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First published April 2002

The Third Wave of Science Studies: Studies of Expertise and Experience

Abstract

Science studies has shown us why science and technology cannot always solve technical problems in the public domain. In particular, the speed of political decision-making is faster than the speed of scientific consensus formation. A predominant motif over recent years has been the need to extend the domain of technical decision-making beyond the technically qualified élite, so as to enhance political legitimacy. We argue, however, that the `Problem of Legitimacy' has been replaced by the `Problem of Extension' - that is, by a tendency to dissolve the boundary between experts and the public so that there are no longer any grounds for limiting the indefinite extension of technical decision-making rights. We argue that a Third Wave of Science Studies - Studies of Expertise and Experience (SEE) - is needed to solve the Problem of Extension. SEE will include a normative theory of expertise, and will disentangle expertise from political rights in technical decision-making. The theory builds categories of expertise, starting with the key distinction between interactive expertise and contributory expertise. A new categorization of types of science is also needed. We illustrate the potential of the approach by re-examining existing case studies, including Brian Wynne's study of Cumbrian sheep farmers. Sometimes the new theory argues for more public involvement, sometimes for less. An Appendix describes existing contributions to the problem of technical decision-making in the public domain.

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The provenance of this paper is the theoretical work done at Cardiff University in putting together an application for an ESRC Research Centre, the `Centre for the Study of Expertise and Environmental Policy' (SEEP). This initial work was done in the autumn of 1999, and the bid was submitted on 20 January 2000. Here is the opening paragraph of the submission:
We face a crisis over the way we make decisions about the environment. We find ourselves caught on the horns of a dilemma: do we maximise the political legitimacy of our decisions by referring them to the widest democratic processes, and risk technical paralysis, or do we base our decisions on the best expert advice and invite popular opposition? This is the crisis that SEEP will address.
A little way below we find:
Thus, on the academic side we want to create a new way of talking and thinking about expertise and experience to replace the old discourse about science and truth.
It can be seen that the framework of the argument presented in this paper was already in place at this point. We are grateful to various members of three Cardiff departments - the Schools of City and Regional Planning, Journalism and Media Studies, and Social Sciences - for providing an environment in which the theory could be beaten out. The paper also benefitted from critical comments by members of audiences at Gothenburg University (where a version was presented by Collins in September 1999) and at Cornell University (where a nearly finished draft was presented in November 2001). We are also grateful to Ingemar Bohlin, Martin Kusch, Arie Rip, Steve Yearley, Anne Murcott and members of the Cardiff KES group for comments on earlier versions. We also thank the referees of the first submitted draft for providing us with the opportunity to improve the paper markedly.
1.
1. The Chambers Dictionary (Edinburgh, UK: Chambers Harrap Publishers, 1993), 951.
2.
2. For an approach which grows out of political philosophy, see Stephen Turner, `What is the Problem With Experts?', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 31, No. 1 (February 2001), 123-49. Turner argues that it initially seems hard to square the notion of liberal democracy with the idea of élite groups of experts whose knowledge takes them beyond the reach of normal political judgements. He concludes, however, that a rationale exists for expertise to function in modern democratic societies.
3.
3. Many other contemporary social analysts of science and technology have normative commitments but, so far as we know, none has developed a normative theory of expertise.
4.
4. Among the variations to be found are those expressed by one of our referees, who insisted that the discovery of the negotiability of the boundaries of expertise was in no way connected to the idea that anyone should have a say in expert decisions. It seems to us that if there is no defining criterion for expertise, it follows that there is no way of defining people out of the category, and this invites unlimited extension. It also seems to us that many have read precisely this conclusion into `Wave Two'. That the referee did not agree merely shows how difficult it is to describe a broad sweep in a way that will take everyone's interpretation into account.
5.
5. The term is used liberally in, for example, Hilary Arksey, RSI and the Experts: The Construction of Medical Knowledge (London: UCL Press, 1998).
6.
6. The wider use of the notion of expertise does, of course, do immense work in the debate about artificial intelligence, but precisely because it shows that so much expertise is restricted to humans, not machines - that is to say, it extends only to the boundary of social beings, and no further: see H.M. Collins, Artificial Experts: Social Knowledge and Intelligent Machines (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1990); H.M. Collins and Martin Kusch, The Shape of Actions: What Humans and Machines Can Do (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998). If the term `lay expertise' has an application, a better one might be to the kind of expertise that is distributed throughout the human race.
7.
7. There were questions concerning the `social responsibility' of science, but these very problems arose out of science's power; to raise questions of social responsibility is to ignore questions of the foundation of knowledge. That things were not as uniformly simple as our broad brush suggests can be seen in publications such as Anthony Standen, Science is a Sacred Cow (London: Sheed & Ward, 1952), and Ian Welsh, Mobilizing Modernity: The Nuclear Moment (London: Routledge, 2001).
8.
8. Let us bear in mind that being philosophically `high and dry' does not mean that positivism does not remain immensely strong in terms of political and economic power, as well as being the predominant driving idea in the tremendously successful natural sciences.
9.
9. We resisted the pun. Both authors continue, unabashed, with their Wave Two-type studies, and so do their colleagues and students.
10.
10. The quotation marks here indicate where we are quoting the words of the referees of an earlier draft of the paper.
11.
11. We understand, of course, that any such contribution is not going to settle the problem `once and for all' (to quote a critical referee).
12.
12. See the works cited in note 6.
13.
13. The distinction made here is not to be confused with the similar methodological difference between investigating the flow of the river of history while standing in the stream - by studying a contemporaneous science - and by studying it as a historian, after the river has reached its outflow. This is a distinction of methodology, not aims.
14.
14. As has been argued in H.M. Collins and Steven Yearley, `Epistemological Chicken', in Andrew Pickering (ed.), Science as Practice and Culture (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), 301-26.
15.
15. As well as the work cited in note 6, see Trevor Pinch, H.M. Collins and Larry Carbone, `Inside Knowledge: Second Order Measures of Skill', Sociological Review, Vol. 44, No. 2 (May 1996), 163-86; H.M. Collins, `Tacit Knowledge, Trust and the Q of Sapphire', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 31, No. 1 (February 2001), 71-85.
16.
16. Collins & Yearley, op. cit. note 14. Let us hasten to add that many Wave Two authors have made valuable `upstream' contributions, and many of these are discussed in the Appendix and in the main body of the paper. We are simply trying to describe, systematize and set on a firmer foundation, the contribution of the sociology of scientific knowledge to what happens upstream. To give one example, Evelleen Richards has argued that it was part of the duty of science studies to give positive advice on the conduct of science, and Trevor Pinch, in reviewing her work, referred to it as `third generation' SSK (though his `first' and `second' generations did not coincide with our First and Second Waves): see, for example, Brian Martin, Evelleen Richards and Pam Scott, `Who's a Captive? Who's a Victim? Response to Collins's Method Talk', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Spring 1991), 252-55; Trevor Pinch, `Generations of SSK' (Review of Richards, Vitamin C and Cancer, & Sapp, Where the Truth Lies), Social Studies of Science, Vol. 23, No. 2 (May 1993), 363-73. Richards and Collins disagreed about whether her work was SSK, and Collins would still say it was not - it was knowledge science. This is the kind of distinction that we are trying to resolve here.
17.
17. H.M. Collins, Changing Order: Replication and Induction in Scientific Practice (Beverly Hills, CA & London: Sage, 1st edn, 1985; Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, rev. 2nd edn, 1992), passim; H.M. Collins, `The Meaning of Data: Open and Closed Evidential Cultures in the Search for Gravitational Waves', American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 104, No. 2 (September 1998), 293-337.
18.
18. The size of the core-set can be influenced by the `size' of the claim made - for example, the extent to which it seeks to overturn a small or large part of the conventional theories: see Trevor Pinch, Confronting Nature: The Sociology of Solar-Neutrino Detection (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1986) - and the availability of resources which limit the ability of scientists to participate in the debate at all: see Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Milton Keynes, Bucks., UK: Open University Press; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987).
19.
19. Thomas F. Gieryn, `Boundary-Work and the Demarcation of Science from Non-Science: Strains and Interests in Professional Ideologies of Scientists', American Sociological Review, Vol. 48 (1983), 781-95; T.F. Gieryn, Cultural Boundaries of Science: Credibility on the Line (Chicago, IL & London: The University of Chicago Press, 1999).
20.
20. These remarks were made by Steven Yearley, who kindly allowed us to identify him as one referee of an earlier draft of this paper.
21.
21. And this has been known for a long time by those convinced by the arguments supporting moral relativism; moral relativism does not lead to moral anarchy, but to the sad acceptance that, beyond a certain point, moral judgements cannot be justified, but are nevertheless right - one just has to take responsibility for them.
22.
22. Or it might be that the appropriate circle of judgement for a work of art is still wider than the trained critics, and hence the claim that `I may not know much about art, but I know what I like', is not entirely frivolous. Indeed, some art is intended to make a fool of circles of specialist critics, or to cause us to reflect on the nature of the establishment. But, setting all that aside, should we feel happy with: `I may not know much about science, but I know what I like'?
23.
23. This is not to say that once upon a time the public, or at least those who witnessed experiments, were not more important to the process of science. And it is not to say that such rights are not being increasingly demanded. It is this latter process in which we are interested.
24.
24. In an unpublished paper to the conference on `Democratisation Socialised', held at Cardiff University (25-28 August 2000), Harry Collins argued that a demarcation criterion between science and art could be found in the relationship between the intentions of the author of a paper/work and the interpretation of the consumer - and that in scientific paper-writing, the author's intention must always be to limit interpretative licence, whereas in some forms of art or poetry, it might well be to provoke an unanticipated response or interpretation. Though our main three-fold classification - no special expertise, interactional expertise, and contributory expertise - was initially chosen because it is already present in the discourse and practice of social scientists, it has begun to feel less arbitrary as the argument has developed. The distinction seems to `pop up all over the place' once one starts to think about these matters. In this case, pressed upon us by our referee, it seems the obvious way to think about the relationship between artists and critics.
25.
25. Steven Shapin, `The Politics of Observation: Cerebral Anatomy and Social Interests in the Edinburgh Phrenology Disputes', in Roy Wallis (ed.), On the Margins of Science: The Social Construction of Rejected Knowledge, Sociological Review Monograph No. 27 (Keele, Staffs., UK: Keele University Press; London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), 139-78.
26.
26. By `Lysenkoism and the like' we mean cases where state power is used to over-rule scientific conclusions that are subject to broad consensus within the international scientific community. We note that all but the most and least radical of scientific commentators decry, for example, the involvement of the tobacco companies in supporting scientific research aimed at certain conclusions.
27.
27. The degree of `visibility' of the politics is not, by itself, a good criterion of `intrinsicness' or `extrinsicness' of the politics, since degree of visibility is contingent on historical events and contexts (we thank Charles Thorpe for this point). The criterion of intrinsicness has to be the extent to which scientists, or other commentators, would willingly endorse the input of politics into the science. To play the Western science `language game' (and this whole paper stands and falls on an agreement to play it) means being unwilling to endorse, publicly, an input of political influence into science. However irreducible the political input, the politics must remain intrinsic if it is Western science that is being done. As we explain in the Appendix, this means that there are two ways to look at modern `standpoint theories'. One way is to see the input of new classes of expert, such as women, as experts on women, as a way of reducing already existing political biasses so as to increase the integrity of the science. The other way is to see them as insisting that science is a product of its political milieu, that there are different sciences based on different political viewpoints, and that the influence of the `standpoint' should be explicit and extrinsic. As we indicate, to argue in the second way is to abandon the language of Western science, something which we stand against.
28.
28. But the compartmentalization is analytically vital. The difference between SSK's descriptions and its prescriptions seem to be at the root of certain earlier heated debates. The prescriptions, as in the case of the justice system, are a matter of knowing how to act appropriately within a set of institutions or `language games'. Misunderstanding the difference between the analyst's `is' and the analyst's `ought' has led to some ghastly confusions: see, for example, Pam Scott, Evelleen Richards and Brian Martin, `Captives of Controversy: The Myth of the Neutral Social Researcher in Contemporary Scientific Controversies', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 15, No. 4 (Autumn 1990), 33-57; Martin, Richards & Scott, op. cit. note 16; H.M. Collins, `In Praise of Futile Gestures: How Scientific is the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge?', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May 1996), 229-44. One might say that Scott, Richards and Martin, having noticed that SSK has shown that politics is intrinsic to science, believe it should be made extrinsic also. We disagree. When one moves upstream into the area of prescription, one must be aware that one no longer has the analytic privileges and advantages accorded to those who remain downstream. Likewise, staying downstream is incompatible with overt prescription, because symmetry is central to downstream analysis.
29.
29. This phrase is due to Collins, Changing Order, op. cit. note 17, 145. The idea has been modified and extended by Donald MacKenzie, who points out that uncertainty and opposition can increase as science enters the policy-making sphere: D. MacKenzie, `The Certainty Trough', in Robin Williams, Wendy Faulkner and James Fleck (eds), Exploring Expertise: Issues and Perspectives (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1998), 325-29.
30.
30. We talk here of the cognitive debate. As Latour (op. cit. note 18) has argued, there are many factors that make scientific disputes more or less settled in practice.
31.
31. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1962; rev. 2nd edn, 1970); Harry Collins and Trevor Pinch, The Golem: What You Should Know About Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1st edn, 1993; Cambridge & New York: Canto, 2nd edn, with new afterword, 1998). In the afterword to the second edition of The Golem, evidence is used to show the relationship between textbook accounts and other accounts of the foundations of relativity.
32.
32. For example, the UK government's response to the possibility of a link between BSE in cattle and CJD in humans was orchestrated around these ideas, and government statements invariably took the line that there was no risk, or that beef was completely safe: see Barbara Adam, Timescapes of Modernity: The Environment and Invisible Hazards (London & New York: Routledge, 1998); B. Adam, `The Media Timescapes of BSE News', in Stuart Allan, Barbara Adam and Cynthia Carter (eds), Environmental Risks and the Media (London & New York: Routledge, 2000), 117-29. The same concern for certainty was also reported in Brian Wynne's study of the sheep-farmers: B. Wynne, `May the Sheep Safely Graze? A Reflexive View of the Expert-Lay Knowledge Divide', in Scott Lash, Bronislaw Szerszynski and Brian Wynne (eds), Risk, Environment & Modernity: Towards a New Ecology (London: Sage, 1996), 44-83; and, more recently, it can be seen in the response to concerns about the safety of the measles-mumps-rubella (MMR) vaccine given to young children and in the possible dangers posed to service men and women, and presumably civilians in war zones, by the use of depleted uranium (DU) ammunition.
33.
33. What is meant is that, like Harold Garfinkel's famous breaching experiments, scientific controversies highlighted the rules of scientific behaviour and their ambivalances: see Harold Garfinkel, `A Conception of, and Experiments With, “Trust” as a Condition of Stable Concerted Actions', in O.J. Harvey (ed.), Motivation and Social Interaction (New York: Ronald Press, 1963), 187-238.
34.
34. See also Jean-Marc Lévy-Leblond, `About Misunderstandings About Misunderstandings', Public Understanding of Science, Vol. 1, No. 1 (January 1992), 17-21.
35.
35. See, for example, Gieryn, opera cit. note 19.
36.
36. In other words, as indicated above, expertise is being treated in the way it would be treated under `knowledge science'.
37.
37. We are led to ask this question after, on the advice of a referee, re-reading Turner, op. cit. note 2.
38.
38. Our claim in respect of astrology is not that it has never been used to contribute to decision-making at a variety of levels, but that very few of its proponents confuse it with science, any more than they would confuse the sayings of an oracle with science.
39.
39. Turner, op. cit. note 2.
40.
40. Part of our job could be described as helping to realize such continuities in expertise as continuities in social and cognitive networks.
41.
41. Wave Two studies show that many of the arguments used by scientists to exclude some whole field or other from scientific consideration are based on risible or disingenuous oversimplifications of the way their own sciences work, but this is not to make the other fields valid: H.M. Collins and Trevor J. Pinch, `The Construction of the Paranormal: Nothing Unscientific is Happening', in Wallis (ed.), op. cit. note 25, 237-70. The stress on the orthogonal nature of decisions about fields and decisions about expertise within fields, and the subsequent setting out of Figure 8, emerged from the discussion at Cornell University in November 2001, mentioned above.
42.
42. For a discussion of expertise and experience, see Peter Dear, Discipline and Experience: The Mathematical Way in the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, IL & London: The University of Chicago Press, 1995).
43.
43. To anticipate a potential question, what we will call `interactional competence' in an expertise can be a Type I interactional competence, even though it is not itself a fullblown Type I expertise.
44.
44. There is a terminological difficulty here. Turner classifies expertise, rather than competence within an expertise. We want to talk about competence within an expertise. Unfortunately, the possession of certain expertise is also seen as a sign of competence, as when we say that certain humans are `more competent at sports' than others if they possess more sports expertise. We don't think the terminological untidiness causes any great problems, however, as the meaning should always be clear from the context.
45.
45. For example, into tacit and explicit knowledge, with two different more detailed classifications within these broad categories: see, for example, the work of Collins cited in notes 6 and 15. With another author, he has also divided human abilities into `polimorphic' and `mimeomorphic': Collins & Kusch, op. cit. note 6, passim. Probably the most currently well-known classification of expertise is that due to Hubert and Stuart Dreyfus (H.L. Dreyfus and S.E. Dreyfus, Mind Over Machine: The Power of Human Intuition and Expertise in the Era of the Computer [New York: Free Press, 1986]), but the Dreyfus model is not appropriate for answering the kinds of question we pose here.
46.
46. Researchers in the sociology of scientific knowledge have long understood how difficult it is to employ research assistants, precisely because the skills needed to do the research are not the generic skills of the broadly trained social scientist, but must include interactional skills in the substantive topic of the field study. Here our starting point in the esoteric sciences is felicitous. Sociologists who do not study the esoteric sciences may not be so familiar with these distinctions, and may find them less immediately persuasive, but these distinctions are useful ones nevertheless. As was pointed out at the discussions at Cornell University in November 2001, this classification is very broad, and it may be that more refined classifications are needed. Nevertheless, this classification is all that is necessary to `hammer in a piton'.
47.
47. Collins experienced complete failure in his attempts to acquire interactional competence in the field of amorphous semiconductors.
48.
48. Collins acquired enough competence to make significant published contributions to the field of the investigation of paranormal metal bending: B.R. Pamplin and H.M. Collins, `Spoon Bending: An Experimental Approach', Nature, Vol. 257 (4 September 1975), 8. Of course, an identical defence could be made of the nature of science, and is made in the tu quoque argument. That is to say, in our work, we act as though there is such a thing as science. But this presents no problem, so long as our relativism is of the methodological kind. Likewise, there is nothing in this argument to prevent analyses based on methodological relativism in respect of expertise. We are just demonstrating another way to go about things.
49.
49. Brian Wynne, `Sheep Farming after Chernobyl: A Case Study in Communicating Scientific Information', Environment, Vol. 31, No. 2 (1989), 10-15, 33-39; Wynne, op. cit. note 32; B. Wynne, `Misunderstood Misunderstandings: Social Identities and Public Uptake of Science', in Alan Irwin and Brian Wynne (eds), Misunderstanding Science? The Public Reconstruction of Science and Technology (Cambridge, New York & Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 19-46.
50.
50. Here we do not discuss the power relationships and protection of vested interests. Through our discussions, we merely want to use academic argument to lessen the impact of these interests in future incidents of this sort, by lessening their legitimacy.
51.
51. None of this is to claim that making established scientists listen will be easy. For the AIDS case, see Steven Epstein, `The Construction of Lay Expertise: AIDS Activism and the Forging of Credibility in the Reform of Clinical Trials', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Autumn 1995), 408-37. There is a wider question about the extent to which the treatment activists represented the whole gay community, let alone the still more heterogeneous group of people suffering from AIDS.
52.
52. We are ignoring, for the purposes of our argument, the very obvious fact that the managers are also likely to be much better scientists than any visiting sociologist.
53.
53. As well as the technical abilities remarked on in the quotation and the previous note.
54.
54. Though in the case in question, some scientists thought that the referral was from too distant a site. They thought that high-energy physics, from where the managers came, gave them a misleading picture of the skills required to do interferometry. General Groves, who managed the Manhattan Project, was an interesting case who would seem to contradict this argument: see Charles Thorpe and Steven Shapin, `Who Was J. Robert Oppenheimer? Charisma and Complex Organization', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 30, No. 4 (August 2000), 545-90.
55.
55. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1963), passim; Collins & Yearley, op. cit. note 14.
56.
56. The problem of translating between self-contained cultures, `paradigms' or `forms-of-life', is an old one: see, for example, H.M. Collins and Trevor J. Pinch, Frames of Meaning: The Social Construction of Extraordinary Science (Henley-on-Thames, UK: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982). In the history of science, it has been alluded to under the heading of `trading zones': see Peter Galison, Image and Logic: A Material Culture of Microphysics (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1997), passim. Skills of journalists are compared with those of sociologists in Phillip M. Strong, `The Rivals: An Essay on the Sociological Trades', in Robert Dingwall and Philip Lewis (eds), The Sociology of the Professions: Lawyers, Doctors and Others (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-77.
57.
57. These judgements are not dissimilar to those made by scientists within the scientific community. Thus Lewis Wolpert has said that `scientists must make an assessment of the reliability of experiments. One of the reasons for going to meetings is to meet the scientists in one's field so that one can form an opinion of them and judge their work': L. Wolpert, `Review of The Golem', Public Understanding of Science, Vol. 3, No. 3 (July 1994), 328-29, at 329. We will go on to discuss the relationship between our concept and similar issues discussed by Brian Wynne in 1992 and 1993: B. Wynne, `Public Understanding of Science Research: New Horizon or Hall of Mirrors?', Ibid., Vol. 1, No. 1 (January 1992), 37-43; B. Wynne, `Public Uptake of Science: A Case for Institutional Reflexivity', ibid., Vol. 2, No. 4 (October 1993), 321-37. We, however, distinguish between specialist and ubiquitous expertises.
58.
58. Poor social judgements are the problem with those who believe in, say, newspaper astrology as a scientific theory. They are making a social mistake: they do not know the locations in our society in which trustworthy expertise in respect of the influence of the stars and planets on our lives is to be found.
59.
59. For a similar argument in respect of the rejection of claims about the existence of gravitational waves, see H.M. Collins, `Tantalus and the Aliens: Publications, Audiences and the Search for Gravitational Waves', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 29, No. 2 (April 1999), 163-97.
60.
60. Increasing the potential for debates about who is in and who is out - a typical boundary problem.
61.
61. To make the point from the opposite side, so-called `junk scientists', such as many of those who are called as expert witnesses in court rooms, often have paper credentials, but are not counted as experts by their peers.
62.
62. The term `phase' is used here in the materials-science sense - as in a `phase diagram' for a material - rather than in the time-sequence sense.
63.
63. Epstein, op. cit. note 51; Steven Epstein, Impure Science: AIDS, Activism, and the Politics of Knowledge (Berkeley, Los Angeles & London: University of California Press, 1996).
64.
64. In the case of the sheep farmers, there was probably never a nexus.
65.
65. If Figure 6 is taken to represent the Cumbrian case, there would be no solid-line nexus at all between the core-set and the `pocket'. The dotted-line nexus would stay where it is, however - the sheep farmers should have been in the core-set from early in the game.
66.
66. For a full account, see H.M. Collins, `Public Experiments and Displays of Virtuosity: The Core-Set Revisited', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 18, No. 4 (November 1988), 725-48.
67.
67. This sentence is not as naïve as it appears. Compare what has been said about the Edinburgh phrenology case. We are not trying to suggest any hard and fast distinction between science and politics, nor are we suggesting that these tests and their interpretations could have been carried out completely `objectively'. What we are suggesting is that the way in which the political sphere encroached on the technical sphere in these cases was clearly illegitimate under almost any analysis of science. There is no difficulty in making prescriptive statements about it.
68.
68. Collins was able to demonstrate the incompetence of audiences of university personnel by showing them a film of the crash, and asking them to criticize it without prompting. They always failed to notice the visible features that had been pointed out by Greenpeace's experts.
69.
69. This is not to say that there are not groups of experience-based experts in different aspects of the safety of the transport of nuclear fuel in the population as a whole. For example, there are pockets of experience-based expertise concerning the degree of radioactivity on sections of rail (and sidings) used for railway transport. But these people are experts and, by that fact alone, not ordinary.
70.
70. In the case of the train crash, the experts who pointed out the deficiencies of the test came from Greenpeace; in the case of the aircraft crash, the experts (who were represented on a subsequent TV programme) were from ICI - the manufacturers of AMK.
71.
71. As Michael Bloor argues: see M. Bloor, `The South Wales Miners Federation, Miners' Lung and the Instrumental Use of Expertise, 1900-50', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 30, No. 1 (February 2000), 125-40, at 126.
72.
72. There is also the danger that this form of account takes us back to the sociology of error, in which deviant science is explained in a different way to `proper' science.
73.
73. The correct analysis varies from case to case, but we suspect that the motivation is most often of the first kind, as the stage magicians do not (and are not expected to) adopt the norms of the scientific community, such as honesty and openness. In either case, the welcoming of magicians into the heartland of science makes the point about the permeability of professional boundaries.
74.
74. See, for example, Eric Von Hippel, The Sources of Innovation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988). The rôle of these lead users is not entirely unproblematic, however, and, as Phil Agre has argued, can lead to the neglect of novice users in the design of technology: consult Agre's website: <http://dlis.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/>. The result of this is that inefficient designs, particularly of IT interfaces, become embedded social practices, as manufacturers and lead users overlook the increasingly complex training and restructuring that is needed to make the machines work: see <http://commons.somewhere.com/rre/2000/RRE.notes. and.recommenda19.html>.
75.
75. Wiebe E. Bijker, Thomas P. Hughes and Trevor Pinch (eds), The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1987); W.E. Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites, and Bulbs: Toward a Theory of Sociotechnical Change (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995).
76.
76. Thinking about planning debates brings out two other kinds of ability that belong below the line in the diagram. There is the ability of the middle-class protestors and professional lobbyists, who know how to present an argument and how to penetrate the appropriate networks; and there is the skill of the activists who know how to cause the authorities the maximum inconvenience and expense by climbing trees, burrowing into tunnels in the ground, and so forth. We could thus add these types of ability to the discriminatory and translation skills we identified earlier.
77.
77. See, for example, Michael Lynch and David Bogen, The Spectacle of History: Speech, Text, and Memory at the Iran-Contra Hearings (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996); Sheila Jasanoff, The Fifth Branch: Science Advisers as Policymakers (London & Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); S. Jasanoff, Science at the Bar: Law, Science, and Technology in America (Cambridge, MA & London: Twentieth Century Fund & Harvard University Press, 1995); Brian Wynne, Rationality and Ritual: The Windscale Inquiry and Nuclear Decisions in Britain, BSHS Monograph No. 3 (Chalfont St Giles, Bucks., UK: British Society for the History of Science, 1982); Roger Smith and Brian Wynne (eds), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law (London: Routledge, 1989).
78.
78. As we will explain in the Appendix, Silvio Funtowicz and Jerome Ravetz misleadingly refer to this kind of situation as `post-normal', whereas it is simply `pre-normal': see S.O. Funtowicz and J.R. Ravetz, `Science in the Post-Normal Age', Futures, Vol. 25, No. 7 (September 1993), 739-55.
79.
79. Karl Popper, in his The Poverty of Historicism (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957), used the term `historicist' to refer to teleological theories which assume a progressive historical trend. We do not discuss progressiveness, only sciences that deal with long-term unique changes.
80.
80. This kind of science has been examined by Barry Barnes in the context of economic decision-making: B. Barnes, The Nature of Power (Cambridge/Oxford, UK: Polity Press/Basil Blackwell, 1988), passim.
81.
81. There is a certain symmetry here: just as the scientific community is the appropriate location for disposing of political influence as it impinges on the construction of knowledge, so the polity is the appropriate locus for decisions about the societal response to uncertain knowledge.
82.
82. For example, do household conservation policies increase or decrease the output of greenhouse gases when one takes into account the environmental cost of collection and processing of recyclable waste? For a discussion of the role of SSK in urban energy policies, see Robert J. Evans, Simon Marvin and Simon Guy, `Making a Difference: Sociology of Scientific Knowledge and Urban Energy Policies', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Winter 1999), 105-31; for economic policy as social technology, see Robert Evans, Macroeconomic Forecasting: A Sociological Appraisal (London: Routledge, 1999).
83.
83. Apologies to Malcolm Ashmore for this un-ironic use of the word `wrong': M. Ashmore, `Ending Up On the Wrong Side: Must the Two Forms of Radicalism Always Be at War?', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May 1996), 305-22.
84.
84. See Edward W. Lawless, Technology and Social Shock (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1977, at 418-25.
85.
85. The Greenpeace version of this story is available on their website at: <http://www.greenpace.org/˜comms/toxics/dumping/jun20.html>.
86.
86. See James C. Petersen and Gerald E. Markle, `Politics and Science in the Laetrile Controversy', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 9, No. 2 (May 1979), 139-66.
87.
87. Bent Flyvbjerg discusses the Aristotelian concept of `phronesis', which is a form of practical wisdom in a moral setting; prudence and wisdom capture some of its flavour: see B. Flyvbjerg, Making Social Science Matter: Why Social Inquiry Fails and How It Can Succeed Again (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), passim.
Unfortunately, the concept is somewhat slippery and includes components both of the political and of experience. To use the concept with confidence in this discussion, one would first need to redescribe natural science, using the term in the light of what we have learned about science over the last decades. Our paradigm case - the post-Chernobyl Cumbrian sheep farmers as discussed by Wynne - would not seem to benefit from the introduction of the term `phronesis'. The point is that the sheep farmers had technical knowledge of sheep ecology, not prudent understanding of how to act in a situation requiring ethical judgement, which is an essential element in Flyvbjerg's usage.
88.
88. On artists in the media, see Frank Muir, A Kentish Lad (Reading, Berks., UK: Corgi Books, 1997). Muir explains the mass defection of programme-makers from London Weekend Television when the Board of Directors sacked their talented boss. He says (324-25):
There was no contact at all between the board and the creative side of the company... Lord Campbell told us that in his experience all management was the same. `You unit heads may think that managing talented producers and performers raises special problems but I have been in sugar all my life and I can assure you that the management of people in television is precisely the same as the management of sugar workers'.
On scientists, see Turner, op. cit. note 2, and David H. Guston, `Evaluating the First US Consensus Conference: The Impact of the Citizens' Panel on Telecommunications and the Future of Democracy', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 24, No. 4 (Autumn 1999), 451-82; and for scientists and government, D.H. Guston, Between Politics and Science: Assuring the Integrity and Productivity of Research (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
89.
89. Lawless, op. cit. note 84.
90.
90. The Phillips Report was critical of the way in which scientific advice is solicited, interpreted and used. In particular, caveats inserted in the original advice were not given sufficient weight, contradictory evidence was discounted, and the initial recommendations were not reviewed often enough. The full report is available on the internet at <www.bse.gov.uk>. See also Anne Murcott, `Not Science but PR: GM Food and the Makings of a Considered Sociology', Sociological Research Online, Vol. 4, No. 3 (September 1999); A. Murcott, `Public Beliefs about GM Foods: More on the Makings of a Considered Sociology', Medical Anthropology Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 1 (March 2001), 1-11.
91.
91. House of Lords Science and Technology Committee, Science and Society (London: HMSO, 2000); European Union White Paper on Governance: Broadening and Enriching Public Debate on European Matters, Report of the Working Group on Democratising Expertise and Establishing Scientific Reference Systems, available on the internet at <www.cordis.lu/rtd2002/science-society/governance.htm>; Loka Institute <www.loka.org>, `telecommunications and democracy' (April 1997); `genetically engineered foods' (February 2002). The Loka Institute website provides links to reports on over 40 consensus conferences held in over a dozen countries.
92.
92. House of Lords, op. cit. note 91, paragraph 5.48. Guidance on how government departments should put these principles into practice are given in the Office of Science and Technology (OST) publication, Guidelines 2000: Scientific Advice and Policy Making, available on the internet at <http://www.dti.gov.uk/ost/aboutost/guidelines.htm>, and in the Code of Conduct for Written Consultations produced by the Cabinet Office: <http://www.cabinet-office.gov.uk/servicefirst/2000/consult/code/ConsulationCode.htm>.
93.
93. Wellcome Trust and the Office of Science and Technology, Science and the Public: A Review of Science Communication and Public Attitudes to Science in Britain (London: Wellcome Trust & OST, 2000), 8.
94.
94. NSF Science and Engineering Indicators, 2000, quote at page 8-13 of on-line PDF version, available at <http://www.nsf.go/sbe/srs/seind00/start.htm>.
95.
95. Eurobarometer 52.1: The Europeans and Biotechnology (Brussels: EU, 2000), available via the internet from <http://europa.e.int/comm/dg10/ep/eb.html>.
96.
96. Perhaps surprisingly, the support for scientists was higher amongst younger people, defined as those aged between 15 and 24; it was 79%, higher than that for the sample as a whole.
97.
97. Recent examples in Britain include: Dr Harold Shipman, a former GP in Manchester who is currently in prison after being found guilty of murdering over a dozen of his patients, and being implicated in the deaths of many more; the scandals at the Bristol Children's Hospital, where doctors continued to operate, despite much higher death rates and the concerns of their colleagues; and the retention of children's organs by pathology labs without their parents' knowledge.
98.
98. There are clearly some inconsistencies here. For example, professors receive a different rating to scientists, though it is not clear what the distinction is, as it is possible to be both. Similarly, news readers score significantly more highly than journalists, despite the fact that what they read is the product of journalistic endeavour (and many of them are trained and experienced journalists).
99.
99. Michelle Corrado, `Trust in Scientists', paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (Glasgow, 3-7 September, 2001); also available at the Mori website: <www.mori.com>.
100.
100. The Advisory and Regulatory Framework for Biotechnology: Report from the Government's Review (London: HMSO, 1999), quote at paragraph 36; available via the internet from: <http://www.dti.go.uk/ost/rmay99/Bioreport_1.htm>.
101.
101. The survey data supporting this observation is summarized in Mori, The Role of Scientists in Public Debate: Full Report (London: Wellcome Trust & Mori, 2000), available via the internet from: <http://www.wellcom.ac.uk/en/1/mismscnesos.html>.
102.
102. Interview by Brian Wynne given to River Path Associates, who were conducting research on science communication for the British Association: The River Path Report, `Now for the Science Bit - Concentrate!', was published in 1997, and is available via the internet from: <http://www.riverpth.com/library/>.
103.
103. Anne Kerr, Sarah Cunningham-Burley and Amanda Amos, `The New Genetics and Health: Mobilizing Lay Expertise', Public Understanding of Science, Vol. 7, No. 1 (January 1998), 41-60, at 48.
104.
104. Robin Grove-White, Phillip Macnaghten and Brian Wynne, Wising Up: The Public and New Technologies (Lancaster, UK: Centre for the Study of Environmental Change, Lancaster University, 2000).
105.
105. Steven Yearley, `Computer Models and the Public's Understanding of Science', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 29, No. 6 (December 1999), 845-66; COPUS, To Know Science is to Love It? Observations from Public Understanding of Science Research (London: COPUS & the Royal Society, no date); Irwin & Wynne (eds), op. cit. note 49; Ian Hargreaves and Galit Ferguson (eds), Who's Misunderstandng Whom? Bridging the Gap Between the Public, the Media and Science (Swindon, UK: Economic and Social Research Council [ESRC], 2000).
106.
106. Alan Irwin, Alison Dale and Denis Smith, `Science and Hell's Kitchen: The Local Understanding of Hazard Issues', in Irwin & Wynne (eds), op. cit. note 49, 47-64.
107.
107. Geoffrey Evans and John Durant, `The Relationship Between Knowledge and Attitudes in the Public Understanding of Science in Britain', Public Understanding of Science, Vol. 4, No. 1 (January 1995), 57-74; Welsh, op. cit. note 7.
108.
108. A full report based on this survey is available from: <http://www.vcu.ed/lifesciencessurvy/>.
109.
109. Wynne, op. cit. note 32; Steven Yearley, `Making Systematic Sense of Public Discontents with Expert Knowledge: Two Analytical Approaches and a Case Study', Public Understanding of Science, Vol. 9, No. 2 (April 2000), 105-22.
110.
110. For a brief statement of the `deficit model', and a discussion of its weaknesses, see Alan Irwin, `Science and its Publics: Continuity and Change in the Risk Society', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 24, No. 1 (February 1994), 168-184, at 170-72. See also Simon Locke, `Golem Science and the Public Understanding of Science: From Deficit to Dilemma', Public Understanding of Science, Vol. 8, No. 2 (April 1999), 75-92, esp. the references listed at 90, note 14.
111.
111. As we explain in the main text, Turner (op. cit. note 2) takes the Problem of Legitimacy to be one based in political philosophy.
112.
112. Ulrich Beck, The Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity (London: Sage, 1992), 166 & passim.
113.
113. Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1990), esp. 124-34.
114.
114. Welsh's research on the nuclear industry clearly demonstrates that there was organized opposition to nuclear power from the moment it was first proposed: Welsh, op. cit. note 7.
115.
115. Michael Mulkay, Science and the Sociology of Knowledge (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1979), 11. Cited works are: Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1936); K. Mannheim, Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1952).
116.
116. See, for example, Robert K. Merton, The Sociology of Science (Chicago, IL & London: The University of Chicago Press, 1973). See also Michael Mulkay, `Norms and Ideology in Science', Social Science Information, Vol. 15 (1976), 637-56. Here Mulkay questions the adequacy of the norms as we move into the period of Wave Two.
117.
117. Lewis Wolpert, The Unnatural Nature of Science: Why Science does not make (Common) Sense (London: Faber & Faber, 1992); Paul R. Gross and Norman Levitt, Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and its Quarrels with Science (Baltimore, MD & London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); P.R. Gross, N. Levitt and Martin W. Lewis (eds), The Flight From Science and Reason, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, Vol. 775 (24 June 1996), i-xi, 1-593; Richard Dawkins, Unweaving the Rainbow: Science, Delusion and the Appetite for Wonder (London: Penguin, 1999); Noretta Koertge (ed.), A House Built on Sand: Exposing Postmodernist Myths About Science (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). A more recent attempt to develop a reasoned dialogue about the nature of science can be found in Jay Labinger and Harry Collins (eds), The One Culture? A Conversation About Science (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 2001).
118.
118. Jasanoff, opera cit. note 77.
119.
119. Jasanoff (1995), op. cit. note 77, 215.
120.
120. Craig Waddell, `The Role of Pathos in the Decision-Making Process: A Study in the Rhetoric of Science Policy', Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 76 (1991), 381-400; C. Waddell, `Reasonableness Versus Rationality in the Construction and Justification of Science Policy Decisions: The Case of the Cambridge Experimentation Review Board', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Winter 1989), 7-25. For a more critical account of the CERB's deliberations, see Rae S. Goodell, `Public Involvement in the DNA Controversy: The Case of Cambridge, Massachusetts', ibid., Vol. 4 (Spring 1979), 36-43.
121.
121. Of course, it is possible to question the sense in which the members of the CERB `represented' the population of Cambridge. Clearly they were unusual in that they were selected for, and then chose to be involved in, a complex scientific and technical controversy. For an account by a CERB member, see Sheldon Krimsky, Genetic Alchemy (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1982); for a comprehensive account of the whole debate, see Susan Wright, Molecular Politics: Developing American and British Regulatory for Genetic Engineering, 1972-1982 (Chicago, IL & London: The University of Chicago Press, 1994).
122.
122. Waddell argues that whilst the rhetoric of science may be of facts and not emotion, the transcripts of the proceedings clearly reveal that advocates of both sides combined rational arguments (logos) with the other two elements of rhetoric (ethos or integrity, and pathos or emotional argument). In the end it was the combination of all three, with concrete examples of sick children being cured by a committed physician as a result of the research, that seems to have won the day.
123.
123. Alan Irwin, Citizen Science: A Study of People, Expertise and Sustainable Development (London & New York: Routledge, 1995), 17-21 & passim.
124.
124. How this participation is to be accomplished is, of course, another matter. The next section discusses the difficult choices farm workers and their representatives faced when they were, eventually, invited to participate in a US conference on 2,4,5,T.
125.
125. Examples include: Evelyn Fox Keller, Reflections on Gender and Science (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985); E.F. Keller and Helen E. Longino (eds), Feminism and Science (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); Sandra Harding, Is Science Multicultural?: Postcolonialisms, Feminisms and Epistemologies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998); Donna Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_ Millennium.FemaleMan@Meets_OncoMouse™: Feminism and Technoscience (New York: Routledge, 1997).
126.
126. Described in Epstein, op. cit. note 63.
127.
127. Arksey, op. cit. note 5; Bloor, op. cit. note 71.
128.
128. Arie Rip, Thomas J. Misa and Johan Schot (eds), Managing Technology in Society: The Approach of Constructive Technology Assessment (London & New York: Pinter, 1995).
129.
129. Michael Gibbons, Camille Limoges, Helga Nowotny, Simon Schwartzman, Peter Scott and Martin Trow, The New Production of Knowledge: The Dynamics of Science and Research in Contemporary Societies (London, Thousand Oaks, CA & New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1994).
130.
130. For an exchange of views on this issue, see the papers contained in Pickering (ed.), op. cit. note 14. The burden of our paper, of course, is to resurrect boundaries between expert and non-expert in order to resolve the Problem of Extension.
131.
131. Wynne (1992), op. cit. note 57, 39.
132.
132. Wynne (1993), op. cit. note 57, 328.
133.
133. Collins, op. cit. note 6; Collins & Kusch, op. cit. note 6; H.M. Collins, `Socialness and the Undersocialized Conception of Society', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Autumn 1998), 494-516.
134.
134. James C. Petersen, `Citizen Participation in Science Policy', in J.C. Petersen (ed.), Citizen Participation in Science Policy (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984), 1-17.
135.
135. This is not to deny that the relevant agencies may not have embraced these changes as enthusiastically as they might. In practice, therefore, although procedural changes have enabled public representatives to participate in the development of policies, most of the reforms have focussed on making data and information available. As a result, they do not fundamentally challenge the existing definitions of who/what is an expert. In other words, they remain based on, and do little to challenge, a deficit model in which expertise is a resource denied to the socially and economically disadvantaged and abundantly available to the powerful. Participation therefore depends on redistributing expertise, but does not assume that it lies outside the scientific community. (See Petersen, op. cit. note 134, 26.)
136.
136. Petersen, ibid., 6-7.
137.
137. See, for example, Welsh, op. cit. note 7, passim. It is worth noting, however, that the importance attached to this is perhaps peculiar to the USA, and that culture's longstanding distrust in its own institutions. The contrast between US systems and those employed in France is clearly brought out in Theodore Porter, Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), esp. Chapters 6 and 7.
138.
138. See Lawless, op. cit. note 84.
139.
139. Information about the MPC's membership, past and present, can be found on the Bank of England website: <www.bankofengland.co.uk>.
140.
140. Certainly, we would expect Mr Greenspan, and other central bankers, to consult widely, but there is no suggestion that anyone other than this group should weigh up the evidence and make the decisions.
141.
141. Rip, Misa & Schot (eds), op. cit. note 128; Arie Rip, `Controversies as Informal Technology Assessment', Knowledge: Creation, Diffusion, Utilization, Vol. 8, No. 2 (December 1986), 349-71.
142.
142. Rip, ibid., 363-34.
143.
143. Ibid.
144.
144. EU Workshop on `Democratising Expertise' and Establishing a European Scientific Reference System (Brussels, 30 March 2001); report available from: <http://europa.eu.int/comm/governance/areas/group2/index_en.htm>. This is also one of the recommendations of the Phillips Report into the BSE crisis: see note 90.
145.
145. In addition, the participants at the EU workshop were concerned about the point at which science goes public. EU scientists were uncomfortable with following a US model, in which all meetings and debates are public, and would prefer private discussions to prepare their positions beforehand. Concerns were also expressed about the resources consultation might consume, how the `cacophony of voices' would be dealt with and how `consultation fatigue' could be avoided. Dorothy Nelkin's work, however, suggests that these latter problems are not usually as significant as scientists expect: see, for example, D. Nelkin, `Science and Technology Policy and the Democratic Process', in J.C. Petersen (ed.), op. cit. note 134, 18-39.
146.
146. The parliamentary debate on embryonic stem cell research in Britain may be an example implicitly referred to here, where scientific advisers gave technical information to both sides of the debate.
147.
147. Cf. Evans, op. cit. note 82; see also Guston (1999), op. cit. note 88.
148.
148. Sandra Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986), 250; cited in Isobelle Stengers, The Invention of Modern Science (Minneapolis & London: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), at 20-21.
149.
149. For example, Harding, op. cit. note 125.
150.
150. Harry Collins and Trevor Pinch, The Golem at Large: What You Should Know About Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), at 7-29.
151.
151. Arksey, op. cit. note 5, 174.
152.
152. Locke, op. cit. note 110; Collins & Pinch, opera cit. notes 31, 56 & 150.
153.
153. Jon Turney, `Review of The Golem at Large', Public Understanding of Science, Vol. 8, No. 2 (April 1999), 139-40, at 140.
154.
154. Wynne (1993), op. cit. note 57, 333.
155.
155. Funtowicz & Ravetz, op. cit. note 78, 751.
156.
156. Yearley, op. cit. note 105; Yearley, op. cit. note 109.
157.
157. For example, Yearley notes that the risks due to GM crops could be classed as `high' or `very high'. It may be, however, that the NUSAP notation developed by Funtowicz and Ravetz in other publications goes some way to addressing these concerns. See: Silvio O. Funtowicz and Jerome R. Ravetz, Uncertainty and Quality in Science for Policy (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1990).

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Article first published: April 2002
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Keywords

  1. contributory expertise
  2. interactive expertise
  3. legitimacy
  4. public
  5. technical decision-making
  6. sheep farmers

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H.M. Collins
KES, Cardiff School of Social Sciences, The Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue, Cardiff CF10 3WT, UK; fax +44 29 20 874175; [email protected]; www.cardiff.ac.uk/socsi/KES
Robert Evans
KES, Cardiff School of Social Sciences, The Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue, Cardiff CF10 3WT, UK; fax +44 29 20 874175; [email protected]; www.cardiff.ac.uk/socsi/KES

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