Carla Amorós-Negre The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas: A relatively successful language standardisation experience 1 Introduction In this paper I examine an example of a relatively successful language standardisation process, the rise of Castilian or Spanish as the official language and symbol of a monolingual state-nation, i.e. the complex routes by which it became codified, standardised and adopted by the dominant social classes as a source of prestige and a symbol of national belonging (Gramsci 1971). My aim is to analyse why Standard Spanish came to be so widely accepted, eclipsing the other varieties and cultures of the Peninsula, and spread world wide (Irvine and Gal 2000). Although Spain is considered one of the earliest state-nations (Hobsbawn 1990), i.e the political state existed before we can sensibly speak of a cohesive cultural and linguistic nation, very different political and economic contexts reveal clearly how the activity of top-down language planning was not enough on its own for the irrevocable Castilianisation of the territory. As it is shown in the article, bottom up decisionmaking by large numbers of the community acting under various external pressures are essential for a variety to become rooted, to become established as the standard and to develop as part of the people’s cultural heritage. Taking a socio-historical approach permits an understanding of the extent to which standards are born from deliberate manipulation and intervention as well as an appreciation that many varied economic and political factors play a role. 2 Making Spanish an early-standard language The linguistic legacy of the Roman Empire in the Iberian Peninsula was a Romance dialect continuum. In the early medieval period there were linguistic varieties deriving from Vulgar Latin and developing with influence from the languages of the various invaders (a slight effect from the Germanic incursions and a greater impact from the Arabic conquest). Galician-Portuguese, Asturian-Leonese, Castilian, Riojan, Navarrese-Aragonese and Catalan were distinct by the 11th century and their speakers were conscious that they no longer spoke Latin or indeed any unitary language (Lapesa 1988; Penny 1991). Castilian, Catalan and Galician-Portuguese were the prestige varieties on the continuum, associated with powerful courts and dynasties, DOI: 10.1515/soci-2016-0003 Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 26 | Carla Amorós-Negre where literary production in the vernacular was developing. Amongst these three, Castilian had particular standing. First, it had prominence among the aristocratic warrior class and the clergy throughout the Iberian Peninsula, as it was the language most closely associated with the Reconquista, the series of wars to push back the Islamic caliphate. Second it was a language which, exceptionally in the feudal system, had actual official status. This had been granted by Alfonso X in the 13thcentury, and in his reign there was an early attempt to regulate and standardize Castilian in the courts and administration of the polity of Castile (Fernández Ordóñez 2004). The marriage of King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile united the kingdom of Aragon and the territory of Castile under one crown, creating the most powerful state in the Iberian Peninsula. Achieving victory over the remaining vestiges of the caliphate in Granada, Isabella and Ferdinand ended 700 years of Islamic rule and pushed their frontiers to the southern coast. In many respects they laid the foundations for the creation of a modern state, with territorial unity and an army. Their sponsorship of Christopher Columbus established the new state as a key player in the European colonisation of the Americas. In what could be seen as an early example of cuius regio eius religio, they required Muslims and Jews to convert or to leave Spain, thus beginning to create a unitary state, in terms of religion.1 They were thus state building in much the same way as their contemporaries in France and England. However, in other ways they continued ruling in the feudal manner: to a large degree Castile and Aragon remained separate kingdoms, each with its own institutions, a situation that would continue throughout the rule of the Habsburg dynasty (Báez de Aguilar González 2000: 160). In linguistic matters, the monarchs promoted the use of the language of Castile. Their support for its codification (Gramática de la lengua castellana, by Elio Antonio de Nebrija) provided a model for Castilian, as it became confirmed as the language of the power elites in the Peninsula,2 and increasingly of the upper classes in bilingual regions (Entwistle 1995; Cano 1995). || 1 For their defence of the Catholic dogma in their lands, Pope Alexander VI bestowed upon them the title of Los Reyes Católicos. The Tribunal of the Holy Inquisition was created in 1478 to punish heresy and keep a close watch on converted Jews. 2 Additionally, it should be noted that, by the sixteenth century, a cleavage had already occurred in the western Romance dialect continuum between the northern and central varieties and the varieties of the southern part of the Peninsula, and there was a continuing rivalry between the northern and meridional elites to extend their norms throughout the Peninsula. As mentioned above, the Castilian court model spread as the prestige variety in the Peninsula, because an intellectual elite class concerned itself with continuing the codification, standardisation and elaboration of Castilian. However, although Seville lost out to the court model in the Peninsula, the patterns of Atlantic trade and migration meant that the norm from the south was dominant in the Canaries and in the new colonies in the Americas. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas | 27 After the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, the throne passed to Carlos I of the Habsburg dynasty. Carlos was to become the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, with much of his political energies devoted to other parts of his extensive domains. He thus continued to rule in the traditional European feudal way in contrast to the centralising and modernising monarchs in France and England. In the light of this, it is no surprise that the cultural and linguistic identity of most of the kingdom’s population was regional rather than national (Báez de Aguilar González 2000). In terms of language, Charles V was a multilingual, medieval monarch. Although he addressed the Pope in Castilian in his speech of 1536, which has often been interpreted by historians as the monarch’s desire to elevate the status of the Spanish language, providing it with grandeur and eloquence, an alternative meta-narrative emphasizes that he cannot be seen as a champion of the language in national terms (Martínez 2013). It seems that the use of such language answered to merely utilitarian needs. Indeed some of his Spanish subjects were aggrieved that he was so little committed to Castilian and Castilian interests. In this sense, one of the demands in the Comuneros rebellion was that Charles V spend more time in his Spanish domains and use Castilian (Domínguez Ortiz 1978). This is in direct contrast to his contemporaries François I and Henry VIII, who in various decrees required their subjects to use French and English for formal purposes. The prestige of Castilian grew during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. After Philip II’s Madrid became the centre of a growing global empire, it is not difficult to understand the growing status of Castilian. It was the language of the first global superpower: the Spanish empire stretched across much of Europe, extended east to the Philippines and India and west across the Atlantic to the Americas. In the Peninsula, the Castilian territory was the biggest and most populated (Martínez Shaw 1996), as well as the most powerful, politically and militarily (Mar-Molinero 2000). Castilian was the language of the richest dynasty of the time; Spanish imports of silver from the Americas were on such a massive scale in fact that they completely destabilised the European economy. Likewise, at this time Castilian/Spanish3 was the language of a cultural Golden Age, represented in literature by the work of writers such as Lope de Vega, Tirso de Molina, Calderón de la Barca, Góngora and Cervantes. In this Golden Era of literature in Castilian there was immense enthusiasm among the Castilian intelligentsia for the codification and elaboration of the language (Sebastián de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (1611); Gonzalo de Correas, Arte de la lengua española o castellana (1626) and it also became very popular in the scientific domain (Ridruejo 1995) and acquired prominence as a vehicle for the dissemination of scientific knowledge. It || 3 Most Spanish language historians believe that the word Spanish became widespread in the 16th century as a synonym of Castilian, although preferences for one term or the other are still today a controversial issue that leads to much discussion. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 28 | Carla Amorós-Negre eclipsed Catalan and Galician, which had both been important languages of power in the medieval period (Ridruejo 1995). At the same time, the other varieties close to Castilian on the dialect continuum (Aragonese, Leonese, etc.) were limited to oral, private use (Cano 1995; Oesterreicher 2004). The relative decline of Catalan, the international scope of the language and its role as a means of expression in the Habsburg Empire all strengthened the penetration and spread of Spanish. One cannot strictly speak at this time of a direct and explicit language policy from Charles I (and the other Habsburgs – Philip II, Philip III, Philip IV, Charles II) to promote the castilianisation of the state (Milhou 1989; Herreras 2006), but certain governmental measures of minor impact were decreed (Soldevila 1963; González Ollé 1995), such as Charles I’s (1549) requirement that “All Banks and public changes and merchants and any other person, either native or foreign […] are required to keep and settle their accounts in Castilian in their cash books and manual […]. And those who fail to keep their accounts in Castilian, will face a fine of one thousand ducats” (quoted in González Ollé 1995: 47). Given the power and prestige associated with Castilian/Spanish speakers, it is not surprising that the language took hold in formal domains and in literature throughout the state (Lapesa 1988; Quilis 1992; Oesterreicher 2004¸ Herreras 2006). The ambitious element in the elites accepted the need to acquire and use Castilian if they wanted to be associated with the ruling power (Alonso 1943; López García 1985; Lapesa 1988; Gauger 2004). Outsiders were also conscious of the prestige of Spanish. During the 16th and 17th centuries, knowing and learning Spanish spread as a custom for educated people and diplomats in foreign states. Within the widespread territories of the Spanish monarchs, merchants, administrators and military personnel found it useful (Marcos Sánchez 2007). In fact, this was the time when dictionaries and grammars for the teaching of Spanish as a foreign language proliferated in Europe: Los anónimos de Lovaina, Útil y breve institución para aprender los principios y fundamentos de la lengua Española (1555); Gramática de la lengua vulgar de España (1559); Cesar Oudin’s Grammaire et observations de la Langue Espagnole (1597), some of them with greater impact and dissemination than Nebrija’s pioneering work. 3 Continuing multilingualism However, because of the devolved nature of governance in the Habsburg period, the other languages of the Peninsula, such as Basque and Catalan, still continued as languages of political and public life in their areas. Multilingualism was, in fact, the norm in “the dynamics and functioning of an empire that during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is witness to disputes over and the defence of the different vernacular languages and their respective statuses at local or global levels, discus- Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas | 29 sions that become commonplace in the accounts of the time” (Amorós-Negre 2016: 240). The Basques, for example, continued to use their language after the conquest and annexation of Navarre (1512 and 1528) because the Spanish crown had allowed the territory to continue to function under its historic law, as was usual feudal practice. Thus, the Basque fueros were a space for the continued use of Basque, and this guaranteed its survival as a language of the public space in the Basque provinces. The Catalans, who had become part of the Spanish Monarchy with the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, also used their language in their territory. The power of the Catalans, was, however, being eclipsed. Until the Battle of Muret in 1213, where they lost to the French crown, the Catalans had tended to look north and to be part of the troubadour culture of the Languedoc. They had developed a written norm for Catalan as it developed as a literary language in the early troubadour period. Catalan continued to be widely used in the field of literary production, the 15th century being its culminating period. The Aragonese monarchs were also turned to the Mediterranean where they ruled a formidable maritime empire, including lands in Majorca, Valencia, southern France, Sicily, Sardinia, and Italy. In the middle ages, the Catalans were one of the most important mercantile powers in the Mediterranean. Catalan was a language of bureaucracy and trade in the late medieval period (Moreno Fernández 2005). However, with the acquisition of the Crown of Aragon by the Trastamara dynasty and with their incorporation into the new Spanish monarchy of Ferdinand and Isabella, Catalans lost much of their status. Already weakened by savage plague and peasant uprisings in the 14th century, the rise of Turkish naval power and the commercial rivalry of the Genoese, they were in no state to counter the vigour, prestige and sheer demographic weight of the Castilians (Lynch 2002). When the European discovery of the Americas altered patterns of trade in the 16th century, Barcelona found itself excluded from Atlantic trade, which was reserved for Seville and later Cadiz, and in no position to force the issue. This was also the beginning of the literary Decadència, when many writers abandoned Catalan in favour of Castilian (Argenter 2004). Nonetheless, the Catalans maintained a degree of autonomy, slightly out of the orbit of Madrid, and their language continued as a language of governance in the region. The Catalan language continued to be the mother tongue of the population and was taught in schools (Entwistle 1995). When, in the mid-17thcentury, Catalonia became the buffer zone in the war between Philip IV and the French king, Louis XIII, the Catalans sided with the French4. Barcelona fell to Philip’s forces in 1652, and the Catalans were on the losing side || 4 Catalonia was always a frontier state but it became involved in the war between Philip IV and Louis XIII by virtue of throwing off its allegiance to Philip and declaring its loyalty to France. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 30 | Carla Amorós-Negre against Castile. However, an amnesty was declared, and in order to secure the future loyalty of Catalans to the Spanish state, Philip IV assured the Catalans that their fueros would be recognised. The Catalan language remained in the public space for the time being. In Galicia, Galician continued to be the common language of most of the population, although its use declined in formal contexts such as administration and government. The dominance of Castilian was also evident in literature and from the 15th century Castilian became a frequent medium for literary production in Galicia. 4 The 18th century and Bourbon5 centralisation When Charles II died in 1700, he left no direct heir to the throne. After years of dispute Philip, the grandson of Louis XIV of France, was finally confirmed as his successor. Many historians present Philip V as a modernising monarch, a king of the Enlightenment who wanted to bring Spain into the Modern era. However, we need to be cautious here. He was modernising in that he wished to wrest power from the aristocracy, to replace church law with state law and improve the economy of the country, but he was an absolutist in that he had no interest in any of the political ideas of the Enlightenment. In his aim to achieve administrative and legal unity in Spain, Philip V followed the same pattern as his grandfather Louis XIV (Baéz de Aguilar González 2000; Herreras 2006). He centralised administration and abolished some of the federal arrangements that had continued under the feudal system of the Austrian Habsburgs. In the war that had brought Philip V to power, the Catalans had again chosen the losing side. The new king took a different approach from Philip IV. Rather than trying to placate his former adversaries, he punished. The Nueva Planta decrees (1707) met two of his policy requirements: they chastised what he saw as sedition by the Catalans and they centralized the state, bringing all the territories in the Crown of Aragon except the Aran Valley under the laws of Castile. In place of the regional autonomy that had pertained, Philip V and the Bourbon kings that followed him, governed through the Cortes in Madrid. Although this body had little power, and merely rubber-stamped the monarch’s decisions (Anderson 1991), it was a power that functioned in Spanish. Catalan was no longer used as a language of administration and governance. The centralist spirit was reflected in the state’s direct interventionism in the language question. Philip V aimed to institutionalize a monoglossic Spanish culture (Del Valle and Stheeman 2004), starting with the creation of an academy on the || 5 The Spanish House of Bourbon (rendered in Spanish as Borbón) has been overthrown and restored several times, reigning 1700–1808, 1813–1868, 1875–1931, and since 1975 Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas | 31 model of the Académie Française, which it was thought would contribute to the iconicity of Castilian Spanish as a national symbol. Fernández Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, assisted by the lawyer Melchor de Macanaz, initiated meetings of politicians and intellectuals interested in fixing, cultivating and maintaining the purity of the Spanish language. The king granted patents and the group became the Royal Spanish Academy (1713). Spanish became the object of intense linguistic planning. The first fruits borne by this were the publication of the Diccionario de la lengua castellana or Diccionario de autoridades (1726–1739), the Ortographia española (1741) and the Gramática de la lengua castellana (1771) (Zamora Vicente 1999; González Ollé 2014). Linguistic homogeneity in the Peninsula thus went hand in hand with the dismantling of all the federal structures, and it can be argued that it reinforced political control. Miguel Antonio de la Gándara in Apuntes sobre el bien y el mal de España (1759), formulated the relationship in the following way: “if the king is to have power, he needs unity and control of currency, law, weight and measures, language and religion” (quoted in Fernández Díaz 2009: 41). Nevertheless, the Spanish language was not consolidated as the de jure official language until the enactment of the Royal Charter by Charles III in 1768. By this state-level measure, the ‘general language of the Nation’ displaced the other languages of the territory from all administrative and bureaucratic domains (with very negative consequences for the languages of the former territories of the Crown of Aragon). The Bourbons had a complex relationship with the Catholic Church, which had initially backed their opponent in the War of Succession. Wanting to wrest some national authority from the Church, Ferdinand VI negotiated a concordat with the Vatican in 1753, which permitted royal selection of bishops and other senior churchmen. However, the Church in Spain never came fully under royal tutelage. The power of the Inquisition was diminished but not abolished.6 The Catholic Church retained its prominent role through its hold on education,7 morality and the public imaginary. In its influence on language, the Church had various effects. Certainly Castilian Spanish spread among members of the highest levels of the ecclesiastical curia, among all those who held positions of power and influence in the Spanish church. However, the other languages of Spain persisted at parish and liturgical level (Lapesa 1988; Lüdtke 1989). Most of the clergy continued to preach in the language of their parishioners (Entwistle 1995: 132). And the education that was provided by the Church in the 18th century was mostly in the local vernacular (González Ollé 1995). Moreover, the Church not only provided this support for local languages within its || 6 The Spanish Inquisition was suppressed by Joseph Bonaparte in 1808, restored by Ferdinand VII in 1814, suppressed in 1820, restored in 1823, and finally suppressed permanently in 1834. 7 In 1767–68 the Jesuits were expelled as they had been from France, which had an effect on education since the Jesuits were a major teaching order. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 32 | Carla Amorós-Negre institutions, it also proved to be a block on certain aspects of nation building, and thus on the spread of national consciousness. As Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983) have shown, the invention of national icons and traditions was a powerful factor in the construction of national identity in 18th century France and Britain, and in the spread of the national languages. The situation developed differently in Spain because of the Church. There was, of course, the introduction of the national hymn in 1770 and the national flag in 1785 (Moreno Fernández 2005:172), but the public calendar in Spain was fully filled by the Church and its occasions, and the public space occupied by its visual reminders of faith and devotion. There were few openings for banal nationalism (Billig 1995) to take hold and excite popular devotion. One can argue that the Church thus applied a brake on the development of national consciousness and thus indirectly of national language. It might be said that one of the main goals of the Bourbon monarchs and their respective ministers was to free Spain from its political, economic, social and cultural backwardness, which placed it far behind some other western European powers. However, it can be argued that in political terms they did not succeed. They did not achieve any significant separation of state and church, in that the Inquisition was still a force and in that education was still the affair of the church. The process of consolidation of the modern state did not undermine the power of the nobility as is clear from the aristocrats’ pursuit of power in the various wars for the throne and in their concerted attempts to block social mobility. In economic terms they were equally unsuccessful. The Church was a brake on agrarian reform. Church lands were entailed and could not be sold or divided. Throughout the eighteenth century politicians and economists such as Macanaz (1713) and Campomanes (1765) challenged the situation. By the end of the century, Jovellanos and Sempere y Guarinos were arguing against the dead hand of clerical and aristocratic ownership of the land. Aristocratic indolence blocked widespread agricultural reform as much as clerical inertia. However, despite these contradictions, the Spanish language continued to spread among many bourgeois elites, as an element of Modernity. Spanish was promoted by different top-down language policies (charters, decrees and other legal measures), so that by the end of the 18th century Spanish was becoming to be accepted as the only appropriate language for use in formal contexts. Conversely, the standing of the other main peninsular languages (Catalan, Galician, and Basque) diminished and their language functions decreased, unable to compete with the higher status of Spanish. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas | 33 5 The 19th century, instability and loss of empire The 19th century opened with the Napoleonic wars. Spain was effectively occupied by France and the king replaced by Napoleon's brother, Joseph. The counter attack brought British and Spanish together and the French were defeated in the Peninsula. However, when the Bourbon monarchy was restored in 1814, the political landscape had altered irrevocably and many Spanish were not disposed to return to Absolutism. A liberal constitution had been declared in 1812 by the Cádiz Cortes, Spain's first national sovereign assembly, meeting in Cádiz during the Peninsular War. It had provided for universal male suffrage, national sovereignty, constitutional monarchy, freedom of the press and land reform (Tuñón de Lara 1971). The scene was set for a century of conflict between progressives and conservatives. Civil war in the 1830s, 1860s and 1870s brought turmoil. Economic development was slow. Spain was not experiencing the muscular nation-building taking place in the UK, France and Prussia/Germany, where industrialisation,8 urbanisation, national education systems, national defence, etc. were all contributing to the construction of national communities of communication. For example, in 1900 only a third of the Spanish population were recorded as literate. Table 1: Evolution of literacy in Spain (1860–1900. Data of population given in percentages %. Escolano (1992: 25; quoted in Moreno Fernández 2005: 175) 1860 1877 1887 1900 Reading and Writing 19,9 24,5 28,5 33,4 Reading 4,5 3,5 3,4 2,7 Illiteracy 75,5 72,0 68,0 63,8 In the three other states literacy rates had risen significantly with obligatory state education, and this was of course literacy in the national language. There were some of the contemporary phenomena which were contributing to building national communities of communication (Wright 2004). For example, there was some conscription in Spain during the wars and, under the Regency of Maria Christina (1833–1840), the melting pot of her army provided Castilian with a decisive boost. According to Mar Molinero (2000: 24), “despite a conscript’s origin, and therefore his mother tongue, on being called up to the army, he would have to use and understand Castilian”. For example, there were continued efforts among lin|| 8 While England, France and Germany achieved increased growth as a result of industrialization, late 19th century Spain was still a scarcely industrialized country, dependent on foreign investment and where the steel industry and the railroad still coexisted with Roman ploughing and millions of landless country folk. (Grupo Cronos, 1991: 4) Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 34 | Carla Amorós-Negre guists and intellectuals to codify, standardise and extend the lexis of Spanish throughout the 19th century (Brumme 2004). The other languages of Spain were still excluded from formal state functions. In this regard, it is interesting that none of the 19th century Spanish constitutions addressed language issue (Lodares 2001), most probably because of their awareness of the generalized use of Castilian in Spain (Brumme 2004: 947). However, it is fair to say that the impetus for linguistic convergence was not as strong in Spain as in other European nation states.9 In the light of the situation, Catalan deserves a specific remark regarding its status as the other peninsular language gaining in prestige and associated with socioeconomic mobility. While industrial and trade development in Spain in the 19th century was, in general, very modest, Catalonia had already begun to shine economically in the 18th century, so that in the 19th century trade and industry, especially iron and steel, shipbuilding and textile, was experiencing a boom in the region. This attracted migration from several peninsular regions, with a consequent impact on the area’s demographic growth (Lynch 1991; Martínez Shaw 2004). In the case of the Catalan-speakers in Catalonia, industrialisation, urbanisation and economic prosperity encouraged the loyalty of the Catalan elites towards their own language and identity and the desire of those outside the elite to continue using it, as speaking Catalan aided social and geographical mobility. Thus Catalans resisted linguistic assimilation, and Catalan was not only the means for both day-to-day and family communication, but also for more formal domains (education, commerce and some administrative matters). 19th century Catalonia was Catalan speaking except for, perhaps, the aristocratic class or the most prosperous among the bourgeoisie (Strubell 1981). One element in the spread of Spanish concerns loss of empire. The territorial losses of the great Spanish empire had started as early as 1640 with Portugal’s successful secession. Then the United Provinces were ceded definitively in 1648. Philip V gave up the Catholic Netherlands, Naples, Milan, Sardinia, Gibraltar and Minorca at the Treaty of Utrecht 1713. However, the territories in South America remained for another century. Then liberation movements in the various colonies took advantage of the turmoil in Spain to sever links and most of the empire was lost by 1824. In 1898 the three month Spanish-American war ended with Spain being forced to abandon Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines and Guam. The 19th century thus ended with the loss of the last of the Spanish Empire’s overseas possessions, and the decline led to a political and, above all, emotional crisis. The reactions were obvious. Among nationalists the desire to revitalise and reaffirm the Spanish nation was clear. The so-called Generation of ’98 called for national renaissance and there was no doubt that it would be Castilian speaking. This is clear from the words of intellec- || 9 There is some dispute about this. For example, according to González Ollé (1993: 135), in the 18th century 80% of the population knew and used Spanish. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas | 35 tuals, such as Miguel de Unamuno (1906, quoted in Boix 2006: 42): “It is in the name of culture that we must fight so that there is no official language, no national culture language in Spain other than Spanish, which is spoken by more than twenty nations. And regardless of whatever the beauty, merits or glories of other Spanish languages, which should be left to their domestic lives”. For those who did not see themselves as part of Madrid-focused Spain, the loss of empire was yet another reason to move away and to make their own way. This was particularly true in Catalonia. Never a main player in early colonisation, Catalonia had only belatedly come to be a part of the imperial system. Selling their goods to the colonies was of major economic importance in the 19th century (Ringrose 1998). When these colonies were lost this dealt a blow to the Catalan economy and strengthened the hand of those Catalans working for independence. 6 The Americas Before moving to a view of more recent times in the Peninsula, any history of the spread of Spanish needs to consider the question of Spanish in the Americas. From the time of the earliest expeditions, the Roman Catholic Church established a number of missions in the Americas and other colonies to convert the indigenous peoples. The Spanish missionaries did not always impose their language to the degree they did their religion. In fact, some of the missionaries used the Amerindian languages (Quechua, Nahuatl, Aymara, Guarani, etc.) to spread Christianity and facilitate evangelization of the natives. They codified, standardised and devised writing systems for some of the languages (Penny 1991). Others, of course, saw the Amerindian languages as ungodly and believed Christianity could only be transmitted through Spanish (Mar-Molinero 1997). The settlers from Spain who came to the Americas in the 16th and 17th centuries passed through Seville and Cadiz as the points of departure and through Mexico and Lima as the points of arrival. This had certain effects for the form of Spanish that was spoken in the colonies. The speech of highland Mexico and of Peru/Bolivia and the administrative and educational institutions of the colonial power remained close to the central Peninsula standard whereas remoter areas were more open to adopting characteristic features of southern speech. The dominance of Seville in all dealings with the Americas and the high numbers of Andalusians that settlers met on the ships and ports of the new world may have had some influence in dialectal adjustment (Penny 1991). However, Spanish in South America always remained “a simplex in that its manifestations are mutually intelligible” (Canfield 1981: 9). When Philip V, ruling over a Spain that had been stripped of most of its European domains and, therefore, its European influence, focused his attention on his American colonies in an attempt to recover international prestige, and extended his Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 36 | Carla Amorós-Negre castilianisation there was far less resistance (among the European settlers) to the Bourbon’s policy than in Spain. The Royal Charter of 1770 passed by Charles III took things further. This charter banned the use in Hispanic America and the Philippines of any language other than Spanish ‘”to achieve the extinction of the different languages used in such domains, so that only Castilian is spoken” (quoted in Brumme 2004: 947). In the 18th century tensions between the metropolitan elite and the creoles (descendants from Europeans but born in America) were heightened. The conflicts are complex and in some instances the creole elite was enlightened, advocating that the social, political and economic reforms claimed for the metropolis by Feijoo, Campomanes and Jovellanos be realised on the other side of the Atlantic too. In others they were more conservative than the metropolitans and against change (particularly in the matter of slavery). In any case, as in contemporary Spain, innovations were few and developments were modest and uneven in the different regions, sometimes actually emphasizing inequality and inciting social and ethnic tensions (Céspedes 1988). Encouraged by the French Revolution and inflamed by a colonial system which disadvantaged them, the creoles used the political and economic weakness of the metropolis to organise the insurrections that would lead to independence. In the new republics, the creole elite replaced the power structures headed by the Spanish viceroys. The creole revolts were not revolutions in the true sense: the pyramid structure of society remained untouched and the European settler class kept control. Indeed there was general fear of Indian or African-slave uprisings (Anderson 1991). From the linguistic dimension, these new polities were interesting. Language did not differentiate the creole communities from their imperial metropolis and language did not differentiate them from each other. The creole elites were all Spanish language monolinguals and members of a very large continent wide community of communication (López García 2007). A single language, Spanish, was implicitly or explicitly granted the status of national and/or official language in each of the new states. Castilianisation and the triumph of Spain in Hispanic America can be clearly explained as a consequence of the assimilationist policies enforced by the Spanish crown, but also of the bottom-up movements of the creole elite, who instrumentalised Spanish as a symbol of mestizo in the new polities. Contrary to the situation in Spain, in Hispanic America there was no alternative linguistic-cultural minority with linguistic capital (Bourdieu 1991) to challenge the political, social and economic power of the leading creole class. However, why the South Americans coalesced into different states with a very distinct awareness of their own national identity is an interesting question (Anderson 1991). At that point in history much of the indigenous population of the new states continued to speak only Amerindian languages, in part because of the difficulties of accessing education (Sánchez Méndez 2003). As schooling in Spanish was provided by Church and benevolent societies, bilingualism spread, but progress was slow. Mostly indigenous languages were considered an obstacle to economic and cultural Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas | 37 progress and an impediment to consolidate the national identity of the newly born states (Melià 1992). And even when certain Amerindian languages were given status (the constitutions of Paraguay and Ecuador held Guarani and Quechua, respectively, as national languages alongside Spanish, and Quechua and Aymara became established as co-official in Peru), in practice they were mostly silenced in the public sphere (Mar-Molinero 2000). Spanish thus became the de jure or de facto official language in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Equatorial Guinea, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Puerto Rico, Spain, Uruguay, and Venezuela, although the extent to which it is spoken by the citizens of those countries varies immensely. 7 20th and 21st centuries: the spread and retreat of Spanish In the 20th century the Spanish language was instrumentalised in two very different political developments. In the first, the Castilian elites evoked Spanish as the foundation for a pan-Hispanic imagined community (Del Valle and Stheeman 2004).The idea was to bring together all the countries that shared the Spanish language and the Christian spirit into a hispanophone association under the leadership of the former colonial power, Spain (Sepúlveda 2005). The celebration of hispanidad would restore Madrid’s international standing. Spanish intellectuals saw Hispanic America as the ideal place to use language as a means of legitimising their power and political and economic authority. The demographic weight of the Spanish speaking Americans and the sense of shared culture (Del Valle 2007) provided a counterweight to the peripheral nationalisms surfacing again in Spain itself. These peripheral nationalisms were the Catalans, the Basques and to a lesser extent the Galicians. The story of the Catalan and Basque struggles to regain autonomy (or independence) is well known and does not need to be repeated here. It will simply be enough to remind that from the creation of the Mancomunitat de Catalunya (1914) to the present discussions about independence, Catalans have been uneasy members of the Spanish-speaking community. Severely repressed under Franco, the Catalan language has returned after his death to public life (courts of justice, administration, etc.) and reasserted itself in education. In the 1978 Constitution the duty of citizens to know Spanish was expressly stated. But the constitution also made Catalan an official language alongside Spanish, and Catalonia is now a place where Catalan is the language of prestige and power. The reinsertion of Catalan (and to a lesser extent Basque and Galician) into Spanish public space is of course mainly a result of past political events – the civil war (1936–1939) which polarised the Spanish people, the forty years of centralising Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 38 | Carla Amorós-Negre dictatorship which followed and the reactions which resurfaced in the post Franco era. Again this is all well documented and known. However, we might suggest that there are other factors to be considered here too. The fact that national education was not obligatory, free and universal until well into the 20th century could be a major factor in the shallow roots that Spanish seems to have in some parts of Spain.10 The Americas, on the other hand, deferred linguistically for a long period to Spain. Throughout the colonial period and even after independence had been gained, creole elites adhered to the peninsular language standard (Lara 2011: 323). Hispanic American varieties continued to be seen as peripheral and poor. However, from the second half of the 20th century onwards, claims for the recognition of educated standards of Spanish speakers born in American territory began to be raised. It seemed that the secondary role played by Hispanic America, a mere collaborator in the approval of proposals and decisions born in Madrid, was going to change with the creation of the Association of Spanish Language Academies (ASALE) (1951) and the establishment of its Standing Committee in 1956 (Guitarte 1991). In this sense, the presence of Hispanic American and Philippine variants and authorities increased considerably in dictionaries and grammar manuals, as well as the participation and influence of the different academic bodies on Spanish language standardization and planning: “The different forms of educated Spanish that exist cannot be considered or treated as mere ‘dialectal languages’ or ‘patois’, in relation to official Peninsular Spanish or exemplary Spanish.” (Catalán 1964: 248; my italics) However, it would take long for this theoretical equality to begin to materialize. It was not until the 21st century that Academies relinquished the precept of European or Peninsular Spanish as the only official, exemplary and standard model, on which all learned individuals should rely for the care and cultivation of the Spanish language. The New Panhispanic Language Policy (RAE and ASALE 2004), which expressed the desire to present Spanish as a language for everyone, was launched in 2004. This resulted in the preparation of dictionaries and grammar manuals following a general and deterritorialised model of Spanish (Senz 2011), valid throughout the whole Spanish speaking community (García de la Concha 2014), in which linguistic exemplarities are not defined by a specific country, Spain, because “rather than revolving around a single axis, the Spanish standard is of a polycentric nature” (RAE and ASALE 2009: XLII). In the light of this and, in spite of the fact that academ- || 10 A General Regulation of Public Instruction (1821) drew from the educational projects of the French Revolution (Capitán Díaz 1991: 1006), and the liberal ethos and claims of the Cádiz Cortes (1812). With the return to absolutism, this educational model did not materialize. The promulgation in 1857 of the Moyano Law of Public Instruction, through which primary education was made compulsory, although not free (Herreras 2006:47), was not muscular enough to introduce schooling for all. According to Marfany (2001), although schooling progressively increased in the 19th century, its universalization did not take place until the second half of the 20th century. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM The spread of Castilian/Spanish in Spain and the Americas | 39 ic institutions themselves insist that the Spanish language standardization model is currently pluricentric, the real goal of the Academy is the formation and standardization not of several exemplary varieties or standards, but of a single unitary model that brings together the centripetal linguistic forces. 8 Conclusions In general nation building in Europe went hand in hand with codification, standardisation, elaboration and spread of the national language. As we have seen, it is only in the modern nation state that the ruling group has attempted to persuade all citizens within the group to use a unitary language. In pre-modern times, feudal monarchs cared little what their subjects spoke, as long as there were some bilinguals in the command chain that could translate their requirements to the masses (Wright 2004). Power relations were maintained through force. In a liberal democracy, however, power comes through persuasion. The process of acquiring power requires a community of communication. In one way or another, the members of the nation need to become a demos and interact in a forum. This was only partially true for Spain, because of the economic, religious, political, educational differences discussed above. However, the language of the capital and the central elites spread as the state conquered and held a great empire. After independence these states maintained the metropolitan language. There is thus some retreat of Spanish on the Peninsula but at the same time there is constant spread of Spanish in the world.11 The numbers of speakers worldwide were estimated at 426 million by Ethnologue in 2016, and even if the rather imprecise way of counting speakers is allowed for, this makes Spanish speakers the second largest language community in the world (after the Chinese). Currently, unlike in the French-speaking world, the main language regulating institutions in the Spanish-speaking world reject the image of hegemony of the former colonial power in the development of Spanish, which is why they support a pluricentric model of Spanish language. This model would express dynamic and plural identities that, in its international expansion as second or foreign language, draw from and embrace many and several influences. Another issue is the extent to which this diversity-embracing rhetoric is aligned with the de facto language planning measures in the Spanish-speaking world (Amorós-Negre 2014). Thus, for the moment, it is easy to state that a Panhispanic codification to promote a global Spanish language has not been accompanied by a parallel, pluricentric and glocal stand|| 11 This is particularly true of the United States of America because of the massive migration from Spanish-speaking South America. For the moment this latest migratory wave has not followed the usual patterns of language shift in the US and Spanish continues to be widely used. Brought to you by | Universidad de Salamanca Authenticated | carlita@usal.es author's copy Download Date | 12/20/16 11:48 AM 40 | Carla Amorós-Negre ardization. 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