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Russia's president Vladimir Putin. 'One cannot disagree that the admission of the Baltic states, and earlier discussions of the possible accession of Georgia and Ukraine, have been used by Putin’s administration to fuel his popularity,' writes James Rodgers. Photograph: Tass/Barcroft Media
Russia's president Vladimir Putin. 'One cannot disagree that the admission of the Baltic states, and earlier discussions of the possible accession of Georgia and Ukraine, have been used by Putin’s administration to fuel his popularity,' writes James Rodgers. Photograph: Tass/Barcroft Media

Any analysis of Russia has to consider the effect of Nato expansion

This article is more than 9 years old

Timothy Garton Ash (There is another Russia, 20 April) makes some interesting points, but misses others. While true that some “Putin understanders” do seek to “excuse all” when looking at Russia today, there are also pitfalls in adopting the opposite approach. Nowhere does the article mention Nato expansion. One can agree or disagree as to the wisdom or otherwise of Nato’s policies in eastern Europe since 1991. One cannot disagree that the admission of the Baltic states in particular, and earlier discussions of the possible accession of Georgia and Ukraine, have been used by Putin’s administration to fuel his popularity.

There is another Russia today, but it is of limited significance. I was in the audience at Chatham House recently when Mikhail Khodorkovsky gave a lecture. Those of us present who lived in Russia in the 1990s saw a picture of the past rather than the future. The “other Russia” had its chance then. Its day may come again, but it is not here now. Overlooking this, combined with an apparent general lack of Russia expertise – not least in language skills (Opinion, 3 March) – is one of the reasons the west has found itself caught on the hop over Ukraine.
James Rodgers
City University London (and Reuters TV Moscow 1991-93; BBC Moscow 1998-2000 and 2006-09)

Nato’s eastward expansion and the continued development of a US missile defence system in eastern Europe have contributed to heightening tensions in the region. Russian military announcements and actions should be understood in that context, especially considering that at the end of the cold war, the Warsaw pact was disbanded, while Nato increased its membership. A new government should carry out an evaluation of Trident’s relevance to current threats in this year’s strategic defence and security review, but the alternative doctrine Paul Mason seeks (Russian subs are circling, but what should Britain’s nuclear deterrent be?, 20 April) in response to Russian foreign policy must be a commitment to peaceful relations and a process of de-militarisation and nuclear disarmament.

The non-proliferation treaty review conference in May is the opportunity for a new PM to resume relations and revive disarmament negotiations, building on Obama and Putin’s successful New Start treaty and setting out a willingness to scrap Trident, alongside a commitment to seeking resolution of conflicts through the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the UN, rather than the cold war relic of Nato.
Kate Hudson
General secretary, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament

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