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Abstract
This paper examines the evolution and characteristics of the Polish party system in the period 1991–2007, using the framework of institutionalization. Key moments in the development of the party system are identified by analyzing the results of six consecutive parliamentary elections. At the onset of the development of democratic politics, the party system was characterized by instability and under-institutionalization. By the end of the second decade, it displayed strong signs of structural stabilization and some evidence of the stability of inter-party competition and party institutionalization, implying that the Polish party system is quasi-institutionalized. Moreover, the paper attempts to explain the results by focusing on elite behaviour and institutions.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Iain McMenamin and three anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments.
Notes
1 The 1989 transitional election is not included in this study as it was not fully competitive and not conducted on a clear multi-party basis. In the period 1989–1991 the hegemonic communist party, PZPR, was dismantled, a new law on political parties introduced, and a new president (Lech Wałęsa) elected which facilitated the radical departure from the previous regime and the first free election to be held in 1991.
2 The focus of this paper is mainly on parliamentary (legislative) party systems, although elective party systems are discussed in passing.
3 The individual level definition focuses on a collection of individual parties. It is a description of the component parts of the system, with the interrelationship of these parts being deemed to be secondary (Smith, Citation1966; Eckstein, Citation1968).
4 The Pedersen index of electoral volatility is the sum of the absolute values of vote percentage changes of parties from one election to another divided by two (Pedersen, Citation1979, p. 4). PiV represents the change – in absolute terms – in the aggregate vote for party i between two consecutive elections.
Total volatility (TV) =
5 According to Bartolini and Mair (Citation1990) bloc volatility means:
BV =
Where P (iV + jV + kV) represents the net change – in absolute terms – in the aggregate vote for parties i, j and k, all of which come from the same bloc, between two consecutive elections.
6 I wish to thank an anonymous referee for this comment.
7 Party system fractionalization is measured using the following formulae:For an elective party system:
-
For a legislative party system:
8 The effective number of elective parties (Nv) equals:
where Pv refers to party i's share of the votes
The effective number of legislative parties (Ns) equals:
9 Sikk (Citation2005, p. 399) defines new parties as ‘parties that are not successors to any previous parliamentary parties, have a novel name and structure, and do not have any important figures from past democratic politics among their major members’.
10 where A are the seats in parliament won by new parties; B all seats in parliament; X percentage of seats new parties have in parliament. Migalski et al. (Citation2006) consider all parties which turned up in elections for the first time as new parties even if they were actually the successor parties (for example AWS, UW and ROP, Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland).
11 German Minority is not a political party per se and hence excluded from the analysis.
12 In the case of merged parties, the votes for all parties contesting election t that merged to form a party contesting election t + 1 are added up. In the case of split parties, for the election t + 1 only the votes for the major surviving party are counted as the votes for the original party that contested election t; all other parties emerging from the original party are treated as new ones. Finally in the case of the party that changed its name between elections, it is treated as the same party (Jasiewicz, Citation2007, p. 99).
13 1991/1993:
The Non-Party Bloc for the Support of Reforms (BBWR) and Self-Defence only contested in the 1993 election. The Solidarity of Labour (SP) contesting in 1991, became the Labour Union (UP) for the 1993 election. Electoral Catholic Action (WAK) contesting in 1991 became the Catholic Electoral Committee ‘’Fatherland’ (KKW) for the 1993 election.
1993/1997:
Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) consisted of the Confederation of Independent Poland (KPN), Centre Accord (PC), NSZZ (Independent Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity), the Catholic Electoral Committee ‘Fatherland’ (KKW mainly ZChN), Peasant Accord (PL) and parts of the Non-Party Bloc for the Support of Reforms (BBWR) and some 20 other groups. Hence, AWS was ‘a direct heir’ of several rightist parties (Markowski, Citation2001, p. 51). In 1997 the Freedom Union (UW) consisted of the Democratic Union (UD) and Liberal Democratic Congress (KLD) of 1993. The Union of Polish Republic's Right (UPR) was a former Union of Real Politics (UPR) in 1993. The Coalition for the Polish Republic (KdR) in 1993 became the Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland (ROP) in 1997.
1997/2001:
The Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PIS), League of Polish Families (LPR) and Self-Defence are new parties, despite the fact that to some extent they are a continuation of previously existing parties and coalitions. Yet, they became political parties (rather than mere electoral coalitions) and had distinct ideological programmes.
2001/2005:
The Polish Social Democracy (SDPL) split from SLD and ran separately in the 2005 election.
The Democratic Party (PD) was a continuation of the Freedom Union (UW). The Fatherland's Home (DO), a split from LPR, ran separately in the 2005 election. The Polish Initiative (IRP), a split from Self-Defence, ran separately in the 2005 election.
2005/2007:
The electoral committee ‘The Left and Democrats’ (LiD) consisted of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Democratic Party (PD), Labour Union (UP) and the Polish Social Democracy (SDPL).
14 Markowski and Cześnik (Citation2002, p. 44) propose an alternative calculation: AWS = AWSP + PiS +1/2LPR + 1/2PO; UW = UW + 1/2PO; ROP = 1/2LPR. Then the electoral volatility is 19.25.
15 Left and Democrats split into the Left (Lewica), formerly SLD; SDPL – New Left (SDPL – Nowa Lewica); and the Democratic Party. In February 2009 SDPL, the Democratic Party and the Greens 2004 formed a coalition for the European Parliament elections.
16 According to Gadomski (Citation2009) soft liberalism helped Civic Platform win the election and form a government, but the more popular PO was, the less liberalism there was. Polish liberals limited their thinking to pragmatism and microeconomics, leaving aside their philosophy. Yet, it is difficult to see a liberal PO agenda in education, taxation, culture and media.
17 The least squares index equals:
Si –Vi the difference between percentage share of the seats and percentage share of the votes.
18 In 2005 the only change was a reintroduction of the d'Hondt formula.
19 Law of 27 June 1997 on Political Parties, Journal of Laws 1997/79.
20 The first law on political parties of 28 July 1990 (Journal of Laws 54) required at least 15 founding members. The subsequent law of 1997 required 1000 founding members.
21 S – amount of subvention; W – percentage of votes gained by each party; M – amount of money for each interval: up to 5%, the party gets 10 Polish Zloty (PLZ) per vote; 5–10%, the party gets 8 PLZ; 10–20%, the party gets 7 PLZ; 20–30%, the party gets 4 PLZ; above 30%, the party gets 1.50 PLZ.
Dp – amount of reimbursement; W – expenses of an electoral committee which won at least one seat in parliament; M – number of seats won by a party.
22 I wish to thank an anonymous referee for this comment.
23 Prime Minister Tusk supported significant changes in the electoral rules (as provided for in the Civic Platform electoral manifesto) and in party financing, that is, a majoritarian system and no state funding for parties (Wprost, 22 February 2008).