,
it was described by the imperialists as "ruined".
Thus, to suppress the Sikh rebellion under the leadership of Banda
Singh Bahadur, Jahandar Shah employed mighty forces under able royal
generals like Amin Khan and Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan. It is true that
due to fear of rebellion on the part of his nephew Farrukh Siyar, who was
at Patna at that time, Jahandar Shah himself could not come to crush the
Sikh rebellion, but he had taken adequate steps to quell the Sikh revolt.
In fact, no Mughal Emperor could ever tolerate that anyone should cause
disorder and confusion in any part of the Empire. The general belief
about Jahandar Shah is that he did not try to establish administrative
control on his Empire. It may be true but, at least in the case of Punjab,
he took strong measures to quell the Sikh rising and never delayed
supply of additional forces and artillery to reinforce Muhammad Amin
Khan. Even when he was at Lahore, he had re-appointed Muhammad
Amin Khan Chin to chastise Banda Singh Bahadur by taking ten
thousand sawars. Subsequently, Raja Mohkam Singh and his son were
drafted to join Amin Khan along with their armies. On April 23,
1712, A.D., permission was given to him to recruit one thousand and
five hundred Sawars and two thousand foot soldiers. On May 22,
1712, A.D., when Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan, Faujdar of Sarhind, waited
upon the Emperor, he was ordered that eight thousand fresh horsemen
be deployed to kill Banda Singh Bahadur and then capture Sadhaura and
Lohgarh. On May 29, 1712, A.D., he issued orders to Imadat-ul-Mulk to
send his forces to punish the followers of Banda Singh Bahadur. Taking
these evidences into account, one can easily guess the state of mind of
Jahandar Shah who never underestimated the power of the Sikhs under
Banda Singh Bahadur.
206
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
In spite of all the efforts of the imperial forces, the siege continued for
several months. They launched a series of attacks, but each time they
were beaten back by the Khalsa, who stood fast at their positions and the
Mughal forces failed to affect the besieged Khalsa. At last, towards the
end of the year 1712 A.D., when Jahandar Shah moved towards
Akbarabad (Agra) to oppose the advance of Farrukh Siyar, Muhammad
Amin Khan was recalled to join the imperial camp, but Zain-ud-din
Ahmad Khan had been left there to continue the siege to the best of his
ability. 24 But Zain-ud-din- Ahmad Khan could not accomplish anything.
Banda Singh Bahadur and the Khalsa, at this time, had a little respite, but
the Khalsa did not waste this time in idleness. During this period Banda
Singh Bahadur and the Khalsa took the opportunity to strengthen the
Sadhaura fort which was constructed a few months ago. Commenting
upon the spirit of the Sikhs, Ganda Singh writes: "The fighting spirit and
the power of resistance of the Sikh garrison in the fort of Sadhaura was
simply wonderful. They would continue their fire upon the enemy even
while they were cooking and eating, unmindful of the inclemency of
weather/' 25
Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan thought that in this way they would not
be able to conquer the Sikhs. Finding that his cannon-balls made no
impression on the fort walls, he advanced his trenches within forty or
fifty yards of the fort. Here he formed a battery, placed a heavy siege-gun
in position, and opened incessant fire upon the Sikhs. Though this fire
had no effect on the Sikhs, Banda Singh and his comrades resolved that
the gun should be stealthily removed from that place. The Khalsa dug out
a subterranean passage exactly opposite the position where the cannon
stood, leaving only a foot or two of earth at the outer end. The oxen and
ropes used in dragging their carts were held in readiness. On a dark,
rainy night, when nothing could be seen or heard on account of heavy
rain, the besiegers dared not put their heads outside the tents. The Sikhs
found the opportunity to drag the cannon in. At midnight they pierced
through the remaining wall of earth and ranged yokes of bullocks, one
before the other, in the dugout passage. Then a few Sikhs, swam across
the moat of the fort, in which the water was rushing down with great
force and reached the besieger's earthen battery. They tied their ropes
firmly to the gun-carriage and crossed back in the same manner to their
own safe position. The bullocks then began to pull. The cannon with its
carriage was set in motion and rolled down towards the underground
passage. But, unfortunately, on reaching the bottom, the ropes tied to
them broke off and the gun and carriage fell apart, causing a loud noise
which roused the sleepy sentinels. The disappearance of the cannon
caused a confusion in the besiegers' camp, and they ran in all directions
to search for the gun. Through the mud and mire, Zain-ud-din soon
The Struggle against Jahandar Shah
207
arrived on the spot in a confused state. He was on foot and without a
torch, the water in some places coming up to his waist, and a heavy
shower of rain pouring from above. He could not order the torches to be
lighted as they would expose him to the fire of the Sikhs and without
light nothing could be seen. However, after much search it was found
that the cannon and its carriage were lying upside down in the ditch at
the foot of the earthwork. Zain-ud-din now collected his senses and
offered rewards of fifty rupees each to over hundred camp-followers if
they would recover the cannon. And it was with much difficulty that
they dragged it out and removed it to a place of safety. 26 After this
incident Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan kept strict vigilance on the activities
of the Khalsa and thus the siege of the fortress of Sadhaura continued for
some more time. In the meantime, Farrukh Siyar emerged victorious in
the contest with his uncle Jahandar Shah on December 31, 1712 A.D., and
became Emperor. Farrukh Siyar in order to put more life into the
expedition, made a change in the command with the change in the
governorship of Lahore.
Thus Jahandar Shah never neglected the affairs of Punjab, though
even when he himself was in trouble and fighting with Farrukh-Siyar, he
called only Amin Khan Chin back from Sadhaura. In spite of the
emergency, he left Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan at Sadhaura to continue the
campaign and siege of Sadhaura because from the very beginning of his
reign Jahandar Shah was very much aware of the seriousness of the Sikh
rebellion under Banda Singh Bahadur and made adequate arrangements
to suppress it. But Banda Singh Bahadur and his bold and stout
comrades kept the imperial forces busy throughout his reign, which
lasted about ten months, and nullified all efforts of the Mughal nobles to
liquidate Banda Singh Bahadur.
Notes and References
1. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 149.
2. Lohgarh was the fort and headquarter of Banda Singh Bahadur but not the
capital of Sikh state, established under his leadership. See chapter 3.
3. Ganda Singh, "Banda Singh Bahadur, his life and place of execution", the article
published in the Punjab Past and Present, Vol. IX-II, Patiala, October, 1975, p. 455.
4. Akhbarat, dated March 20, 1712 A. D.
5. Ibid., dated March 29, 1712 A.D.
6. Ibid., dated April 5, 1712 A.D.
208
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
7. Ibid., dated April 23, 1712 A.D.
8. Ibid., dated May 20, 1712 A.D.
9. Ibid., dated May 29, 1712 A.D.
10. Ibid., dated June 10, 1712 A.D.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid., dated June 13, 1712 A.D.
13. Ibid., dated July 2, 1712 A.D.
14. Jfod., dated July 12, 1712 A.D.
15. Ibid., dated July 15, 1712 A.D.
16. Ibid., dated July 15, 1712 A.D.
17. Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 57.
18. Ibid., p. 59.
19. Akhbarat, dated September 1, 1712 A.D.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid., dated September 8, 1712 A.D.
22. Ibid., dated October 2, 1712 A.D.
23. Ibid., dated October 15, 1712 A.D.
24. Harisi, 44a, quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 150.
25. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 151.
26. Irvine William, The Later Mughals, pp. 308-09.
7
Last Encounter
The struggle between Jahandar Shah and Farrukh Siyar resulted in the
defeat Qanuary 10, 1713, A.D.) and murder (February 10, 1713, A.D.) of
Jahandar Shah. 1 On his accession Farrukh Siyar found that the Sikh
power had been constantly rising in the Punjab for some years. When
Amin Khan was requisitioned at the capital by Jahandar Shah to check
Farrukh Siyar, who was advancing from Patna towards Akbarabad
(Agra), leaving Zain-ud-din-Ahmad Khan to continue the siege of
Sadhaura, Muhammad Amin Khan left for the capital in December 1712
A.D. During this time Banda Singh Bahadur made rapid strides in
gaining power and territory in the Sarhind division. The Sikhs had
established their adrriinistrative control over almost all the chdklas of
Sarhind by setting up their thanas at many places, by October 15, 1712,
A.D. 2 The followers of Banda Singh Bahadur were so bold and
indomitable that they nullified all attempts of the besiegers of the
fortress of Sadhaura and made every effort to further strengthen their
defences and increase their stores of supplies from the eastern plain
region, especially from the recently occupied territory which was not far
from Delhi, the imperial capital of India. The reports of the Sikh activities
were being regularly sent to the imperial capital. Farrukh Siyar realized
that in the Sarhind division of the province of Delhi, the respect and fear
which the imperial name used to inspire in the, hearts of men, had ceased
to move them due to the successes attained by Banda Singh Bahadur.
Every Sikh fancied himself of importance and entertained thoughts of
210
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
shaking off constraints and of not only declaring his own independence
but also promising protection to all those who defied the imperial
officers. It did not take Farrukh Siyar long to make short work of the
Sikhs led by Banda Singh Bahadur.
The reign of Farrukh Siyar, which began with a series of murders and
a terrible famine in the country, is memorable for his cruel policy which
he adopted towards the Sikhs. On the recall of Muhammad Amin Khan
towards Agra, Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan had been left there to continue
the campaign, but he could not accomplish anything. Farrukh Siyar,
having secured himself on the throne of Delhi, directed his attention to
the affairs in the Chakla of Sarhind. To put a new life in the campaign
against the Sikhs, on February 22, 1713, A.D., Farrukh Siyar appointed
Abd-us-Samad Khan Diler-i-Jang 3 as the Governor of Lahore in place of
Zabardast Khan, and Zakriya Khan, son of Abd-us-Samad Khan, as the
Faujdar of Jammu. At the time of his departure, the Emperor instructed
him to expel Banda Singh Bahadur from Sadhaura, or if possible to
destroy him altogether. When he arrived at Sadhaura, the siege laid by
Zain-ud-din Ahmed had not advanced much. Banda Singh Bahadur
himself occupied the fort of Lohgarh, while his followers held Sadhaura.
Finding that he could not successfully attack both the positions,
Sadhaura and Lohgarh, at the same time, Abd-us-Samad Khan thought
it advisable to attack them one after the other. The combined forces of
Abd-us-Samad Khan, Zain-ud-din Ahmed Khan and the other Mughal
commanders, like Inam Khan and Baqa Beg Khan, who had been sent by
the Emperor to reinforce the new Governor and an innumerable host of
local militia surrounded the fort of Sadhaura from all sides on June 28,
1713, A.D. Now, when Banda Singh Bahadur saw that the Sikhs in
Sadhaura would not be able to hold out for long for want of rations, he
sent out three or four divisions every other day and sometimes every day
from Lohgarh for their relief. On July 2, 1713, A.D., one such detachment
of the Sikhs was sent by Banda Singh to relieve the Sikhs of Sadhaura,
a division of the imperial troops proceeded to obstruct their passage. In
the fight that ensued, many Sikhs were done to death or wounded. From
amongst the commanders of the Emperor, Baqa Beg Khan and his
brother Inam Khan and several others fell dead in the field. 4 The death
of important Mughal generals like Baqa Beg Khan created a sense of fear
among the imperial forces. Their officers held a counsel and decided to
attack the undefended side of the fortress after elaborate preparations
had been made. They prepared entrenchments near the fortress of
Sadhaura and got prepared ladders with seven hundred wooden steps. 5
But they did not dare to attack the Sikhs during the rainy season. 6
Last Encounter
211
The Sikhs held the fortress of Sadhaura tenaciously. The imperial
forces tightened their siege of Sadhaura from all sides. On one side of the
fortress camped Abd-us-Samad Khan, while Zain-ud-din Ahmed Khan
camped on the other side. The third and fourth sides were guarded by
the Mughals and the local militia. To terrorize them, Banda Singh
Bahadur "sent out from Lohgarh three or four divisions to attack by
surprise. ... As soon as these troops were seen dimly in the dust they
raised, the besiegers came out of all the four sides and fell vigorously
upon them. These sorties met with no success and supplies also began
to run short". 7 The situation for the Sikhs besieged in the fortress of
Sadhaura became very grim due to fear of exhaustion of foodstuffs and
war material, and all their efforts to maintain supply line were cut off by
the Mughal forces. So their already insufficient stores in the fort of
Sadhaura were now soon exhausted and they were driven to the only
alternative of evacuating the fort for a better position in Lohgarh. At last,
in the first week of October 1713, A.D., they rushed out in force and
made a determined sally upon the Zamindari militia. Hired levies could
hardly stand against self-sacrificing warriors. It was not easy for them to
oppose successfully the desperate Khalsa who cut through their lines and
escaped without much loss, 8 The report was submitted to the Emperor
that the imperial forces emerged victorious and captured the fortress of
Sadhaura. His majesty was very happy to hear the news. He rewarded
the Subedar with a farman and a special Khilat. 9
On the evacuation of the fort of Sadhaura, Abd-us-Samad Khan and
Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan followed the Sikhs to the Fort of Lohgarh. The
intelligent Banda Singh Bahadur now knew that they would not be in a
position to resist the imperial force. So he decided to escape. On the
arrival of his followers from Sadhaura, Banda Singh Bahadur retreated,
as per his already chalked out plan, into the hills and soon disappeared
beyond the reach of the imperial force. For the fear of the Sikhs turning
back upon their heels and pouncing upon their pursuers, their pursuit as
it seems was delayed by several days and later, when a search was made
through the hill country, no trace could be found of them. The fall of
Sadhaura and the escape of Banda Singh Bahadur and the Sikhs were
reported to the Emperor at Delhi on October 9, 1713, A.D. 10 It was
conveyed to the Emperor by Zakariya Khan, son of Abd-us-Samad Khan
on December 13, 1713, A.D. He took 900 heads of the Sikhs after the
capture of the fortress. The heads of the Sikhs, were placed on the spears
and exhibited in the Chandni Chowk Bazaar. The Emperor witnessed the
sight. Zakariya Khan was given a Khilat, a jigah and a banner.
Subsequently, he was awarded a drum and given an additional rank of
212
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
five hundred Sawar for his brilliant role against Banda Singh Bahadur.
His father was also warmly received in the court and profusely rewarded
and honoured, when a few months later he also arrived at Delhi in
person after the termination of an expedition towards Multan, Mir Jumla
was sent out to receive him in the capital. He was presented to his
Majesty on March 6, 1714, A.D., receiving the usual gifts and on the
March 10, 1714, A.D., he received a dress of honour (Khilat), head dress
(sarpech), a jewelled sword, a horse and an elephant, and was posted to
the army then proceeding to Rajputana. 11 Farrukh Siyar appointed Amin
Beg and Rahmat Ullah, the mace-bearers of Abdul Latif Khan, Naib
Subedar of Muradabad, to punish Banda Singh Bahadur.
The decline of the Sikh power and the official persecution of the
Sikhs gave an impetus to the Muhammadans, officials and others, all
over the country, to persecute them remorselessly. The oppression was
felt the most in the Majha and the Riarki, where almost every
Muhammadan considered it his secred duty to add, in whatever way he
could, to the miseries of the Sikhs. The parganas of Kalanaur, Batala and
Kahnuwan in the present district of Gurdaspur had, for about a century
and a half, been the strongholds of Muhammadan power and the
residents of these places have been second to none in their Islamic zeal, 12
Most of the people who led a wave of terror against the Sikhs, came to
the village of Kiri Pathan. The Sikhs of this area, tired of Muslim tyranny,
decided to resist the tyrants. Therefore, they organized themselves under
the leadership of S. Jagat Singh. They fell upon the village and managed
to enter the garhi or the fortress of the Pathan. The Pathans offered stiff
resistance but were soon over-powered by the Sikhs. In the fight,
Mohammad Ishaq was killed. The inhabitants of this village and other
neighbouring villages, had deposited their belongings in the fortress,
which fell into the hands of the Singhs. Two weeks after the occurrence
of this event, Abd-us-Samad Khan and his son Zakriya Khan returned
from Rajputana to Delhi on June 26, 1714, A.D. Two nobles were
despatched to the Punjab with orders for the chastisement of the Sikhs.
Abd-us-Samad Khan then returned to Lahore on August 26, 1714, A.D.
A report was received that the Sikhs numbering 7000 had attacked Ropar.
The Deputy of Zain-ud-din Ahmed Khan of Sarhind met them and
organized a good defence. It is said that two hundred Sikhs were killed.
The remaining, having no other alternative open to them, retreated.
Farrukh Siyar, the Emperor, pressed hard the Sikhs by appointing
royal officers with adequate powers to crush the Sikh rebels after the fall
of Sadhaura and Lohgarh. They chased the Sikhs out of the plains of the
Last Encounter
213
Punjab. Banda Singh Bahadur escaped towards Jammu hills and chose a
secluded place on the left bank of the Chenab, about two miles south-
east of Bhabbar village. The place is now known as Dera Baba Banda Singh
Bahadur. Here he stayed from October 1713, A.D., to February 1715, A.D.,
and married for the second time Bibi Sahib Kaur, the daughter of Shiv
Ram Khatri of Wazirabad. A son named Ranjit Singh was born to them
in due course. Sahib Kaur stayed there in seclusion when Banda Singh
Bahadur came down to plains to re-engage himself in the liberation
struggle against the Mughals and subsequently was put to death.
Khidmat Talab Khan 13 was about this time appointed the Faujdar of
Sarhind in place of Zain-ud-din Ahmad Khan. He employed a large force
to watch the appearance of Sikhs from the hills. But as the Sikhs had lost
their strong places and their stores of food and fodder in the plains, and
the supporters of the Mughal cause in the country had risen up against
them throughout the land, it became impossible for them to subsist. They
had, therefore, no other course left but to retire to the hills.
In early March 1715, A.D., Banda Singh Bahadur collected his Sikhs
from their hide-outs. They then reappeared in the plains towards
Kalanaur. The news of their appearance reached the Faujdar of Kalanaur,
Suhrab Khan, and he wasted no time and collected a large force of
mercenaries, religious fanatics and levies from the pargana and his
deputies like Qanungo Santokh Rai and Anokh Rai, brother of the latter.
The Sikhs fell upon them as a hungry lion falls on its prey. Suhrab Khan,
Santokh Rai and Anokh Rai could not stand the fierce onslaught of the
Singhs and ran away in order to save their lives. Thus Kalanaur fell into
the hands of the Singhs. The old and tyrannical officials of the pargana
were removed and in their place Sikh officials were appointed. A
sufficient number of horsemen and footmen were left here for the
maintenance of law and order. Banda Singh Bahadur next proceeded
towards Batala, passing through Achal. The Faujdar of Batala, Shaikh
Muhammad Day am, had made the necessary preparations. So he,
accompanied by his force, came to meet Banda's force. A pitched battle
was fought by the parties which lasted six hours and "there was great
bloodshed on both sides''. The Zamindars of the pargana of Batala could
not stand the dash of the Sikhs. The prominent among the nobility of
Batala were killed in the battle. Eventually, Muhammad Dayam was
defeated and he fled to Bharowal. Batala and its neighbouring villages
were then occupied by the Singhs. According to Ganda Singh, on the
defeat of Muhammad Dayam and the capture of Batala, "most of the
residents, rich and poor, forsook their homes and sought shelter in the
neighbouring villages with their relatives. Many went to Lahore and
214
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
many having no place of refuge went towards the hills of Chamba and
towards Dasuha." 14
It was reported to the Emperor on March 14, 1715, A.D., that Banda
Singh Bahadur "came along with his forces and plundered Kalanaur,
Batala and Raipur. None from the Faujdars and the Zamindars came for
chastising the rebels." At that time Abd-us-Samad Khan had gone to
control the rebellion of Bhattis and Dogras. "The Emperor ordered that
Bakshi-ul-Mulk Muhammad Amin Khan Bahadur should write to Abd-
us-Samad Khan that wherever he might be he should come back to give
condign punishment to the rebel Guru (Banda Singh Bahadur)". Farrukh
Siyar was so much perturbed to learn about the ravages of the Sikhs that
he requisitioned the services of Qamaruddin Khan, asking him to "lead
his forces to punish the rebel Guru", The same day, i.e., March 15, 1715,
A.D., the Emperor told Afrasiyab Khan that "he should get ready as his
Majesty himself wanted to go against the rebels. The Emperor ordered
Bakshi-ul-Mulk that Raja Odeep Singh, Raja Gopal Singh, Zafar Khan,
Prithi Chand, son of Raja Duleep Singh Bundela, and also 12,450 sawars
should accompany them. The roll of the army should be prepared". But
the Emperor did never go in person to lead his forces against the Sikhs.
Instead, strong contingents under the command of Abd-us-Samad Khan,
Khidmat Talab Khan, Faujdar of Sarhind, Ahmad Khan, Faujdar of
Gujarat, Iradatmand Khan, Faujdar of Amanabad, Nur Muhammad
Khan, ruler of Aurangabad and Parsarur, Shaikh Muhammad Daim and
Subrah Khan, Sayyid Hifz Ali Khan of Pargana Haibatpur Patti, Raja
Pharab Bhim Singh Kamboh and Hardam, son of Raja Dharab Deo
Jharotha, were pressed into service against Banda Singh Bahadur. The
Emperor ordered Abd-us-Samad Khan that "the rebel leader should
either be killed or captured alive". 15 Emperor Farrukh Siyar sent a strong
force of 20,000 troops from Delhi, under Qamar-ud-din Khan. He was
joined by 5000 troops from Sarhind. All the three Turani leaders were
related to one another. The mother of Qamar-ud-din and wife of Abdus
Samad Khan were real sisters. Zakariya Khan, son of Abd-us-Samad
Khan, was married to the sister of Qamar-ud-din. Thus the campaign
became a family affair of the Turani party.
Banda Singh Bahadur was also very much aware of the exigencies of
the time and, therefore, he decided to throw up a mud fortification at Kot
Mirza Jan, a small village between Kalanaur and Batala. But before its
defences could be complete, the combined forces of the above Faujdars
under the chief command of Abd-us-Samad Khan and his deputy Arif
Beg fell upon the Sikhs. "Banda Singh Bahadur," says the author of the
*1
Last Encounter 215
Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, "stood his ground to the amazement of all, and in
the engagement he fought so heroically that he was very near giving a
complete defeat to the imperial general, for altogether vigorously
pursued, he retired from post to post, like a savage of wilderness from
thicket to thicket, losing endlessly his men and occasioning losses to his
persuers. //16 And, according to Khafi Khan, "The infidels fought so
fiercely that the army of Islam was nearly overpowered and over and
over again they showed the greatest daring/' 17 But they had no place of
defence and were, therefore, forced to evacuate their positions and fall
back upon Gurdaspur. 18
In fact, Gurdaspur was the place where Banda Singh Bahadur
retreated. The actual place was the old village of Gurdas Nangal, now a
heap of ruins commonly known as Bande wali theh, one mile from the
present village of Gurdas Nangal and about four miles from
Gurdaspur. 19 According to Sohan Singh, Banda took shelter here in a
building and not in a fort, called the Haveli of Bhai Duni Chand, and this
statement is also endorsed by Ganda Singh. This Haveli had a strong wall
all around, it was spacious enough to accommodate all his men.
According to Hari Ram Gupta, it accommodated only 1250 men with a
small number of horses. The other Sikhs who could not be lodged
therein tried to flee in all directions. They fell an easy prey to the fury of
the Mughal army. 20 According to Khafi Khan, three or four thousand of
them were massacred. They filled that extensive plain with blood as if it
had been a dish. 21 Khafi Khan further observes: "Those who escaped the
sword, were sent in collars and chains to the Emperor. Abd-us-Samad
sent nearly two thousand heads stuffed with hay and a thousand
persons bound with iron chains under the charge of his son, Zakariya
Khan, and others to the Emperor." 22 Banda Singh Bahadur made every
effort to strengthen his defences and collect stores of ration and
ammunition. To keep the enemy at a distance from his fortification, he
surrounded it by a moat filled from the neighbouring canal. He also cut
the imperial canal, called the Shahi Nahar and other small streams
flowing from below the hills and allowed the water to spread and form
a quagmire round the place so that the enemy — the man or horse — could
not easily come close to the enclosure.
On April 17, 1715, A.D., reports were received by Emperor Farrukh
Siyar at Delhi that Abd-us-Samad Khan had followed the Sikhs to their
new position at Gurdas Nangal and that the imperial Amirs were busy
in digging trenches and raising mounds for the siege. He asked Irmad-
ud-Daula to write to Abd-us-Samad Khan to kill or imprison the Sikh
216
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
chief and his followers. When Abd-us-Samad Khan and his allies arrived
at Gurdas Nangal, many of the Sikhs were out in the villages for the
collection of supplies. Number of them fell into the hands of the imperial
force, columns of whom were scouring the country in search of them.
They were brought into the camp and executed with every indignity and
cruelty. 23
The Haveli occupied by the Sikhs was immediately surrounded and
blockaded, and the besiegers kept "so watchful a guard that not a blade
of grass, nor a grain of corn, could find its way in". Occasionally Abd-
us-Samad Khan and his son Zakariya Khan, at the head of several
thousand troopers of their own nation and the forces of their allies,
attempted to storm the Sikh position, but their attempts were defeated
by comparatively a handful of Sikhs who showed the greatest activity in
their defence. Muhammad Qasim, the author of the Ibrat Nama, who was
in the service of Arif Beg Khan, Deputy Governor of Lahore, and who
was at this time present in these operations, writes:" "The brave and
daring deeds of the infernal Sikhs were wonderful. Twice or thrice every
day some forty or fifty of the black faced Sikhs came out of their
enclosure to gather grass for their cattle, and when the combined forces
of the imperial forces went to oppose them, they (Sikhs) made an end of
the Mughals with arrows, muskets and small swords and disappeared,
such was the terror of the Sikhs and the fear of the sorcery of the Sikh
Chief that the commanders of this army prayed that God might so ordain
things that Banda (Singh) should seek his safety in his flight from the
Garhi.' ,2A These brave deeds of the Sikhs were reported to the Emperor at
Delhi on April 30, 1715, A.D. 25
In the meantime, reinforcements were brought by Qamaruddin Khan
and line of blockade was carried to within cannonshot of the fortress.
Abd-us-Samad Khan requisitioned "Top Kalan" from Lahore for
battering the fortress (the so-called) of Gurdas Nangal. 26 Then, gradually,
the work of closing in on all sides was divided. Abd-us-Samad Khan
took one side, Qamaruddin Khan and Zakariya Khan received charge of
one side each, and the fourth side was made over to the Faujdars and
Zamindars. By slow degrees, they closed all the openings between each
shelter and before the Sikhs were aware of it, they were surrounded as
if by a wall. All attempts of the besieged to sweep the obstacles away
and break through were stoutly resisted by the besiegers. As the siege
prolonged, so the difficulties of the Sikhs multiplied. Abd-us-Samad
Khan wanted to get an early break through in the matter. Therefore, he
decided to give cash reward to the killers of the Sikhs. "He gave a reward
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of rupees ten for each head with (full grown) hair brought to him. He
who brought a head without hair wa n s given five rupees. The same
practice of paying cash awards for killing the Sikhs continued." 27 The
supply line was initially maintained by the Banjaras. The orders of the
Emperor to the local Faujdars and the Zamindars of the hill territories that
the Banjaras should not be allowed to pass through their areas and if
captured they should be punished, sealed their activities. They used to
provide "the rebels with foodgrains, arrows and rifles". 28 This was a
severe blow to the attempts of the Sikhs to maintain their position. At
this time, a few Zamindars of the hill areas cooperated with them. Madho
Sen, Zamindar of Mandi, Man Singh, Zamindar of Kulu, and Hiraj Pal,
Zamindar of Malabar, did not come to the help of Abd-us-Samad Khan
for the punishment of the rebels, nor did they send their forces.
However, in view of the siege dragging on ^terminably, they could not
come into the open to support the Sikhs.
Though the Sikhs were far less in number than the opposing force,
they continued fighting the battle for months together so courageously
that even the enemy was wonder struck. Khafi Khan says in regard to
this battle: "The infidels (Sikhs) fought so fiercely that the army of
Islam was nearly overpowered and over and over again they showed
the greatest daring." 29 Similarly, Ganda Singh is of the opinion that at
one stage" "Abd-us-Samad Khan had lost all hopes of success against so
determined and valiant a foe (Banda Singh Bahadur)". The royal forces
inflicted a heavy loss on the besieged. Khafi Khan says that even the
Sikhs on several occasions showed the greatest boldness and daring
and made noctural attacks upon the imperial forces. The siege lasted a
long time. They frequently made sallies into the trenches and killed
many of the besiegers. 30 To protect themselves and their horses and
other animals, the soldiers of the imperial forces threw up an earth
bank, ten to twenty yards long, before each tent and sheltered
themselves behind it.
The Sikhs on several occasions showed the greatest boldness and
daring to sweep the obstacles away and carried away from the besiegers
camp whatever they could lay their hands on. Baba Binod Singh
occasionally came out of the enclosure and carried away Shirni and other
eatables from the bazaars of the besiegers camp. The whole of the camp
was wonder-struck at the boldness of the aged Sikh. All efforts to capture
him proved futile. If they kept vigilance in the morning, he descended
upon them in the evening, and if they remained watchful in the evening,
he attacked them in the afternoon, and every time he was off before they
218
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
could take any counter-step. So bold and indomitable were the Guru's
followers that they impressed their adversaries with the greatest respect
for their fighting qualities. Thus, the siege and struggle continued for
several months and there was great loss on both sides.
Because of the blockade applied by the enemy, it became impossible
for the Sikhs to bring in anything from outside. Their confinement for
eight long months had exhausted their already small stock of provisions
and Khalsa began to starve. By December, Banda Singh Bahadur's
provisions ran out. 31 The Khalsa would make overtures to the
Muhammadan soldiers and buy from them a little grain at the rate of
two or three rupees a seer. But this could not help them and they began
to suffer the utmost extremes of hunger. A stage came when there was
no food left with the Sikhs and they started eating their horses. In this
connection, Macauliffe writes, "the Sikhs were reduced to such
extremities that they killed for food all animals in their possession". 32
It is said that at this time a quarrel arose between Banda Singh
Bahadur and Binod Singh. The difference of opinion is said to have
occurred over the proposal of evacuating the enclosure and following
their old tactics of cutting through the enemy's lines for a place of safety.
Banda Singh Bahadur, it seems was not in favour of it, for the reasons
best known to him, while Binod Singh struck to his own. Hot words
were exchanged between the two and then their hands went to the hilts
of their swords. But Kahan Singh, Baba Binod Singh's son, intervened
and averted the bloodshed, but angry words were exchanged. It was
decided that Baba Binod Singh should leave the Haveli, which he did.
The difference was now overcome, but there was no remedy for the
distress of hunger which was increasing day-by-day, says Dr. Ganda
Singh. 33 In the absence of grain,, horses, asses and other animals were
converted into food and eaten. The Sikhs slaughtered oxen and other
animals and not having any firewood, ate the flesh raw. Many Sikhs died
of dysentery and privation. When all the grass was gone, they gathered
leaves from trees. When these leaves were consumed, they stripped the
bark and broke off the small shoots, dried them, ground them and used
them instead of flour, thus keeping the body and soul together. They also
collected the bones of animals and used them in the same way. Harder
days came when these resources, too, gave out, some of them went to the
limit of tearing their own thighs open and eating their own flesh to keep
themselves alive. There is no other example known to history when
people were reduced to such horrible straits to pacify the demands of
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elemental hunger. The first wife of Banda Singh Bahadur, the princess of
Chamba Shushil Kaur, and their son, Ajai Singh, were also among
them. 34 About three-and-half year old innocent child also suffered
extreme hardships in the name of the Guru. In spite of all this ruination,
the Sikhs did not lose heart. They aimed their rifles at the enemies and
pressed their triggers, even when they were at death's door. Then their
ammunition, too, finished as had their rations already. These warriors
with stalwart bodies were now reduced to mere skeletons. Even then the
enemy did not muster enough courage to advance to attack the besieged
and hungry lions.
Despite all this, the infernal Sikh chief and his men, says Kamwar
Khan, "withstood all the military force that the great Mughal Empire
could muster against them for eight long months". But how long could
this continue? After all, they were human beings. Their never-ending
starvation and the devouring of uneatable and unconsumable things,
like the flesh of hoofed animals, grass, leaves, bark and shoots of trees
and dry bones of dead animals wrecked their physical system. The
obnoxious smell of putrid bodies of the dead and dying men and
animals made the place uninhabitable. The survivors were reduced to
mere skeletons. They were all half -dead, unable to use their muskets.
Their magazines were emptied of their contents and it became practically
"impossible for them to offer any resistance and continue the defence
any longer". 35
At last on Wednesday, December 17, 1715, A.D., the Sikh enclosure at
Gurdas Nangal, Gurdaspur, fell into the hands of the besiegers. The
remaining surviving Sikhs, had been physically very weak to continue
the defence, but the imperial forces were still scared of the Khalsa, dared
not enter the enclosure. Banda Singh Bahadur along with his remnant
followers surrendered unconditionally. It is said that Abd-us-Samad
Khan hoisted a flag with a proclamation, promising unconditional
pardon and free rations to those who would surrender. Consequently,
many surrendered, but they were slaughtered. Khafi Khan says that
Banda Singh Bahadur also offered himself for surrender along with
others and they all were made prisoners. This view is also endorsed by
Karam Singh and Dr. Ganda Singh. This news of Banda Singh Bahadur's
surrender was sent to the Emperor Farrukh Siyar at Delhi by
Muhammad Amin Khan on December 22, 1715, A.D., 36 at a time when
he was celebrating the anniversary of his' 1 victory over Jahandar Shah.
Abd-us-Samad Khan reported to the Emperor that they had achieved
great victory by capturing the rebel Guru (Banda Singh Bahadur) along
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
with a thousand of his men, alive, and taken possession of the Sikh
enclosure. 37 After the submission of the report, the Emperor ordered that
they should celebrate the victory over the rebel Guru by beating of
drums. Therefore, an elephant symbolising the auspicious victory was
presented to the Emperor. He ordered that four gunny bags filled with
paisas should be thrown over the elephant by way of charity. 38 The
Jubilation of Farrukh Siyar was in keeping with the importance of the
imperial victory over the Sikhs. They, under the leadership of Banda
Singh Bahadur, had held on doggedly all the force that the Empire could
bring against them during the rule of Bahadur Shah, and Jahandar Shah,
and even during Farrukh Siyar 's attempt. It was very rightly said by
Kamwar Khan: "It was by the grace of God and not by wisdom or
bravery that this came to happen. Otherwise, it is known to every one
that the late Emperor Bahadur Shah, with the four royal princes and
numerous high officials, had made efforts to repress this rebellion, but it
was all fruitless and now that infidel of the Sikh and a few thousand of
his companions have been starved into surrender." 39
After the surrender of the garrison, Abd-us-Samad Khan made
frantic efforts to get hold of the supposed hidden treasure. When it was
found nowhere, he was enranged beyond control. The Mughal officers
had made over one thousand Sikhs prisoners found alive within the
fortress. According to William Irvine, "of these prisoners, two or three
hundred were executed by the general's order. ... As it was known that
many of the Sikhs had swallowed whatever gold coins they had, to save
them from plunder, the dead bodies were ripped open and thus much
wealth fell into the hands of the low camp followers and the Mughal
soldiers. The rest of the prisoners were placed in fetters and kept to grace
the triumphal entry into Delhi." 40 The following arms and articles were
recovered from the enclosure, and later delivered to the armoury of Delhi
by Zakariya Khan.
Swords —
1000
Shields —
278
Bows and Quivers —
173
Matchlocks —
180
Daggers (Jamdhar) —
114
Long Knives (Kard) —
217
Gold Mohars —
23
Rupees, a little over —
600 41 \
The valuables were a few gold ornaments, 23 gold coins, and a little
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over 600 rupees. 42 The list of arms taken and money seized, does not give
a very exalted notion of either the military strength or of the wealth of
the Sikh leader in the enclosure of Gurdas Nangal and the Sikhs who so
determinedly resisted the greatest empire of the day for such a long time.
Banda Singh Bahadur and the Sikh prisoners 43 were brought to
Lahore from Gurdas Nangal. Though Banda Singh was a prisoner, the
officials feared that because of his supernatural powers, he might slip
away. Therefore, a Mughal officer volunteered that he should be tied to
Banda on the same elephant so that if he tried to escape he would thrust
a dagger into his body. 44 Fetters were put on Banda Singh's feet, a ring
round his neck and also a chain over his back. He was put in an iron
cage, which was chained on four sides. Instead of one, two Mughal
officers were tied to him, one on each side on an elephant. With three
thousand heads of the Sikhs fixed on spears, Banda Singh Bahadur and
his comrades were brought to Lahore in a procession, preceded by
drummers and bandsmen.
At Lahore, they were kept in the fort for some days. Zakariya Khan
then thought that 200 Sikhs were too small a number to be presented to
the Emperor. Thus a general order for the hunt of the Sikhs was issued
by him and innocent Sikhs were arrested and their number reached
about a thousand in a few days 45 Abd-us-Samad Khan asked for
permission to come to Delhi in person with his great prisoner, but he was
ordered to remain and attend to the government of his province, and
send Banda Singh and the other Sikh prisoners in the charge of his son
Zakariya Khan and of Qamr-ud-din Khan, the son of Muhammad Amin
Khan. The Sikh prisoners were then marched to Delhi by Sarhind, where
they were paraded through the streets to be ridiculed by the people, who
hurled abuses on them, as they passed. But the Sikhs tolerated all
indignities with patience and calmness and passed through the bazaar,
singing the sacred hymns of the Gurus. 46 By reaching Agharabad on
February 25, 1716, A.D., Zakariya Khan reported it to the Emperor at
Delhi. Mohammad Amin Khan was sent to make necessary
arrangements for bringing Banda Singh Bahadur and his followers to
Delhi in a particular fashion.
On February 27, 1716, A.D., Banda Singh Bahadur and the other Sikh
prisoners were conducted, in a procession, to the city of Delhi. A graphic
description based on the contemporary sources is reproduced. "The road
from Agharabad to the Lahori gate of the place, a distance of several
miles, was lined on both sides with troops. Banda Singh Bahadur sat in
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
an iron cage placed on the back of an elephant. He wore a long, heavy-
skirted court dress (Jama) of gold brocade, the pattern on it being of
pomegranate flowers and a gold-embroidered turban of fine red cotton
cloth. Behind him stood, clad chain mail, withdrawn sword in hand, one
of the principal Mughal officers. In front of the elephant were carried,
raised on bamboo poles, the heads of the Sikh prisoners who had been
executed, the long hair streaming over them like a veil. Along with these,
the body of a cat was exposed at the end of a pole, meaning that, even
down to four-footed animals, everything in Gurdaspur had been
destroyed. Behind the Guru's (Banda Singh Bahadur) elephant followed
the rest of the prisoners, seven hundred and forty in number. They were
seated, two and two, on camels without Saddles. One hand of each man
was attached to his neck by two pieces of wood, which were held
together by iron pins. On their heads were high caps of a ridiculous
shape made of sheep's skin and adorned with glass beads. A few of the
principal men, who rode nearest to the elephant, had been clothed in
sheep's skin with the woolly side outwards, so that the common people
compared them to bears. When the prisoners had passed, they were
followed by Nawab Mohd. Amin Khan Chin, accompanied by his son
Qamruddin Khan and his son-in-law Zakariya Khan. In this order the
procession passed on through the streets to the palace/' 47
The people on both sides of the roads ridiculed Banda Singh Bahadur
and laughed at the appearance of his followers. But the Sikhs were
unmoved by their mockery and stood all that disgrace calmly. In other
words, in spite of these humiliations, their morale and spirits remained
very high. When the procession passed through the streets, Mirza
Mohammad Harisi saw the procession and described it as follows:
"Those unfortunate Sikhs who had been reduced to this last extremity,
were quite happy and contended with their fate, not the slightest sign of
dejection or humiliation was to be seen on their faces. In fact, most of
them as they passed along on their camels seemed happy and cheerful,
joyfully singing the sacred hymns of their scripture. And if anyone from
amongst those in the lanes and bazaars called out to them that their own
excesses had reduced them to that condition, they quickly retorted
saying that it had been so willed by the Almighty and their capture and
misfortune were in accordance with His will, and if anyone said, 'Now
you will be killed', they shouted: 'Kill us! When were we afraid of death?
Had we been afraid of it, how could we have fought so many battles
with you? It was merely through starvation that we fell into your hands,
otherwise, you know already what deeds we are capable of'." 48
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This shows how daring and courageous Banda Singh Bahadur and
his comrades were and that they could not be intimidated even under
severe physical hardships. Not all the insults that their enemies had
inflicted could rob the brave disciples of Guru Gobind Singh of their
natural dignity: "Without any sign of dejection or shame, they rode on,
calm and cheerful, even anxious to die the death of martyrs." 49
When the procession arrived at the fort, Banda Singh Bahadur and
some of his leading comrades like Baj Singh, Fateh Singh, and others,
were handed over to Ibrahim-ud-din Khan Mir Atish, on the orders of
the Emperor. They were imprisoned at the Tripolia. The remaining 694 50
Sikhs were handed over to Sarbrah Khan Kotwal, for execution. Banda
Singh Bahadur's first wife, Shushil Kaur, their four-year old son Ajai
Singh, and the nurse of the child, were taken away by Darbar Khan
Nazir of the harem. 51 Itmad-ud-Daula Muhammad Amin Khan was
honoured with six khilats or dresses of honour, a jewelled diadem, and an
Arab horse with golden harness, and Qamr-ud-din Khan and Zakariya
Khan each with a special dress of honour, a jewelled diadem, a horse and
an elephant. 52
It was decided by the Mughal authorities that all the Sikhs should
not be executed at one time. It was decided that only one hundred be
executed on any one day. Sarbrah Khan Kotwal was detailed as the
officer in charge of the execution, which began on March 5, 1716, A.D.,
opposite the chabutra Kotwali or police station on the side of the Tripolia.
According to a prior plan, one hundred of them were taken out of their
prison every day and were executed. Before execution, everybody was
offered pardon, if he accepted Islam. Every brave Sikh flatly refused that
offer and laid down his life with firmness, patience and undaunted
spirit. Here, even an English testimony is available. The members of the
English embassy, Messrs John Surman and Edward Stephenson had
come to represent their case about their privileges to Emperor Farrukh
Siyar. They saw the executions themselves and wrote about it in their
despatch, dated March 10, 1716, A.D., to the Honourable Robert Hedges,
President and Governor of Fort William. They wrote that one hundred of
them were beheaded each day. "It is not a little remarkable with what
patience they undergo their fate, and to the last it has not been found
that one has apostatised from the newly formed religion." 53
The author of Ibrat Namah, writes that he had been to the scene of
execution on the second day, or March 6, 1716, A.D., to see the Tamasha-
i-qatal, but he arrived there at a time when the slaughter for that day was
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
over and bodies were still lying there in blood and dust in the burning
heat of the sun. 54
The contemporary sources said that the brave Sikhs competed with
one another for martyrdom. In this connection, Macauliffe writes that
"the Sikhs vied with one another for precedence in death". 55 Similarly, a
Mohammadan writer of the period, as quoted by G.S. Scott in his Religion
and Short History of the Sikhs, writes: "It is singular that these people not
only behaved firmly during their execution, but disputed and wrangled
with each other as to who should be slain first and even made request
with the executioners to obtain preference". 56 To quote Ganda Singh:
"The Sikhs welcomed death with undaunted spirit, presented their
heads to the executioners with cheerful faces and with the words
Wahiguru, Wahiguru on their lips, they joyfully gave up their lives amidst
the wondering praise of the populace." 57
Appreciating the steadfastness of devotion to their leader and their
firmness of faith, the author of Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, Khafi Khan, has
recorded "what he saw with his own eyes" 58 Among the prisoners
sentenced to death was a Sikh youth of tender age. He was the only son
of a widowed mother. He had only recently been married and as yet had
the Kangan-i-Arusi, the marriage thread, on his wrist. Hearing of the
impending doom of her son with the other prisoners, the old mother
approached Ratan Chand, Diwan of the Wazir, and through his
influential support, pleaded the cause of her son with great feeling and
earnestness before Emperor Farrukh Siyar and Sayyed Abdullah Khan.
To avail of the Emperor's general offer to spare the lives of those who
renounced the Sikh faith, the old woman, probably as tutored by Diwan
Ratan Chand, represented that her son was only a prisoner in the hands
of the Sikhs and was not a follower of the Gurus. He was brought here,
she said, while in their captivity and now stood innocent among those
condemned to death. Farrukh Siyar commiserated with the old woman
and sent an officer with orders to release the youth. The woman arrived
with the order of release just as the executioner was standing with the
bloody sword over that young man's head. She presented the order for
his release to the Kotzval. He brought out the prisoner and told him he
was free. But the boy refused to be released, says Khafi Khan, and loudly
cried out: "My mother is a liar. I am heart and soul a devoted follower
of the Gurus. Send me quickly after my companions." No bewailing cries
and tearful entreaties of his old mother and no persuasion of the state
officers, writes the author of the Tarikh-i-Muhammad Shahi, could shake
the young Sikh in his devotion to his faith. The spectators were further
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dumfounded when the heroic boy retraced his steps back to the place of
execution and calmly bowed his head before the executioner to meet his
death. 59 Farrukh Siyar was taken aback and pondered over what was
there that made every Sikh have no fear of death.
On being asked by the executioner for further orders of the Emperor
on the boy's refusal, Farrukh Siyar replied in a halting voice as under: "It
goes against my grain to doom this boy to death, his courage and
bravery bid me spare his life. I cannot, however, go back on my own
word. I have vowed to exterminate the Sikhs throughout the country. I
am, therefore, compelled to order this foolish and unthinking boy to be
put to death." 60 After the execution of the Sikhs which went on for seven
days, there was a lull. Banda Singh Bahadur and his principal men were
not executed immediately and were kept in the fort for three months.
The object of their detention was to get a clue of the treasure. 61 But the
Khalsa, who believed in the principle of Wand Shakna (the sharing of
earnings) could not be expected to have any treasure as such. So when
the rulers were disappointed to get the clue, they decided to execute
Banda Singh Bahadur.
The fate reserved for Banda Singh Bahadur is too excruciating to be
described, says Dr. Ganda Singh. 62 Ultimately, the Emperor issued an
order that Ibrahimuddin, Mir-i-Atish, and Sarbarah Khan Kotwal should
take Banda Singh Bahadur to the mausoleum of Khwaja Qutab-ud-din,
opposite the mausoleum of Emperor Bahadur Shah. "His tongue and
eyes should be pulled out and skin be torn off from his flesh. His bones
be separated from his flesh and his son be also killed." 63 The order was
complied with on June 19, 1716, A.D. Banda Singh Bahadur, his son Ajai
Singh, Sardar Baj Singh, Ram Singh, Bhai Fateh Singh, Ali Singh, Gulab
Singh Bakhshi, and others who had been confined in the fort of Delhi,
were taken out of the fort in procession. The same old embroidered red
turban and cloak were put on Banda Singh Bahadur. Fettered and
chained all over, he was placed in an iron cage which was fastened on
the back of an elephant. His companions 64 were put on the bare back of
camels. They were preceded by Sarbrah Khan Kotwal at the head of his
police force. In the rear was Ibrahim-ud-din, Head of Artillery. The
procession passed through the main streets of Delhi. They were taken to
the tomb of Khwaja Qutab-ud-din Bakhtiyar Kaki near Qutab Minar in
Mehrauli, 16 km from the Red Fort. They were led around the tomb of
the late Emperor Bahadur Shah who had failed in suppressing Banda
Singh's rebellion, so as to give satisfaction to his soul. The leading nobles
had already gathered there.
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Banda Singh Bahadur was taken out of the cage and seated on the
ground. As usual he was offered life on his embracing Islam. The
proposal was rejected. Though heavily chained, his right hand was freed.
His son, Ajai Singh, was placed in his lap and a dagger put in his right
hand to kill the child. Banda Singh Bahadur did not stir. Thereupon, the
dagger was thrust into the body of the child and his heart and entrails
were thrust into Banda Singh's mouth. He shut his mouth and he
remained absolutely unmoved. 65 Muhammad Amin Khan, later Prime
Minister, was standing nearby. He came closer and intensely looked into
the eyes of Banda Singh Bahadur. He was deeply impressed with his
noble features. He remarked: "It is surprising that one who shows so
much acuteness in his features and so much of nobility in his conduct,
should have been guilty of such horrors." In complete composure and
tranquillity, Banda Singh Bahadur replied: "I will tell you. Whenever
men become so corrupt and wicked as to relinquish the path of equity
and to abandon themselves to all kinds of excesses, then the Providence
never fails to raise up a scourge like me to chastise a race so depraved;
but when the measure of punishment is full then he raises up men like
you to bring him to punishment." 66
Then on the orders of the Emperor, Banda Singh's flesh was torn off
with red-hot pincers and the process continued till he died. During his
tortures, Banda Singh Bahadur showed unparalleled calmness and died
with unshaken constancy, writes Elphinstone, "glorifying in having been
raised up by God to be scourge to the inequities and oppressions of the
age." 67 On Banda Singh's torture to death, Ganda Singh reports thus:
"First of all, his right eye was removed with the point of a butcher's
knife and then his left. His left foot was cut off next, and then his two
hands were severed from his body. His flesh was then torn with red hot
pincers and finally he was decapitated and hacked to pieces, limb by
limb." 68
This horrid savagery lasted the whole day. Banda Singh displayed
heavenly calm, no tears, no cries, no groaning, no expression of grief, no
jerk in the body, and no sign of pain. Throughout he remained composed
and collected, serene and steady, unruffled and unstirred. A curious
creature was he, this Banda Singh Bahadur, remarks Dr. Hari Ram Gupta.
He further says that he had a power of concentrating his mind on
something away from his body and his surroundings with such intensity
as if he were in a trance. 69
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This abominable scene was staged before the very eyes of Banda's
officials who included Fateh Singh, Ali Singh and Gulab Singh Bakhshi
who had remained in the Lohgarh fort after Banda Singh's escape, and
some other close comrades of Banda Singh Bahadur were also beheaded
on June 20, 1716, A.D., next day, at the same place. These powerful
warriors had resigned themselves to the will of God as the final
consummation. They were tried by God and destiny, and succeeded in
their right for maintaining the highest Sikh ideals, and they had not been
found wanting in any respect.
Coming to the fate of Banda Singh's wife, Bibi Shushil Kaur, Karam
Singh historian writes that the Raj Kumari of Chamba could not see the
torturing of her son and she accepted Islam. In the recent work on Banda
Singh Bahadur, Dr. Raj Pal Singh, on the basis of Shiv Das Lakhnavi and
Shahnama Munawwar Kalam also writes: "Banda Singh Bahadur's wife
was converted to Islam, entered the palace and became one of the slave
of the royal seraglio." But Mata Joginder Kaur of Dera Baba Banda Singh
Bahadur, and the author of the present work, do not agree with this view.
Mata Joginder Kaur asserts that it is wrong to say that Raj Kumari
Shushil Kaur embraced Islam. She takes pains to explain that the lady
who preferred to stay in the jungle with Banda Singh Bahadur for about
two years and could come to the battlefield with him, could not be
expected to be converted to Islam. Her argument seems to be convincing
also. This author, in her paper "Bibi Shushil Kaur", also proved that
when Bibi Shushil Kaur saw that her honour would not be safe in the
hands of the imperial officers in the royal harem, she committed
suicide. 71
Banda Singh Bahadur and his comrades did not die in vain. This
tragic event changed the course of not only Sikh history but also of the
history of Punjab. Banda Singh had shown to the Sikhs the difference
between those who were in power and those who were out of it. The
lesson of power once practically taught could not be forgotten by a
militant community. They continuously worked to regain what they had
lost and in half a century became the undisputed masters of the land of
five rivers.
Banda Singh Bahadur, the great leader was part of the Sikh
revolution in which the Khalsa was seen as a dynamic integrative force.
After having dedicated his entire life to the well-being of the masses
228
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Banda Singh Bahadur had this to say of himself: "I am Banda of the 10th
Master." In fact he had given his body and mind, his existence's physics
and his experience's metaphysics to the entire Indian community which
to him was one organic whole perceived as a continuing passion play of
an ageless nation in which the discordance of diversity was eventually
absorbed by the concordance of unity. And for this commitment to the
community he and his contribution must be remembered. 72
The execution of Banda Singh Bahadur was a staggering catastrophe
in history, and the minds of the Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims who held
him in great esteem and reverence, were rudely shaken. He was uplifter
of society and took keen interest in the politics of his day. He was deeply
concerned about the disabilities of the people. He strongly resented the
sufferings of the people at the hands of the oppressive rule of the
Mughals and for some time threw away the Mughal imperialists out of
the vast territory of the Punjab. After the execution of Banda Singh, a
general proclamation was issued for the destruction of the Sikhs,
wherever they were found. They were hunted down like beasts and any
man who killed a Sikh could claim a reward from the Viceroy of
Lahore. 73
Banda Singh had earned his well-deserved fame as a crusader by his
concerted action, daring, sacrifice and innumerable heroic deeds. Banda
Singh was dead a long time ago. But before his death he had set up the
tradition of great ability, great courage, great perseverance, great
sacrifice — all directed to the service of the downtrodden and oppressed.
He had a flame-like quality, a fire within himself which burned and
consumed him and drew him relentlessly forward, it made him almost
oblivious of all other matters, even the intimate personal relations. He
had neither friends nor foes but a mission to fulfil. He did a herculean
job to achieve his goal, but never compromised on his principles, and
became a martyr for the cause of the poor and the Khalsa Panth. He
possessed the qualities of a true hero. Bhagat Kabir says in Adi Granth:
He alone is the hero who fights to defend
the humble and the helpless,
who, even though hacked limb by limb,
will not flee from the field. 74
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Notes and References
1. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 151.
2. Aklibarat, dated October 15, 1712 AD.
3. Saif-ud-Daula Abd-us-Samad Khan Bahadur Diler-i-Jang, a descendant of
Khwaja Ahrar of Turan, was a brother-in-law of Itmad-ud-Daula Muhammad
Amin Khan Bahadur, whose wife was a sister of his wife, both being the
daughters of his uncle Khwaja Zakariya. He had come to India in the reign of
Aurangzeb and at first had the rank of 400. In Bahadur Shah's reign he rose to
the rank of 700. In the war of succession between the sons of Bahadur Shah, he
joined Zulfiqar Khan and distinguished himself by slaying prince Jahan Shah.
His meritorious services in the struggle between Jahandar Shah and Farrukh
Siyar won him the rank of five thousand, with five thousand horses, and the title
of Diler-i-Jang, and he was made the Governor of Lahore.
4. Farrukh Siyar Nama, Kanwar Tazkirah, quoted by William Irvine, pp. 309-10.
5. Kanwar, Ibid., quoted by William Irvine, p. 310.
6. Akhbarat, dated July 17, 1713, A.D.
7. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 155.
8. Ibid.
9. See Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 66.
10. Irvine William, The Later Mughals, pp. 308-9.
11. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 158.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid., p. 161. •
14. Qasim, Ibrat Namah, p. 41. Umdat-ut-Tawarikh, i, 80. Quoted by Ganda Singh,
Ibid., p. 162.
15. Akhbarat, dated April 10, 1715, A.D.
16. See Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 165.
17. Ibid.
18. Muhammad Qasim, Ibrat Namah, pp. 41-42. Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit.,
p. 166.
Muhammad Qasim was present in these operations and at the siege of Gurdas
Nangal, being then in the service of Arif Beg Khan, Deputy Governor of Lahore.
19. Dr. Hari Ram Gupta is of the opinion that it was 6 km to the west of Gurdaspur,
op. cit., p. 28. Now a beautiful Gurudwara and a Sarovar are being built there.
20. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 28.
21. Khafi Khan in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 457.
22. Ibid.
230
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
23. Ibrat Namah, p. 42, quoted by Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 167.
24. Quoted by Gianda Singh, Ibid., p. 168.
25. Akhbarat, dated 30th April, 1715, A.D.
26. Ibid., dated May 1, 1715, A.D.
27. Ibid., dated June 14, 1715, A.D.
28. Ibid., dated July 3, 1715, A.D.
29. Khafi Khan, as quoted by Khazan Singh, op. cit., p. 222.
30. Ibid., p. 222.
31. Irvine, William, op. cit., pp. 314-15.
32. Macauliffe, M.A., op. cit., p. 252.
33. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 172.
34. Sahib Kaur, the second wife of Banda Singh Bahadur, was living at Dehra Baba
Banda Singh Bahadur in Jammu territory and it was at this time that she gave birth
to her son, Ranjeet Singh.
35. Irvine, William, op. cit., p. 315.
36. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 174. Also see, Sohan Singh Seetal, op. cit., p. 133. But
Khazan Singh, op. cit., puts this date as January 1716, A.D.
37. Dr. Raj Pal Singh quoted Akhbarat, which gives the date 12th December 1715, A.D.
38. Akhbarat, dated December 13, 1715, A.D.
39. Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 175.
40. Irvine, William, The Later Mughals, p. 315.
41. Kamwar Tazkirah, Farrukh Siyar Nama, quoted by William Irvine, op. cit.,
pp. 315-16.
42. Irvine, William, op. cit., p. 315.
43. Karam Singh, historian, estimates their number at 200.
44. Karam Singh, op. cit., p. 177.
45. Ibid., p. 180.
46. Rattan Singh Bhangu, Prachin Panth Prakash, Amritsar (1962) p. 156.
47. Harisi, Ibrat Namah, 52 a-b. Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 180. Irvine,
William, op. cit., pp. 316-17.
48. Harisi Mirza Mohammad, Ibrat Namah, p. 52, quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit.,
pp. 181-82.
49. Wilson, C.R., Early Annals of the English in Bengal, pp. 96-99.
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50. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 183.
51. Harbans Kaur Sagoo, "Bibi Shushil Kaur", in a book entitled Sobhavantian, edited
by Dr. Mohinder Kaur Gill, pp. 115-47.
52. Kanwar Tazkirah, p. 179 a-b, quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 184.
53. Wheeler, J.T., Early Records of British India, Calcutta (1878), p. 180.
54. Harisi, Mirza Muhammad, Ibrat Namah, p. 53. Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit., p.
186.
55. Macauliffe, M.A., The Sikh Religion, its Gums, Sacred Writings and Authors, Oxford
(1909) p. 252.
56. Scott, G.B., Religion and Short History of the Sikhs, p. 33.
57. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 185.
58. Khafi Khan, Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, Vol. II, p. 766. Quoted by Ganda Singh, op. cit.,
pp. 186-88.
59. This incident is quoted by almost all contemporary writers.
Muntakhib-ul-Lubab, Vol. II, p. 766.
Elliot, op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 458.
Bahar-ul-Mawwaj, p. 228 a.
Wilson, Early Annals, Vol. XIIII.
Shiv Das, Manavvar-ul-Kalam.
Irvine, op. cit., p. 318.
Tarikh-e-Muhammad Shahi, 247b. Ganda Singh, op. cit., 188, f.n.
Anecdotes from Sikh History, No. 4, Lahore (1906) p. 24.
Anonymous author of Iqbalnama has also recorded this incident.
60. Anecdotes from Sikh History, No. 4, Lahore (1906), p. 24. Quoted by G.S. Deol,
p. 102.
61. Wheeler, J.T., p. 180, Karam Singh, p. 184, Mata Joginder Kaur, p. 27.
Kanwar Tazkirah, p. 179 b. See letter quoted by Kanwar, letter dated 10th March
1716 A.D., from Messrs. John Surman and Edward Stephenson, the members of
the English Embassy to Emperor Farrukh Siyar, to the honourable Robert Hedges,
President and Governor of Fort William. This letter is also available in J.T.
Wheeler's Early Records of British India, p. 180 and in C.R. Wilson's The Early
Annals of the English in Bengal, pp. 96-98.
Letter XII
The Honourable Robert Hedges Esq.,
President and Governor of Fort William and Council in Bengal.
232
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Honourable Sir,
We wrote your honour on the 7th ultimo since which we have received no letters.
The great Rebel Gooroo (Guru) who has been for these 20 years so troublesome
in the subaship (subah) of Lahore is at length taken with all his family and
attendance by Abd-us-Samad cawn the Suba (Subedar i.e. Governor) of that
province. Some days ago they entered the city laden with fetters, his whole
attendants which were left alive being about seven hundred and eighty all
severally mounted on camels which were sent out of the city for that purpose,
besides about two thousand heads stuck upon poles, being those who died by the
sword in battle. He was carried into the presence of the king and from thence to
a close prison. He at present has his life prolonged with most of his miitsuddys
(mutasaddis) in hope to get an account of his treasure in the several parts of his
kingdom and of those that assisted him, when afterwards he will be executed, for
the rest there are 100 each day beheaded. It is not a little remarkable with what
patience they undergo their fate, and to the last it has not been found that one
apostatised form this new formed religion. . . .
We are,
Hon'ble Sir and Sirs,
Your most obedient humble servants,
John Surman,
Edward Stephenson
Dilly,
March the 10th, 1715-16
62. Ganda Singh, op. ext., p. 190.
63. Akhbarat, 9 June, 1716, A.D.
64. According to Dr. Ganda Singh they were 26 in number. But Dr. H.R. Gupta gave
the number as 18.
65. A similar view is held by Karam Singh Historian and M.S. Elphinstone and
Ganda Singh. But some writers like G.B. Scott, Macauliffe, Sohan Singh and
Khazan Singh point out that Banda Singh Bahadur cut the throat of his son
himself, which view cannot be said to be correct for the simple reason that such
a brave father as Banda Singh Bahadur was, could not be expected to take the life
of his own son under threat or compulsion.
66. Siyar-iil-Mutakhirin, p. 403. Raymond's translation, Vol. I, p. 91, see Hari Ram
Gupta, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 35.
67. Elphinstone, M.S., The History of India, Vol. I, London (1916), p. 669.
68. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 192.
69. Hari Ram Gupta, op. cit., p. 35.
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70. Joginder Kaur, Baba Banda Bahadur, p. 28.
71. See "Bibi Shushil Kaur", by Dr. Harbans Kaur Sagoo in a book entitled
Sobhabantian, edited by Dr. M.K. Gill.
72. Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 74.
73. Payne, C.H., A Short History of Sikhs, London, p. 45.
74. Adi Granth, p. 1105.
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Epilogue
Banda Singh Bahadur was undeniably one of the most remarkable men
that India had produced in the eighteenth century. Banda Singh Bahadur
was a Rajput. The blood of a Kshatriya flowed in his veins. Thus, he
inherited the spirit of bravery, heroism, love of independence, and self-
sacrifice from his race. This spirit was further strengthened by his long
residence in Maharashtra where he had seen how Shambhuji, son of
Shivaji, his step brother Rajaram and his widow Tara Bai, had carried on
a life and death struggle against Aurangzeb who was personally leading
a campaign of annihilation against the Marathas. Banda Singh's dormant
spirit of nationalism was awakened and put into its practical application
by Guru Gobind Singh. His nationalist enthusiasm was further aroused
by the Guru's sufferings and sacrifices, and ultimately by his death as a
result of the Mughal trickery. 1
In personal appearance Banda Singh Bahadur, according to the Mirat-
i-YJaxidat of Muhammad Shafi Warid, resembled Guru Gobind Singh.
Thin of physique and of medium height, he was of light brown
complexion. It was, therefore, that those who had seen him only from a
distance or had only heard of him and had not the opportunity of
knowing him personally and closely, had taken him to be Guru Gobind
Singh himself and had recorded him as such — as Guru Gobind Singh —
in their writings. 2 The scanty records of the contemporary writers give
little information about the many qualities he possessed. Dr. Hari Ram
Epilogue
235
Gupta sums up his qualities as: "Curiously, Banda had a great
resemblance in looks with Guru Gobind Singh. He possessed the same
medium height and bulk of the body and colour of the face. Under his
bushy beard and moustache and long hair on head, the facial features
also looked alike. Further, both spoke the same language which was a
mixture of Hindi and Punjabi. Both were fond of covering themselves
with arms cap-a-pie. Both were in possession of a commanding voice
and manner which resulted in implicit obedience from their followers.
Both could arouse the zeal for supreme sacrifice of their devotees/' 3 The
nobleness of his features, with sharp and shining eyes, impressed his
greatness even on the minds of his worst enemies like Itmad-ud-Daulah
Muhammad Amin Khan who praised him for "so much of acuteness in
his features and so much of nobility in his conduct". Depicting his
personal qualities, Karam Singh, the historian, writes: "He was not so
strong as he was swift (dashing) and no weapon except arrow and
dagger appealed to him. He was a good horse-rider and he could stand
continual physical strains." 4 He would, of course, ride on for days
without being fatigued. Similarly, Sohan Singh says that "in dexterity, he
(Banda Singh) had surpassed even Sewaji (Shivaji)". 5 Though not a giant
in his built, he was very active and would keep at bay far stronger men
in the battlefield. He was a good marksman, Banduq or Ramjanga, as they
called a matchlock, being a favourite weapon of the Sikhs, but he was
excessively fond of his sword and bow. 6
Banda Singh Bahadur was very brave and courageous. He possessed
a most fearless and undaunted spirit. He never knuckled under physical
influence nor could any sort of oppression and pressure mtimidate him.
To quote M'Gregor: "He (Banda Singh) is allowed on all hands, to have
been a man of undaunted valour and bravery, and the coolness with
which he met his death." 7 It has earned praise for Banda Singh even
from men like Khafi Khan. In Cunningham's opinion, Banda (Singh) was
obeyed ungrudgingly and blindly, because he was an energetic and
daring leader. He also calls him "an able and enterprising leader".
According to Malcolm, "Banda performed prodigies of valour". 8 The
personal magnetism of Banda Singh, writes Dr. Gokul Chand Narang,
was too great and it was his undaunted courage and extraordinary
valour which knit his followers closely to him. 9
Banda Singh renounced the world at 15, and lived like a bairagi for
about twenty-three years. At the age of thirty-eight Guru Gobind Singh
met, baptised and appointed him commander of the Khalsa. Thus, Banda
Singh had travelled from north to south and back again, and he had seen
236
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
all the destruction, rape and rapine of the Mughal Emperors and nobles.
The Rajput spirit was throbbing in him. It was lying dormant under an
ash-smeared skin. This spirit was roused by Guru Gobind Singh and
retaliation was a natural consequence. 10 Thereafter, during the
momentous period from 1708 A.D. to 1715 A.D., the Sikhs under the able
leadership of Banda Singh Bahadur waged long-drawn battles against
the tyrannical and oppressive Mughal officers and the emperors, united
the warring people of Punjab, freeing the tiller of the land from the
clutches of the tyrant Zamindars, and thus established the pioneer
commonwealth of the Khalsa. Banda Singh Bahadur as commander of the
Khalsa, liberated a large part of Punjab and made his headquarter at
Mukhlispur, renamed Lohgarh. He introduced an official seal and struck
coins in the name of Guru Gobind Singh and Guru Nanak. He also
introduced a new Sammat, or year, commencing with the victory of
Sarhind. He commanded a big army and appointed new officials (Sikhs,
Hindus and Muslims) to run the administration in place of tyrants and
corrupt officials. Nonetheless, he always declared himself to be a Banda
or slave of the Tenth Guru and the coins, seals, hukamnama testify to his
ungrudging and unflinching devotion to the Guru and the Khalsa. That
is why, he had left behind, such a splendid legacy as the first commander
of the Sikh pioneer state that the inscription of his seal was later adopted
in toto by the Sikh Sardars of the misals, for their coins. Thus the aim of
Banda Singh Bahadur was not merely to weaken the Mughal power, but
to destroy it root and branch, and to establish in its place national rule
or self-government, which he did, though for a short period. Banda
Singh was the first to lay the foundation of political sovereignty of the
Sikhs. He had brought about a revolution in the minds of the people.
Banda Singh was a great reformer. He broke down the barriers of
caste, creed, and religion. He appointed sweepers and cobblers as big
officers (revenue collectors) before whom high caste Hindus, Brahmins
and Kshatriyas stood with folded hands awaiting their orders. He
believed in socialism. He distributed all his riches among his followers.
He abolished the Zamindari system and freed the peasants from the tyrant
Zamindars. He was opposed to the use of intoxicants and drugs. He
prohibited drinking of bhang and wine and smoking of tobacco or charas
which was clear from his hukamnama to the Sangat of Jaunpur. Banda
Singh possessed the high ideals of life, sincerity, honesty, indomitable
spirit, undoubted enthusiasm, rare daring, single-minded devotion to his
cause, dare-devilry of the highest type, and nobility of character. It was
for this reason that none of his over seven hundred followers renounced
his faith to save his life. Even a young lad who had been pardoned by
Epilogue
237
the Emperor refused to leave Banda Singh in the face of death. In the
words of Hari Ram Gupta: "Banda Singh showed that the only way to
meet the eternal foe was to adopt the policy of paying them in their own
coin, a tooth, for a tooth and an eye for an eye, and to pay off old scores.
The Sikhs learnt this lesson from Banda Singh and admirably succeeded
in establishing their own rule in their homeland." 11
Banda Singh Bahadur was one of the most unforgettable characters
in medieval Indian history whose role has not yet been put into right
perspective before the people of this country. The leadership of the Sikhs
in their fight against the tyrannical Mughal officers of the Subas of Delhi
and Lahore after the assassination of Guru Gobind Singh, was assumed
by him at the behest of the Tenth Guru as commander of the Khalsa and
he lived and died for it. Banda Singh Bahadur, taking advantage of the
distracted state of the empire, gradually became very powerful in
Punjab. He created armies out of the void as it were, to fight the
Mughals, and united the scattered atoms like the Sikhs under his
leadership into an almost invincible army out for conquest and
expansion. Like their leader, his army was absolutely fearless and
determined to resist all types of hazards. They even believed in
mounting offensives against the evil doers and oppressors. That is why
they drew considerable support from the poor masses. His soldiers
belonged to Hinduism, Sikhism and Islam. But Banda Singh Bahadur
infused among them the spirit of equality, brotherhood and
fraternization. Commenting on this aspect of Banda Singh Bahadur's
influence, Ghulam Mohyuddin, a contemporary of Banda Singh, writes
that low caste Hindus, termed as the dreg of society by the hellish
Hindus, swelled the ranks of Banda Singh. 12
Banda Singh Bahadur was a first rate Sikh warrior of his times like
his master, he was a champion of the persecuted and the downtrodden
and raised the lowest of the low to the highest position under his
government. He carried on a relentless war against the Mughals, no
doubt, but he never allowed it to be reduced to an anti-Muslim
communal strife. His was a political struggle for the freedom of the
country and he was able to draw a line between religion and politics. He
made no distinction between Hindu, Sikh and Muslim. Whosoever
suffered at the hands of the Mughal officials received his sympathy and
help. Within a month of his conquest of Sarhind, he appointed one Jan
Mohammad, Zamindar of Gulab Nagar, as the administrator of the
pargana, and he also desired him to bring in Sardar Khan of Choondla.
His programme of liberation of the oppressed peasantry attracted as
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Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
many as five thousand Muslims to join his army and it was reported to
Emperor Bahadur Shah on April 28, 1711, A.D., from the neighbourhood
of Kalanaur that the Sikh leader had allowed his Muslim adherents
fullest religious liberty of recitation and prayer Fang, khutba and namaz —
in the Sikh military camps. This speaks volumes of his attitude towards
the Muslims. Banda Singh Bahadur was one of the great soldiers and
generals of his time. The successive victories of his forces over the
imperial forces in the Subas of Delhi and Lahore in early 1709, A.D.,
single him out as an outstanding leader of men. It was not only the
Faujdars of these Subas whom he had to reckon with, but also to combat
the combined onslaught of the army of the Mughal emperors and the
rulers of different states of the then Indian polity.
Banda Singh Bahadur had descended on Punjab to espouse the cause
of the oppressed, the weak and the downtrodden. Immediately on
reaching Kharkhoda, he had declared a "general war on all the
oppressors of the people, and by attending in right earnest to the
complaints of the aggrieved, he let them understand that he was their
liberator commissioned by providence to release them from their
centuries-old servitude". 13 From the very beginning, Banda Singh
initiated his struggle against the Mughal state and the intermediary
Zamindars. This made masses to sympathise with him as he was fighting
for the redressal of their long overdue demands. Peasants, in particular,
turned sympathisers and quite a big segment of them joined the Khalsa.
The impact of this event on the farming community was at once deep
and widespread because "they found in it their deliverance from the
feudal vexations and political servitude of the Mughals". 14 Commenting
on how Banda Singh Bahadur could rally people around him, Fauja
Singh says that his "general promise at the very outset of his campaign
to distribute the conquered lands among those who would fight for him,
and his land reforms after the conquest of Sarhind, popularised his cause
and made him the rallying point of the poor agricultural classes, thereby
broadening the base of his movement. As a result, he was able to
mobilise a huge mass of people for the execution of his grandiose
plans". 15
The movement of Banda Singh against the tyrants and oppressive
Mughal officers and the Emperor, also had the active support of the vast
majority of the Punjabi Hindus in addition to the Sikhs, who joined it in
large numbers and for a time gave it the semblance of a Hindu resistance
against the onslaught of Islam. This was particularly so in the years
following the death of Guru Gobind Singh, when the Muslim ruling
Epilogue
239
class exploited the religious sentiments of the Muslim masses against the
Hindus and the Sikhs. 16 "Masses began to flock to the camp of Banda
Singh Bahadur, men in arms came to join his colours, women to seek his
blessings for their families. He preached sermons and gave benedictions.
Having an avowed contempt for worldly goods, he gave away the
offerings people placed before him. As stories of his piety and generosity
spread, more men and money began to pour in." 17 In the same way,
encouraged by the response, Banda Singh's open proclamation further
swelled the number of his supporters. He had proclaimed general
protection to anyone "threatened by thieves, dacoits or highway robbers,
troubled by Mohammadan bigots, or in any way subjected to injustice or
ill-treatment". In the absence of law and order, particularly in the
villages, the poor heaved a sigh of relief and the masses began to pour
into Banda Singh's camp. Banda Singh's liberal approach to men and
matters, his purity and simplicity of character and conduct, his valour
and coolness even in dire difficulties, made him champion of the
downtrodden, irrespective of their caste, clan or religion. They also
reciprocated these feelings in abundance and came forward to live and
die with him.
Commenting on the support to Banda Singh Bahadur by the
populace of the then Punjab province, Muzaffar Alam 18 says that the Jats
of Rohtak-Sonepat region extended him full support when he appeared
near Kharkhanda. Besides, a large number of Jats of the parganas along
either side of the Beas and the Ravi and the Shah Nahar (the royal canal),
sympathised and acted in collusion with the Sikhs of Banda Singh. 19 The
Jats of Bari Doab supplied arms and horses to Banda Singh Bahadur
during the entire period of his struggle against the Mughals. Chakla
Sarhind was the second largest and the most important region where
Banda Singh Bahadur had a strong following, and this enabled him to
make it the base for his operations beyond the Yamuna and the Beas.
Even at moments of extreme difficulties when the Sikhs ran off into the
hills he could depend on the supply of provisions for his army from
Chakla Sarhind. In the words of Khafi Khan, it becomes clear that, with
some exceptions, Banda Singh led predominantly the uprisings of the
Jats. It is not without significance that the Jats were the dominant caste
in some of the parganas where Banda Singh had support. 20 The question
arises why did the Jats extend their support to Banda Singh Bahadur and
to what religion did they belong, Muzaffar Alam says: "Our sources do
not help us in identifying the religion of these Jats. They may or may not
have been the followers of Guru Gobind Singh." 21 They extended
support and cooperation to Banda Singh because "the Jats had begun to
240
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
displace the Khatris from the leadership in Sikh religion" by the sixth
decade of the 17th century. Eventually with the extension of agricultural
activities and establishment of the Khalsa, they renewed their attempts
with added vigour. At the time of writing the Dabistan-i-Mazahib, its
author noted that although the Gurus had been Khatri, "they have made
the Khatris subservient to the Jats who are the lowest among the Vaishya.
Thus, most of the big masands of the Gurus are Jats." 22 Banda Singh
Bahadur-led Sikh uprising gave the Jats an opportunity not only to take
over the leadership of the locality but also gave a chance to use their
arms to replace the tyrannical local Mughal officials.
The Mughal rule was subjected to a changed socio-economic
conditions within the Empire, in particular what is called the Jagirdari
crisis which was one of the fundamental problems of the decaying
Empire. 23 The political needs of the Empire compelled the Emperor to
make new recruitment from among the nobility in the Deccan and this
resulted in a considerable increase in the numerical strength of the
Jagirdars (nobility). The military needs of the Empire led to continued
grants of mansabs to the newcomers. So a stage arrived when, though
mansabs were awarded, Jagif& y could not be given. 24 Moreover, rise in the
requirements of the ruling class without a corresponding rise in the
agricultural production, resulted directly in the growth of economic
pressure on the producing classes 25 The periodic transfer of Jagirs which
was meant to prevent the nobles from forming local ties and becoming
autonomous potentates, was rigidly adhered to throughout the reign of
Aurangzeb. But this system of Jagir transfers led to oppression by the
Jagirdars and this oppression made peasants or Jats very miserable and
rebellious. 26
The medieval Indian economy was basically rural agricultural and
Punjab was an integral part of this economy 27 The Jagirdari crisis of the
Mughal government also affected the Punjabi peasants who suffered
from intense oppression and tyrannical system of the Jagirdars and scions
of the ruling classes. The Zamindars or government officials responsible
for the payment of fixed land revenue of the villages entrusted to them,
had come to arrogate to themselves the position of absolute proprietors
who could turn out the actual cultivator at their sweet will. 28 The
authorities did not interfere in their internal arrangements so long as
they paid their contributions regularly. They were free to exact any
amount from the peasants or Jats who were practically reduced to the
position of slaves. 29 These exactions from the peasantry were so
repressive and arbitrary that they caused widespread discontent. Thus,
Epilogue
241
seething with discontent and deprivation of their traditional rights in
land, the Punjabi peasantry, fully conscious of the conditions, was
awaiting a leadership to make a bid not merely to resist the oppressive
and tyrannical authority of the Mughal bureaucratic structure, but also
to establish an autonomous state on the traditional model. 30 Dr. Satish
Chandra writes that the Sikhs endeavoured to establish "a . . . kind of
equalitarian society with a peasant-clans-basis with heavy ethical
overtones". 31
It was at this juncture that Banda Singh Bahadur appeared as the
political leader of the Khalsa with a motive to fight against the oppressive
imperial officials. On reaching Punjab he perceived that only by
mobilizing discontended peasantry could he succeed in his mission. He
issued a proclamation offering protection to tillers of the soil and asked
them to stop paying revenue to the government which could not save
them from the clutches of landlords or Zamindars. The proclamation was
like a spark in a highly inflammable situation. The peasantry of Malwa
rose against the Zamindars and local officials. 32 These peasants always
stood by him. With the support of these peasants Banda Singh achieved
marvellous successes in his military exploits, and soon became the
undisputed master of the territory from Sadhaura to Raikot and from
Machhiwara and Ludhiana to Karnal. 33 After establishing a Sikh state, he
abolished the Zamindari system. 3 * In his seven stormy years, Banda Singh
changed the class structure of landholdings in the southern half of the
big Muslim Zamindar families of Malwa and Jullundur Doab. Large
estates were broken up into small holdings in the hands of the Sikhs or
Hindu peasants which may be described as Riayah Khud Kashta peasants.
Getting inspirations from Banda Singh's achievement, peasants of Doaba
revolted and defeated the Mughal Faujdar at Rahon. Soon they captured
Jullundur and Hoshiarpur and by the autumn 1710, A.D., they liberated
whole of the Jullundur Doab. 35 The revolt spread across the Sutlej over
the whole of Majha region. Within a short period, Punjab became like a
surging sea of free peasantry with only two small Islands of Mughal
authority in its midst — the capital city of Lahore and the Afghan town of
Kasur 36 From Yamuna to the Ravi and beyond, the only person who
mattered was Banda Singh, and the only power that commanded respect
was that of the peasant armies. 37
In the words of A.C. Banerji, Banda Singh's struggle was in some
respect a class war, and was almost entirely a peasant movement. Under
the movement, the Zamindars were ejected from their lands and the tillers
of the soil became owners. The result was a sudden socio-economic
242
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
upheaval. 38 It may be mentioned that the creation of the Khalsa on the
model of village panchayats provided an agency for making the masses
conscious of the need to preserve their traditional social organisation, for
launching a struggle against tyranny and oppression of the semi-feudal
Mughal bureaucratic structure. During those days when the economic
links were too weak to create a movement of the masses without
leadership, it was essential to have a leader to rally round. The vacuum
was filled by Banda Singh Bahadur.
Thus the Jagirdari crisis left the peasants with no other alternative but
to create a power structure which suited the immediate needs of the
peasant society which, of course, was compatible with the Khalsa
organisation. The latter was the source of inspiration and determined the
course and character of the movement. Therefore, it may be said that the
perceptions of the conditions of the masses and the tradition of the
Khalsa to resist tyranny, complemented each other. These two factors
integrated the Sikh peasants' struggle against the Mughal authority in
the region during most of the 18th century.
In the beginning, the trading community represented by the Khatris
extended support to Banda Singh Bahadur and one of them named
"Gulaboo" even sacrificed himself to enable Banda Singh to make good
his escape from Lohgarh in 1710 A.D. Since the Khatris and the Jats had
altogether divergent political and economic interests in the continued
struggle against the Mughals, there arose rift amongst them. Whereas,
the Jats were beneficiaries of the Sikh uprising in the sense that they
finished off the oppressive intermediaries and became masters of their
landholdings, the interests of. the Khatri merchants were closely linked
with the continued political stability and maintenance of imperial
authority. When the peasant uprising spearheaded by Banda Singh
began to cause considerable loss to the trading and merchant class and
the moneylenders, they began to extend support to the Mughals. The
urban Khatris residing in important trading centres like Lahore, Sialkot,
Bajwara, Haibatpur, Patti, Batala, Ropar, Samana, etc., financed the
voluntary efforts of the pro-imperial elements to fight against Banda
Singh Bahadur and his supporters. The services of the Khatris were duly
acknowledged, and some of them like Suba Chand, Rattan Chand,
Mohakam Singh, Bakht Mai and others were appointed to important
positions in imperial services under Jahandar Shah and Farrukh Siyar. 39
In addition to these Jats (peasants), the Banjaras — a class of grain
dealers — also helped Banda Singh. They always tried to maintain the
Epilogue
243
supply of provisions to Banda Singh's army even when they were
besieged in a fort. 40 In the hills also, they supplied him with the needed
provisions and also acted as informers for him. 41 Some Hindu faqirs,
yogis, sanyasis and bairagis actively espoused the cause of Banda Singh by
working as spies in the imperial camp and then conveying the news to
Banda Singh Bahadur about the moves of the imperial forces before-
hand. 42 Some unidentified people also extended help to the cause of
Banda Singh Bahadur. It is reported that some people purchased horses
and ammunition to be delivered to the Sikh rebels and they carried the
same through the Kohistan. The Emperor ordered that immediate steps
should be taken to check the movements of these spies and the
foodgrains and ammunition to the rebels. "If captured, they should be
punished." 43
The oppressed Hindus looked upon Banda Singh as the champion of
Hinduism and he was regarded by "the Hindu as the scourge of the
tyrant Mughals sent by God to punish them for their crimes. Oppressed
Hindus resorted to him for help which was willingly and efficiently
given, a fact which had a great influence in promoting the growth of the
Sikh power". 44 Same was true with the Muslim followers of Banda Singh
Bahadur who extended them fullest security of life and property as well
as ensured religious freedom to them. In fact, Banda Singh Bahadur was
a man of the masses whom they obeyed ungrudgingly and blindly, and
when he asked his followers to lay down arms, not one disobeyed him
and piled up their arms before him and doors were opened unto the
enemy to face sure death. 45
Banda Singh Bahadur was a first-rate Sikh warrior of his times. He
was a devoted military commander of the Khalsa. Commenting on Banda
Singh as a warrior, Dr. Ganda Singh writes: "In the field of battle, he was
one of the bravest and the most daring, sometimes to the extent of
recklessness." 46 He had the gift of quick mental appraisal. In the
battlefield, he could appreciate the situation very quickly, thus decide his
objective and make out his plan at once. Having made a simple and
straightforward plan, he executed it with speed, determination and
vigour, without wasting a single minute. His speed, alertness, immediate
dash in the battlefield, were some of the causes of his success.
Banda Singh Bahadur had mastered the tactics and strategy of war of
his time. His chief tactic was to assess the strength of the enemy first and
then fight. He fought a battle only when he was sure of his superior
strength and victory, and he preferred retreat and be on the defensive rather
244
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
than flee after fighting. To quote Karam Singh, historian: "His approach
in the war was that if he did not have sufficient men for the fight, then
he retreated before the fight. He preferred retreat to defeat in the battle.
His retreat cannot be taken as flight, but it was his tactics of war." 47
Another war tactic of Banda Singh was that he first appraised which
side of the enemy was weak. Then he attacked them at their weak points
which could turn the table in his favour. Similarly, surprise was another
fundamental of war tactics in which Banda Singh was never wanting. In
his battles with the imperial forces, he used to force surprise attacks. It
was in pursuance of this object that the Sikhs under Banda Singh used
to withdraw at times, giving an impression to the enemy that they were
beating a retreat under the pressure of enemy forces. But when some
imperial forces had followed Banda Singh and his fighters for 4 or 5
miles, and were cut off from their main force, Banda Singh and his
comrades used to turn around and fall upon the enemy, thus achieving
the effects of a surprise attack.
Commenting upon his war tactics, Bhai Sohan Singh writes: "In
military tactics he was the genius of his times. He fought in an open
field, when he considered his strength sufficient enough for an open
encounter, otherwise he took shelter in a fort or shifted to the mountains.
But, personally, he was so fearless that he always went forward amidst
showers of shots and shells, never feeling in the least that his life was in
danger." 48
In his struggle against the Mughal rulers, Banda Singh observed
another principle of war — no hostilities be commenced without trying
the peaceful methods or without sending an ultimatum to the enemy. He
had the principle of sending a messenger to his enemy, calling upon him
to submit. On the latter 's refusal to do so, he launched an attack on
him. 49 Thus, the success of the Sikhs under Banda Singh was chiefly due
to their unhesitating dash and courage and strategy and tactics of which
he, in his short career, never lost sight of. Banda Singh's leadership and
his great successes proved a boon to the cause of Sikhism. It gave
Sikhism a prestige and power which had never yet been associated with
it. Those who had never heard the names of the Gurus were impressed
by the victories of Banda Singh and joined his ranks in thousands. 50 Even
the new entrants in his company were so overwhelmed by his qualities
that they smilingly sacrificed everything including their lives as did
Gulaboo 51 to save Banda Singh Bahadur's life during the siege of
Sadhaura and Lohgarh by Bahadur Shah in 1710 A.D. This sacrifice, like
Epilogue
245
that of thousands and thousands of others executed by the Mughals,
speaks of the influence of Banda Singh's exemplary leadership and lofty
character.
The key to the success of Banda Singh's war tactics lay in cool
planning, fearless moves, and aggressive strategy adopted by him
against the soft and easy going leadership of the Mughal army. In
addition to the guerilla type of warfare, called in Punjabi Dhai Phatt (two
and a half strokes), Banda Singh's war tactics included features like
surprise, mobility, concentration, economy of force, and security. His
movements were like a storm and their very swiftness constituted the
major element of surprise. 52 Banda Singh manoeuvred his offensive with
a well-planned strategy which was based on speed and mobility. What
he lacked in sinews of war, he made up by swift movements. Not
unoften, his adversaries were struck down by his dashing charges even
before they were aware of the danger facing them. 53
Thus, Banda Singh's grand successes at Kaithal, Samana, Sadhaura,
Sarhind, Saharanpur, Behat, Jalalabad and many other places speak
volumes of his ability. He moved from one direction to another like a
lightning. He was not dismayed by a reverse. He reorganised his forces
as soon as he lost a battle. He possessed a wonderful capacity to face
adverse situations. Many a time, he was found cutting through the
enemy lines cleverly when he fell short of manpower or provisions,
except at Gurdas Nangal where he surrendered instead. On this issue
even a difference of opinion had occurred between Binod Singh and
Banda Singh Bahadur, and ultimately Binod Singh left the Ahatta. He
rode out of the enclosure and with sword in hand he cut through the
besiegers all alone and was off in an instant. Thus, one thing is very
surprising that when cutting through the enemy lines was good Sikh
war tactic in emergencies, why was it abandoned at Gurdas Nangal?
Why was not Baba Binod Singh's advice heeded? Surprisingly, the
number of Sikh soldiers left were very small and the arms and
ammunition which fell into the enemy hands, hardly justified the action
of Banda Singh — not to leave the haveli. Dr. Ganda Singh writes:
"Apparently the difference of opinion arose in a council of war over the
proposal of evacuating the enclosure and following their old tactics of
cutting through the enemy lines for a place of safety. Banda Singh, it
seems, was not in favour of it, for reasons best known to him." So
Dr. Ganda Singh's reason is not very convincing and there is a need for
further research on the issue. But this issue does not find favour in the
246
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
contemporary sources. Some hypothesis can be developed using later
sources in favour or against Banda Singh's decision.
The ten Gurus enunciated principles and Guru Gobind Singh had set
the seal of his sanction on the use of sword if the cause of justice and
righteousness could not be otherwise vindicated. It must also be
remembered that ideas are the essential basis for action. But behind ideas
there must be men with the character and discipline to translate them
into results. No one can be true to his mission or creed if he seeks
satisfaction from mere brave ideas and in criticism of others who do not
argue with him. That is the way of facile intellectual opportunism. Every
achievement requires character and discipline and united action and
readiness to sacrifice the individual self for the larger cause. Banda Singh
removed the fear from the hearts of the downtrodden and gave them
heart to strike against their oppressors. The following incident goes on
to depict how much Banda Singh dared to transform the psychology of
a sullen and terrified people. When a deputation of peasants called on
him at Sadhaura, complaining against the tyrannies of Muslim
Zamindars, he asked his bodyguard to shoot the complainants. When
questioned respectfully as to how the aggrieved deserved such a
treatment, he answered: "You are so many and your oppressors so few.
Is it not a shame that instead of dispossessing them, you should make a
grievance of your own helplessness?" The complainants did as they were
bidden to. 55 And the examples of this type multiplied when the news
spread like a wild fire in the villages of Punjab. Banda Singh is
remembered with great honour and full respect not only by the Sikhs but
also by all lovers of humanity and socio-economic and political justice.
He was a patriot par excellence, a devout Sikh, and an ardent freedom-
fighter. In the words of Ganda Singh: "Next to the Guru, Banda Singh
was the first person to place before the Sikhs a practical demonstration
of staunch nationalism and to teach them to sacrifice themselves
smilingly at the altar of the Khalsa."
The secret of his success, writes Dr. Ganda Singh, lay in his
indomitable courage and unsurpassable activity, coupled with the
invincible spirit and dogged tenacity of the Sikhs, which fully
supplemented his meagre resources. These were, of course, backed by
that strength and consistency which religious zeal alone could supply
and which purity of motives and disinterested patriotism could only
nourish. Even when reduced to extreme frustration, no sorrow and no
disappointment could weigh him down, and he was always in Chardhian
Kalan (an exalted spirit), as a Sikh would put it. 56
Epilogue
247
Banda Singh Bahadur took the leadership of the Khalsa at a time
when India was passing through a series of political convulsions after
the death of Aurangzeb. In fact, the eighteenth century was a period of
turmoil, struggle and serious conflicts in the history of India. In its first
two decades, several war of successions were fought between the
Mughal princes, leading to a deplorable state of affairs in the empire.
During this period the centrifugal forces that had been kept under
control so far, intensified their attempts to end the strong, unified but
oppressive Mughal administration. Under the wave of regeneration and
reaction, the Jats around Delhi, Agra, the Marathas in Maharashtra, and
the Rajputs in Rajasthan revolted with added vigour and staked their
claims for sovereignty in their respective regions and to play an
important role in the ever-crumbling Mughal empire. So far as the Sikhs
were concerned, they had made their presence felt earlier also, but it was
Banda Singh Bahadur who turned their slowly germinating desire of
attaining sovereignty to reality by capturing the major chunks of
territory between the Sutlej and the Yamuna. Thus Banda Singh was able
to establish a Sikh state, though for a short period of time.
The most difficult and risky adventure to establish Sikh sovereignty
to which Banda Singh had committed himself heart and soul, could only
be successfully carried out had either the Mughal empire been extremely
so weak or had he received close cooperation of all the sections of society
of Punjab, including the neighbouring hill rulers. In this connection,
Dr. Ganda Singh writes: "If he failed in his temporal achievement of
maintaining the principality that he had carved out at the
commencement of warlike career, it is because the Great Mughal was yet
too strong for him with the inexhaustible temporal resources of the then
greatest empire of the world at his disposal. Whether at Sadhaura, or at
Gurdas Nangal, it was the overwhelming number and the extremes of
hunger, want of food and fodder, that reduced him. About the
implements and ammunition of war, the less said the better. Not only
this, the Khalsa had to stand the brunt of the struggle single-handed. Not
even a single prominent ruler from amongst the Hindus came out to
render them any help whatever. On the other hand, leading Hindu chiefs
like Raja Chhatarsal Bundela, Chauraman Jat, Gopal Singh Bhadauriya,
Udet Singh Bundela, Badan Singh Bundela, Bachan Singh Kachhwaha,
the Rajas of the Shiwalik hills and others were all arrayed against
them." 57
In the beginning of this movement, victories and dazzling successes
were facilitated by the combined efforts of Banda Singh Bahadur and his
248
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
followers who had rallied after centuries of subjection to fight against
their oppressors and to conquer. Banda Singh received help and support
of almost all sections of society including the ruling elite such as big
landlords, Zamindars, merchants, and even some rulers of the hill states
of Punjab. As the imperial government took severe steps against the
rebels and the revolt continued for longer time than expected, the
merchants' and trading community's interests began to suffer and they
changed their loyalty. Now they, including the Khatris in government
service, big landlords and rulers of the hill states, began to extend full
cooperation to the imperial forces in their efforts to tame Banda Singh
and his associates. But, throughout the course of this struggle he derived
strength from the toiling downtrodden and peasants, irrespective of their
religious affiliation. But these people were not trained soldiers in regular
warfare. As compared to the Mughal army, "his force was never superior
to them numerically, nor had it the munition of war in plenty. Where the
Mughal forces were armed with zamburaks, rathkalas and light and heavy
guns, the Sikhs had spears, swords, Samjangee, and so on". Thus, with
a small quantity of munitions and small number of men, it was difficult
for Banda Singh and his comrades to continue the struggle. Commenting
on the failure of the movement, Dr. Indu Banga says: "In spite of his
being a competent strategist and a shrewd tactician, Banda Singh
Bahadur proved unsuccessful in his bid against the imperial
government. His failure was not due to any flaw in his generalship, but
the other factors such as shortage of resources, the numerical
disadvantage, organisational defects of the Sikhs, superiority of the
Mughals in manpower and war material, defective army organisation
under Banda Singh, and4he gradual alienation of upper classes from his
cause." 58
The Royal Mughal Court journal (Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Ma'ulla)
contains several entries which help us discern the attitude of different
' segments of the society towards the cause being espoused by him. An
analysis of the news reports makes it clear that the Zamindars (chiefs)
beyond the territory of Punjab did not cooperate with Banda Singh,
notwithstanding their own disputes with the Mughal authorities in their
respective areas. The Zamindars of Saharanpur actively supported the
imperial forces in their effort to drive the Sikhs out of Yamuna-Ganga
Doab. The Rajputs, the Gujjar and with some possible exceptions the
Afghan Zamindars (chiefs) of the Sikh strongholds consistently supported
the Mughal campaigns against Banda Singh. Isa Khan, a Mein Rajput
Zamindar of Bist Jullundur, was appointed Deputy Faujdar of the Doab on
account of his services to the Mughals against the Sikhs. The Khweshgi
Epilogue
249
Afghans of Kasur were, likewise, honoured. The Afghans not only
fought against Banda Singh but also served as propagandists of the
Mughals trying to enlist the Muslim Zamindars and masses in the Jehad
against non-Muslims. It was not surprising that the wrath of the Sikhs in
some cases was directed particularly against the Afghans. 59
Banda Singh had struggled hard to inspire his men to fight against
the Mughal tyranny, but, in the end, he failed. Success is never a good
measure to judge the greatness of a man. Greatness lies in the struggle.
Those who fight for principles never measure the chances of success or
failure in the worldly manner. The career of Banda Singh had greater
promise in it than what was effected, but it was soon cut short.
Externally, he may not appear to have succeeded in the emancipation of
his people, but like Shivaji and Maharaja Suraj Mai and Guru Gobind
Singh, he ignited the fire of independence in his region which, "though
smothered for a time could not be extinguished". Though independence
came to Punjab much later, it was Banda Singh Bahadur who first taught
the Punjabis to fight, conquer and establish their independent rule in
Punjab after centuries of subjection. It was because of the exploits of
Banda Singh that "a will was created in the ordinary masses of the
Punjab to resist tyranny and to live and die for a national cause". And
it was the result of this will that the Hindus and the Sikhs together drove
out the Afghans and the Mughals in 1763-64 A.D. out of their homeland
and thus achieved freedom which they had come to regard as their birth
right.
Though Banda Singh met with a tragic end, and for a few years after
his death the Sikhs were hunted out, he occupies a very high place in the
history of Punjab. Guru Gobind Singh's mission to be served through
Banda Singh cannot be said to have failed. In this connection, Payne
writes: "The mission of Guru Gobind Singh had not failed. Scattered and
disorganised though they (Sikhs) were without a leader (after Banda
Singh), without a square of land they could call their own, the Sikhs
were nearer to nationality at this time than they had ever been. Hardship
and persecution had served only to strengthen their attachment to their
faith and to draw them into yet closer unity. They now regarded
themselves as distinct people. They believed in their destiny, as foretold
by Guru Gobind Singh, and the one determination from which they
never swerved was to struggle unceasingly for the triumph of the
Khalsa."™
According to Ganda Singh, Banda Singh was the first man to deal a
250
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
severe blow to the intolerant rule of the Mughals in Punjab and to turn
the first sod in the conquest of that province by the Sikhs. Although it
was forty years after his death that the capital of Lahore was occupied
by the Khalsa, and a regular Sikh Badshahat was declared with Sardar
Jassa Singh Ahluwalia as Padshah, it was Banda Singh Bahadur who laid
the foundation of the Sikh empire in 1710 A.D. 61 Paying his tribute to
Banda Singh/ the author of Banda the Brave writes: "Banda Singh died like
a true and gallant warrior and had before his death most admirably
accomplished the noble task the tenth Guru had entrusted him with." 62
I would like to sum up with the memorable words of Dr. Ganda Singh:
"His (Banda Singh) name shall ever remain writ large on the roll of
immortality for his selfless sacrifices in the sacred cause of persecuted
humanity and for his martyrdom with unflinching devotion to God and
the Guru." 63
Notes and References
1. Gupta, Hari Ram, History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, p. 36.
2. Tarikh-i-Iradat Khan, p. 146. Harisi, Ibratnamah, p. 62. Kanwar Khan, op. cit., pp.
179-80. William Irvine, op. cit., pp. 318-19.
3. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 36.
4. Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur, Amritsar, 1907, p. 193.
5. Sohan Singh, Banda the Brave, Lahore, 1915, p. 151.
6. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 195.
7. M'Gregor W.L., The History of the Sikhs, London, 1846, p. 111.
8. Malcolm, John, History of the Sikhs, London, 1812, p. 79.
9. Narang, G.C., op. cit., New Delhi, 1960, pp. 111-12.
10. Gupta, Hari Ram, op. cit., p. 38.
11. Ibid., p. 37.
12. Jagjit Singh, The Sikh Revolution — A Perspective View, quoted by Raj Pal Singh, op.
cit., p. 89.
13. Fauja Singh, "Some Critical Periods of Sikh History," The Punjab, Past and Present,
Vol. XI-IL October 1977, p. 331.
14. S.S. Gandhi, quoted by Raj Pal Singh, op. cit., p. 382.
15. Fauja Singh, op. cit., p.. 382.
16. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 98.
17. Ibid., p. 103.
Epilogue
251
18 Muzaffar Alam, Sikh Uprisings under Banda Singh Bahadur, 1708-1715 A.D., the
Punjab Past and Present, Vol. XVI, 1 April 1982, p. 98.
19. Ibid., p. 96.
20. Ibid., p. 96.
21. Ibid., p. 95.
22. Punjab Past and Present, Vol. I, Part I, April 1967, p. 57.
23. Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, Delhi, 1972, p. XLIX.
24. M. Athar Ali, op. cit., p. 173.
25. Satish Chandra, op. cit., p. XLVL
26. M. Athar Ali, op. cit., p. 172.
27. Niharranjan Ray, The Sikh Gurus and Sikli Society, Patiala, Punjabi University, 1970,
p. 108.
28. Teja Singh and Ganda Singh, A Short History of the Sikhs, Patiala, Punjabi
University, 1989, p. 83.
29. Ibid., p. 87.
30. Inderjit Singh, The Sikhs and Indian Economy, Journal of Sikh Studies, Dept.
G.N.S., G.N.D. Univeristy, Amritsar, Vol. I, No. 2, 1974, p. 54.
31. Satish Chandra, op. cit., p. 51.
32. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., Vol. I, Delhi 1987, p. 108.
33. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 67.
34. Ibid., p. 71.
35. Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 118.
36. Ibid., p. 109.
37. Ibid.
38. A.C. Banerji, The Khalsa Raj, Delhi, 1985, p. 33.
39. Satish Chandra, op. cit., p. 68. Also see Harpreet Kaur, "Analysis of the Liberation
Movement under Banda Singh Bahadur against the Mughals", in The Punjab, Past
and Present, October 1983. Also see Muzaffar Alam, op. cit., pp. 170-75.
40. Khafi Khan, Elliot and Dowson, History of India as Told by Its Own Historians,
Vol. VII, p. 454.
41. Akhbarat, dated August 10, 1714 A.D. and July 3, 1715 A.D.
42. Ibid., dated July 3, 1715 A.D.
43. Ibid.
44. Narang, G.C., op. cit., p. 103.
45. Gopal Singh, op. cit., p. 356.
46. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 252.
252
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
47. Karam Singh, op. cit., p. 199.
48. Sohan Singh, Banda the Brave, p. 151.
49. This can be corroborated from the writings of Karam Singh, historian.
50. G.C. Narang, op. cit., p. 111.
51. According to Khafi Khan, Gulaboo was a tobacco dealer in the Mughal army that
invaded Lohgarh under Bahadur Shah.
52. Fauja Singh, op. cit., p. 386.
53. Ibid., pp. 386-87.
54. Dr. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 172. He quoted Sarup Chand, Mahma Prakash, Karam
Singh, op. cit., p. 126-77. Macauliffe, op. cit., p. ,252.
55. Gopal Singh, op. cit., p. 357.
56. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 208.
57. Ibid., p. 209.
58. Indu Banga, "Formation of Regional State in Medieval India — a Study of Punjab under
Sikh Rule". Proceedings of Indian History Congress 43rd session, Kurukshetra,
1982, p. 824. Also see Fauja Singh, "Some Critical Period of Sikh History", Punjab
Past and Present, Vol. XI-II, October 1977, p. 331.
59. Muzaffar Alam, "Sikh uprisings under Banda Bahadur, 1708-1715 A.D.", in The
Punjab, Past and Present, Vol. XVI-I, April, 1982, p. 98.
60. Payne, C.H., A Short History of the Sikhs, p. 47.
61. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 286.
62. Sohan Singh, op. cit., p. 152.
63. Ganda Singh, op. cit., p. 257.
Epilogue
253
Appendix
Family Tree of Banda Singh Bahadur
BANDA SINGH BAHADUR
i
AJAI SINGH
RANJIT SINGH
JUJHAR SINGH
i
JORAWAR SINGH
FATEH SINGH
I
SAHIB SINGH
SUCHET SINGH
ARJAN SINGH
KHARAK SINGH
DAYA SINGH
1
AMIR SINGH
PAHAR SINGH
TEJA SINGH
ATTAR SINGH
SOHAN SINGH
SURJAN SINGH
i
SARDUL SINGH
JATINDER PAL SINGH
(PRESENT GADDI NASHIN)
1. The Holy Takht Hazur Sahib, Nanded
(Dufing day time).
2. The Holy Takht Hazur Sahib, Nanded
(During night time).
3. Gurudwara Banda Ghat, Nanded.
4. Facade, Gurudwara Banda Ghat, Nanded.
10. A way to the Fort of Lohgarh.
12. Morcha No. I, Fort of Lohgarh.
14. The author and Nihang Singh of the Gurudwara, coming down
from the Fort of Lohgarh.
16. Remnants of the Morcha, Fort of Lohgarh.
/
20. Late Dr. Ganda Singh (Historian) and his team of- surveyors including
Late Principal Gurcharan Singh and Dr. Mohinder Singh studying the
foundation of Lohgarh Fort in 1969 A.D.
22. Dera Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Reasi (J & K).
i
<
i
/-
24. Canopy of Dera Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Reasi (J & K).
26. Painting of Guru Gobind Singh and his disciples on one of the walls
of Dera Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Reasi (J & K).
of Dera Sahib, Reasi
(J & K)
30. Beri tree in the
courtyard of Dera Sahib,
where Banda Singh
Bahadur used to meditate
on Nam-Simran.
32. Baba Jatinder Pal
Singh [Gaddi Nashin) in
front of the Samadhi of
Baba Ranjit Singh, Dera
Sahib,
Reasi (J & K).
34. Mughal Paintings on the inner walls of Bangla Sahib or Samadhi
Baba Ranjit Singh, Dera Sahib, Reasi (J & K).
<
36. Weapons of Banda Singh Bahadur at Dera Sahib, Reasi (J & KJ
(1) Gurj, (2) Sri Sahib, (3) Khanda, (4) Kirch.
38. Baba Sardul Singh, 9th
Gaddi Nashin, Dera Banda
Singh Bahadur,
Reasi (J & K).
40. Gurudwara, Haveli Bhai Duni Chand, Langar Hall and
Sarovar at Gurdas Nangal.
42. Entrance gate to the
Dargah Khawaja Qutab-ud-
Din Bakhtlyar Kakl,
Mehraull, Delhi.
44. Facade of the
Gurudwara 'Shaheedi
Asthcui, Mehrauli, Delhi.
48. New Gurudwara
ShaheediAsthan, Banda
Singh Bahadur and its
Bhaiji, Mehrauli, Delhi.
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, Hukamname, Guru Sahiban, Mata Sundari, Banda Singh Ate Khalsaji
de, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1967.
Giani Gian Singh, Panth Parkash, Delhi, 1880.
Giani Kirpal Singh, Sri Guru Panth Parkash, Vol. IV, Amritsar, 1974.
Gill, Mohinder Kaur, Sobhavantian, Delhi, 1998.
Gurcharan Singh, "Banda Singh Bahadur, (1670-1716)," Sis Ganj,
September 1987, pp. 34-47.
Bibliography
269
Harbhajan Singh, "Guru Nanak", Preet Lari (November 1969), Vol.
XXXVI, No. II, pp. 11-16.
Jodh Singh, Bhai, Gurmat Nirnay, Lahore Bookshop, Ludhiana.
Joginder Kaur, Mata, Baba Banda Bahadur, Chandigarh, 1964.
Kahan Singh Nabha, Guru Sabad Ratnakar Mahan Kosh, (2nd Ed.), Bhasha
Vibhag, Punjab, Patiala, 1960.
Kahn Singh, Gurmat Prabhakar, Amritsar.
Kanhayia Lai, Tarikh-i-Punjab (Urdu), Lahore, 1887, Translated into
Punjabi by Jit Singh Sittal, Patiala, 1968.
Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur Kaun Se, Amritsar, 1928.
Karam Singh, Banda Bahadur, Amritsar, 1907.
Kesar Singh Chibber, Bansavali Nama, Dasam Padshah, (MS) 1780 A.D.
Nihal Singh Ras, Banda Singh Bahadur, Amritsar.
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Satbir Singh, Atharvi Sadi Wich Veer Parampara da Vikas, Patiala, 1971.
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Sittal, Sohan Singh, Banda Singh Shaheed, Ludhiana, 1971.
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RESEARCH JOURNALS CONSULTED
❖ Journal of Indian History, University of Kerala, Trivandrum.
❖ Journal of the Muslim University, Aligarh.
❖ Journal of the Sikh Studies, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar.
❖ Khera, Bhai Vir Singh Sahitya Sadan, New Delhi.
270 Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
❖ Kurukshetra University Research Journal (Arts and Humanities).
❖ Proceedings of Indian History Congress.
❖ Proceedings of Punjab History Conference, Patiala.
❖ Sis Ganj, Delhi.
❖ Spokesman Weekly, New Delhi.
❖ Studies in Sikhism and Comparative Religion, Guru Nanak Foundation,
New Delhi.
❖ The Indian Historical Review, Indian Council of Historical Research,
New Delhi.
❖ The Journal of Religious Studies, Punjabi University, Patiala.
❖ The Punjab Past and Present, Patiala.
❖ The Sikh Review, Calcutta.
Index
Abul Fazl, 16
Adi Granth, 4, 18
Ahluwalia, Jassa Singh, 94
Akakam-e-Alamgiri, 78
Akal-bunga, 28
Akal Takht, 28-29
Akbar, 16
Akhbarat-i-Darbar-i-Ma'ulla, 131, 148
Aman-al-dahar, 152
Archer, John Clark, 91
Arjan Mai, 31
Aurangzeb, 42, 247
Baba Budha, 28
Babur, 7
Bagaris, 50
Bahadur, Guru Teg, 5
Bahadur Shah and Guru Gobind Singh,
1707 A.D.-1708 A.D., 87
Bahadur Shah and the Sikhs, 182
Bairagi, Madho Das, 87
Bakhshi, Gulab Singh, 227
Banda the Brave, 176
Bandi Chhor Baba, 33
Banerji, A.C., 8, 13, 241
Banga, Indu, 248
Battle of Kartarpur, 1635 A.D., 37
Battle of Amritsar, 35
Battle of Khidrana, 1705 A.D., 85
Battle of Hargobindpur, 1630 A.D., 36
Battle of Lahra and Gurusar, 1634 A.D.,
36
Battle of Phagwara, 1635 A.D., 38
Beg, Khalil, 36
Beg, Nawab Jaffar, 11
Bhai Bhagtu, 122
Bhai Jetha, 13
Bhakti, 4
Bibi Viro, 35
Bichitra Natak, 2
Bidhi Chand, 37
Bukhari, Shaikh Farid, 21, 30
Bundela, Udet Singh, 186, 247
Chand, Raja Kirpal, 84
Chappar-Chiri, 130
Chardhian Kalan, 246
Chaubarah, 85
Chaudharis, 14
Chhabra, G.S., 112
Chin, Amin Khan, 222
Dabistan-i-Mazahib, 240
Dadu Duara, 115
Darogha-i-Topkhana, 204
Das, Bhai Mati, 5
Das, Dyal, 48
Das, Mahant Kirpal, 62
Daswandh, 120
Datan Sahib, 85
Deol,.G.S., 149, 187
Deo, Raja Narsing, 43 .
Dev, Lachhman, 112
272
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Deva, Mata Sahib, 121
Deyell, John, 150
Dhai Phatt, 245
Dharma Yudha, 39
Dhirmalias, 54
Dhukhdhuki, 89
Diwan-i-Khas, 203
Doaba, 19
Early Years of Banda Singh Bahadur, 112
Establishment of Sikh State, 144
Fani, Mohsin, 36
Fateh Darshan, 147
Fateh Nama, 80
First Period, 1675 A.D. - 1699 A.D., 57
Conflict with Kahlur, 57
First Battle of Anandpur, 1682 A.D.,
59
Second Battle of Anandpur, 1685
A.D., 57
Battle of Bhangani, 1689 A.D., 61
Battle of Nadacun, 1690 A.D., 64
Rustam Khan's Expedition against
the Guru, 1691 A.D., 65
Expedition of Hussain Khan, 1693
A.D., 65
Battle between 1694-96 A.D., 66
Expedition of Jujahar Singh, 1697
A.D., 67
Prince Muazzam's march into the
Hills, 1698 A.D., 67
Battle with Alam Chand and Balia
Chand, 68
Fortification of Anandpur, 68
Gayatri Mantra, 12
Gobind Rai, 46
Gobind Rai Nanak Prastan, 86
Godly Imam, 20
Gupta, Hari Ram, 24, 93, 237
Gurbani, 12
Gurgaddi, 18
Gurmukhi, 17
Guru Amar Das, 1552 A.D. - 1574 A.D., 8
Guru Angad Dev, 1539 A.D. - 1552 A.D.,
7
Guru Arjan Dev, 1581 A.D. - 1606 A.D., 5,
14
Guru Gobind Singh and Aurangzeb, 1675
A.D. - 1707 A.D., 53
Guru Granth Sahib, 17
Guru Hargobind, 1606 A.D. - 1645 A.D.,
27
Guru Har Krishan, 1661 A.D. - 1664 A.D.,
41
Guru Har Rai, 1645 A.D. - 1661 A.D., 40
Guru Nanak, 1
Guru Ram Das, 1574 A.D. - 1581 A.D., 9,
14 1
Guru Tegh Bahadur, 1664 A.D. - 1675
A.D., 42
Hadiquat-i-aqalim, 149, 155
Haidri Flag, 173
Hari Mandir, 28
Haveli of Bhai Duni Chand, 215
Hindu Society, 10
History of Jahangir, 25
Holy Deliverer, 33
Hukamnamas, 119
Humayun, 7
Ibrat Nama, 216
Ijad, Muhammad Ahsan, 47
Irvine, William, 148
Jahangir 's Hatred for the Guru, 22
Jalal-ud-Din, 125
Jodha Bai, 21
Kachhwaha, Raja Jai Singh, 182
Kam Baksh, 124
Kaur, Bibi Sahib, 213
Kaur, Chamba Shushil, 219
Kaur, Krishan, 41
Khalifa, 57
Khalsa Panth, 155
Khalsa Raj, 161
Khalsa Sahib Bolo ji Wahiguru, 134
Khalsa Sangat, 89
Khan, Abd-us-Samad, 211
Khan, Alif, 72
Khan, Asaf, 34
Index
273
Khan, Aslam, 179
Khan, Baqa Beg, 210
Khan, Bhikan, 63
Khan, Ghulam Nabi Quli, 184
Khan, Hussain, 66
Khan, Inayatullah, 78
Khan, Jamshed, 92
Khan, Kale, 60
Khan, Mir, 7
Khan, Mohammad Amin, 181
Khan, Mukhlis, 35
Khan, Munim, 87
Khan, Murtza, 23
Khan, Nawab Iytikhar, 46
Khan, Painda, 35
Khan, Qazi Rustam, 34
Khan, Rustamdil, 192
Khan, Shayista, 56
Khan, Sulhi, 19
Khan, Umar, 60
Khan Wazir, 33, 76
Khan, Zabardast, 75
Khan, Zain-ud-din Ahmad, 303
Khybri Pathans, 170
Kshatriya, 234
Lai, Bhai Nand, 89
Langar, 10
Latif, S.M., 6
Lodi, Sikandar, 31
Macauliffe, Max Arthur, 26, 112
Maclagan, Edward, 117
Mahabharata, 60
Mahma Prakash, 11
Majaddid Alif Sard, 20
Majha, 19
Mai, Maharaja Suraj, 249
Mansabdari, 31
Mantras, 10
Marwaha Khatri, 11
Masand, 29
Masir-e-Alamgiri, 43
Mata Sundari, 82
Meharban, 30
Mewati, Feroz Khan, 183
Mian Mir, 25
Mirat-i-Waridat, 234
Mohammad, Nawab Sher, 129
Mahsin Fani, 31
Mughal Faujdar, 168
Muzaffar Alam, 239
Naina Devi, 58
Namdev, 18
Nand, Wazir Parma, 61
Narang, G.C., 5
Nawab Kapoor, 94
Nishan Sahib, 119
Pangat, 8
Pathans, 29
Payne, C.H., 26
Peshkar, 122
Phuta Shahr, 169
Post-Khalsa Period, 1699 A.D. - 1708
A.D., 69
First Battle of Anandpur, 1699 A.D.,
69
Second Battle of Anandpur, 1699
A.D., 70
Battle of Nirmoh, 1700 A.D., 71
Battle of Basali, 1700 A.D., 72
First Battle of Chamkaur 1702 A.D.,
72
Third Battle of Anandpur, 1703 A.D.,
73
Fourth Battle of Anandpur, 1703
A.D., 73
Battle of Kiratpur, 1704 A.D., 74
Fifth and the Last Battle of
Anandpur, 1704 A.D., 74
Battle of Bachhora Sahib, 1704 A.D.,
77
Second Battle of Chamkaur 1704
A.D., 77
Prachin Pothi, 166
Prakash, Raja Medni, 59
Prince Khusrau, 21
Prince Khusrau Meets Guru Arjan, 21
Prithia, 16
Prithi Mai, 17
Pucca Garhi, 204
274
Banda Singh Bahadur and Sikh Sovereignty
Qadam-ud-Din, 127
Qashqa, 23
Qatalgarhi, 128
Qila Bhagwant Rai, 174
Quran, 83
Qutab-ul-Aqtab, 127
Rai, Raja Rattan, 58
Raja Mansingh of Kullu, 190
Ramayana, 60
Ram Raeyyas, 54
Ranjit Nagara, 58
Ravidas, 18
Relations under Guru Nanak, 1469 A.D. -
1539 A.D., 1
Religion and Short History of the Sikhs,
224
Riayah Khud Kashta, 241
Rise of Sikh Power in the Panjab, 167
Rising in Jullundur Doab, 175
Rising in Majha, 172
Rising of the Sikhs, 166
Rohilla, Jaial Khan, 133
Sacha Padshah, 29, 46, 147
Sadhana, 18
Sangats, 15
Sarhindi, Shaikh Ahmad, 22
Sati, 9
Sat Sri Akal, 132, 177
Scott, G.S., 224
Sat-Yuga, 189
Shabads, 6
Shah, Bahadur, 244
Shah, Chandu, 20, 30
Shah, Jahandar, 209
Shah, Pir Budhu, 63
Shahi Nahar, 215
Shahnama Munawwar Kalam, 149, 227
Shivaji, 51
Sidh Anunia, 114
Sikh Gurus and Mughal Emperors, 1
Singh, Ajit, 24
Singh, Baj, 223
Singh, Bhai Mani, 86
Singh, Bhai Peshaura, 123
Singh, Ganda, 146
Singh, Gurbaksh, 10
Singh, Guru Gobind, 1, 117
Singh, Jujhar, 79
Singh, Karam, 235
Singh, Khazan, 27
Singh, Maha, 86
Singh, Mirza Raja Ram, 41-42
Singh, Raja Mohkam, 205
Singh, Raj Pal, 118
Singh, Santokh, 8
Singh, S. Khushwant, 178
Singh, Teja, 27
Siyar, Farrukh, 200, 209
Sri Guru Sobha, 88
Struggle against Jahandar Shah, 200
Succession of Shah Jahan, 34
Sukhmani, 49
Suraj Prakash, 131
Tamasha-i-Qatal, 223
Tarikh-i-Muhammad Shahi, 224
Tazkirat-ul-Salatin, 186
Thanda Burj, 81
Tibi Sahib, 85
Two Younger Sons of the Guru Executed,
1704 A.D., 81
Tyag Mai, 38
Vaishnava Bairagi, 113
Wahiguru ji ki Fateh, 131
Wand Shakna, 225
Yamuna-Ganga Doab Region, 166
Yogic Granth, 114
Zafar Nama, 83
Zamindar, 14
Zamindaran-i-Zortalab, 157
Zamindari System, 158
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