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Une réflexion autour des noms donnés à la dissidence religieuse étudiée aboutit à proposer l'emploi d'une nouvelle dénomination, celle d'"hérésie des bons hommes". Historiquement erronés, même s'ils reprennent parfois la terminologie choisie à l'époque par l'Eglise, les noms couramment utilisés, en particulier "cathares" et "catharisme", devraient être abandonnés, car ils éludent la dimension de construction à des fins persécutrices qui est constitutive de l'hérésie. Cette dernière est d'abord une qualification juridique, qui transforma la dissidence en déviance par un effet d'"implantation perverse" (Michel Foucault) propre à l'efficacité du droit. Le nom de "bons hommes", issu de la pratique des hérétiques, rappelle que la contestation consistait d'abord à reconnaître des autorités concurrentes de l'Eglise et que son contenu concernait l'ordre théologico-politique du monde dans son ensemble. Les idées et pratiques dissidentes n'étaient ni stables, ni cohérentes, car elles n'étaient pas soutenues par des institutions. Avant d'être une erreur, l'hérésie était une errance.
Mark Gregory PEGG, Innocent III, les « Pestilentiels Provençaux » et le paradigme épuisé du catharisme. Jusqu’au début de ce siècle, presque tous les historiens considéraient que les « pestilentiels Provençaux » contre lesquels Innocent III lança la « Croisade albigeoise » était des sectateurs du « catharisme ». Il est clair désormais, pour ceux qui veulent bien le voir, que le catharisme n’a jamais existé, sinon comme paradigme tenace inventé à la fin du XIXe siècle par les historiens de la religion et de l’hérésie au Moyen Âge. Le fait que tant de grands savants aient cru au catharisme pendant plus d’un siècle en témoigne : cette invention fin-de-siècle relevait du génie. Mais il est troublant que soient encore si nombreux ceux qui adhèrent à cette fiction. La question est d’une importance cruciale, car lorsque les historiens ne parviennent pas à comprendre en quoi le catharisme fut une invention de la science historique moderne, ils ne parviennent pas non plus à saisir l’invention médiévale de l’hérésie par les intellectuels de la Chrétienté latine tout au long du XIIe et au début du XIIIe siècle. La « réalité » des « pestilentiels Provençaux » fut effectivement inventée par Innocent III et par trois générations au moins de prédicateurs et de polémistes (le plus souvent des cisterciens). Le fait qu’il s’agît d’une invention ne la rendit pas moins réelle pour le pape ou pour les croisés qui entreprirent le pèlerinage guerrier en Toulousain. Mais cela signifie que la « réalité » des hommes, des femmes et des enfants étiquetés « pestilentiels » n’était ni la peste infecte décrite dans les accusations pontificales, ni l’illusion savante du catharisme. C’est seulement en prenant conscience des relations complexes entre ces différentes réalités, et spécialement des liens enchevêtrés entre la construction médiévale de l’hétérodoxie et la construction moderne du catharisme, que l’on peut commencer à comprendre la politique d’Innocent III et l’histoire de l’hérésie entre Garonne et Rhône. Mark Gregory PEGG, Innocent III, Pestilential Provençals, and the Obsolete Paradigm of Catharism. Until the beginning of this century almost all scholars assumed the « pestilential Provençals » against whom Innocent III unleashed the « Albigensian Crusade » were followers of the heresy of “Catharism ». What is now clear, for those willing to see, is that Catharism has never existed, except as an enduring paradigm invented by late nineteenth-century historians about religion and heresy in the Middle Ages. It is a testament to the brilliance of this fin-de-siècle fabrication that so many great scholars believed in Catharism for more than a century. It is more troubling that so many scholars keep believing in this fiction. Crucially, when historians fail to comprehend that Catharism was an invention of academic modernism, they fail to comprehend the medieval invention of heresy by Latin Christian intellectuals throughout the twelfth and into the early thirteenth centuries. The “reality” of the “pestilential Provençals” was actually invented by Innocent III and at least three generations of (mostly Cistercian) preachers and polemicists. The fact that it was an invention makes it no less real for the pope or for the crusaders undertaking martial pilgrimages into the Toulousain. What it does mean is that the “reality” of the men, women, and children labelled “pestilential Provençals” was neither the fetid plague of papal accusation or the scholarly illusion of Catharism. It is only by acknowledging the complex relationship between these various realities, especially the tangled connection between the medieval construction of heterodoxy and modern construction of Catharism, that we can even begin to understand Innocent III and heresy between the Garonne and the Rhône.
In the context which interests us here, namely a wide 13th century, in which the office of Inquisition was born and flourished, and in which the use of the confession significantly extented, the divergent opinions are sanctioned, at first from a theological point of view, and then also on the judicial level, by the denial of orthodoxy. But who asserts the orthodoxy or its opposite? According to places and times, the problem of the context of statement arises with strength. Without falling in an excessive nominalism, this paper focuses on the confrontation between the heretics and their accusers as on a situation of communication made very particular by the necessity of protecting a faith on one side, and of insuring its propagation of the other one. By leaning on recent studies, which showed that the difference of opinion takes its reality as heresy "as production of judges ", the present paper is situated at the level of the language and the frames of thought, to catch the heresy in its linguistic existence, leaving to the specialists of the history of the faith the care of the contents of one or several dissidences. The heretic being besides defined as the one who supports with obstinacy his different opinion, this article bends on his rhetoric, since his so called stubbornness belongs less to psychology than to linguistics.
Cahiers de Fanjeaux
« Un démon dans mon ventre » Cortezia, amour, hérésie avant la Croisade albigeoise2019 •
« A Demon in My Belly » Cortezia, Love, and Heresy before the Albigensian Crusade In 1222 a pregnant adolescent girl named na Aimerzens Viguier was mocked by two “good women” for having a demon in her belly. The “good women” (or “good ladies’) were fugitive heretics and their insult was recalled by na Amierzens two decades later for the inquisition in Toulouse. In the twelfth century there was no “heresy of the good women” or “heresy of the good men” between the Garonne and Rhône. Indeed, there were no heretics anywhere in Latin Christendom in the twelfth century, Waldensians included, if by that category we mean any individual purposely choosing to be labelled as hereticus or knowingly putting themselves at risk of persecution and punishment on account of what they believed or practiced. Of course, there were feverish accusations of heresy polluting the lands of the count of Toulouse by Latin Christian intellectuals in the twelth century, but such polemics, while sometimes efforts at explaining actual phenomena, were not, as modern scholars all too frequently read them, journalistic reportage. This does not mean I do not take such polemics seriously, I just do not think accusations of heresy, however sincerely believed by those making them, is the same as heresy actually existing as a historically verifiable entity. Moreover, accusations of heresy between the Garonne and the Rhône in the twelfth century rarely focused on the good men and and good women, the targets being counts, bishops, abbots, wandering preachers, hermits and mercenaries. This diverse landscape of “heresy” is lost when we read backwards from the thirteenth century. This essay evokes the world of the good men and good women before the Albigensian Crusade, when they embodied cortezia, when they were not yet heretics, ultimately suggesting what it meant for an adolescent girl to be mocked in a time of holy war for having a demon in her belly.
2018 •
2019 •
French language version of an article which argues for re-situating the so-called "great inquisition" at Toulouse (1245-46) - generally regarded as a clear instance of religious history, a mopping up of "Cathar" heresy after the Albigensian Crusade - within the larger historiographic trend of rethinking whether Inquisition was a particularly religious endeavour.
Franck Mercier et Isabelle Rosé (éd.), Aux marges de l’hérésie. Inventions, formes et usages de l’accusation d’hérésie au Moyen Âge, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes
L'économie des hérétiques. Note sur le rapprochement entre usure et hérésie2017 •
1209-2009: Cathares: Une histoire à pacifier?
La Charte de Niquinta et le rassemblement de Saint-Félix: État de la question2010 •
La Charte de Niquinta, texte qui rapporte un grand rassemblement hérétique à Saint-Félix de Lauragais en 1167 et qui se réclame de la provenance dissidente, est un enjeu essentiel de la recherche actuelle sur le catharisme et le bogomilisme. La Charte est le seul document dissident à témoigner d’une organisation assez solide de la dissidence cathare dans le Midi dès le XIIe siècle et à postuler les liens des hérétiques méridionaux avec la dissidence orientale. L’hypothèse d’un faux moderne se montre plutôt improbable. Mais il reste plusieurs autres hypothèses de sa rédaction au Moyen Âge, donc de son interprétation : il peut s’agir d’une stylisation antihérétique, d’un document relatant largement des faits historiques, d’un faux dissident, d’une légende dissidente du XIIIe siècle. Cet article résume l’état actuel de la discussion et apporte des arguments pour et contre les différentes hypothèses.
Gajewska, M., Araar, L., MacDonald, R., Wilding, R., Nash, C. & Priestman, S. 2023: ‘Seeb Community History Project’, The International Association for the Study of Arabia Bulletin, 30: 17-19.
Gajewska, Araar, MacDonald, Wilding, Nash & Priestman, 2023: Seeb Community History ProjectClinical cancer research : an official journal of the American Association for Cancer Research
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Van Yöresindeki Doğuştan İşitme Engelli Çocuklarda Uzun QT Sendromu, QT Süresi ve DispersiyonuNotes: We recommend that you also print this page and …
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