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The article aims to deepen knowledge concerning the continuity of the Safavid system of central bureaucracy following the fall of the Safavids through the presentation of the administrative history of a high-ranking office, majlis-nawis,... more
The article aims to deepen knowledge concerning the continuity of the Safavid system of central bureaucracy following the fall of the Safavids through the presentation of the administrative history of a high-ranking office, majlis-nawis, and a type of royal decree, raqam. By introducing their functions and unique interrelation between them during the seventeenth century, and their development and transformation in the post-Safavid period, the paper sheds light on the continuous, albeit changed, presence of this administrative position and document form in the eighteenth century. Furthermore, it will be shown that the raqam became the most dominant form of decree in the chancelleries of post-Safavid dynasties, whereas the majlis-nawis lost its relevance in the second half of the eighteenth century.
The article examines a hitherto unstudied document containing the earliest decree of Nādir Shāh (1736-47) and the petition of Muḥammad Ṣafī Ṣafavī, mutavallī of the pious endowments of Ardabil. The first part of the paper provides the... more
The article examines a hitherto unstudied document containing the earliest decree of Nādir Shāh (1736-47) and the petition of Muḥammad Ṣafī Ṣafavī, mutavallī of the pious endowments of Ardabil. The first part of the paper provides the transliteration and translation of this document, and the second part offers a short historical outline of the respective period and commentaries on the content and diplomatics. Through the lens of the document, the article aims to address the set of circumstances and prevalent issues in the administration of the vaqf during these historically turbulent years. Furthermore, from the viewpoint of diplomatics, unique insight can be gained into the distinctive features of Nādir's early documents.
Over the course of the turbulent history of eighteenth-century Iran, Nādir Shāh’s reign (r. 1736–1747) is to be regarded as an exceedingly significant turning point. Following the death of Nādir Shāh, succession struggles broke out, which... more
Over the course of the turbulent history of eighteenth-century Iran, Nādir Shāh’s reign (r. 1736–1747) is to be regarded as an exceedingly significant turning point. Following the death of Nādir Shāh, succession struggles broke out, which lasted for several years and led to the disintegration of the vast empire and to the diminution of sovereignty of the Nādirid descendants. After the reign of ʽAlī Qulī Mīrzā and Ibrāhīm Mīrzā (1747–1749), the territory of the successor state decreased significantly and its internal functioning was based on a delicate
equilibrium between the ruler Shāh Rukh (r. 1748–1750; 1750–1796) and the different tribal factions of Western Khurāsān. This article engages the events of the contest for power after the assassination of Nādir Shāh to explore the origin of this tribal resurgence and the precursors of the Nādirid successors’ loss of political weight in Iran.
On February 26, 2016, double elections were held in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the members of the Parliament (majles) and of the Assembly of Experts were elected. 62 percent of the 55 million voters participated in the elections, which... more
On February 26, 2016, double elections were held in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the members of the Parliament (majles) and of the Assembly of Experts were elected. 62 percent of the 55 million voters participated in the elections, which shows that the integrity of the election process has been restored since 2012 among the Iranian public. On the other hand, the elections have reflected a phenomenon increasingly visible since Presiden Hassan Rouhani entered into office in 2013, namely that due to the increasing difficulty in recognizing ideological differences and the increasing irrelevance of the old political categories, the traditional differentiation among the different fractions (hardliner, conservative, principlist, moderate, reformist) has become difficult to use. Dividing lines among the rival persons and groups has become fairly blurred. As a result, while the new Parliament and the Assembly of Experts do not constitute a change in the political directions of the Islamic Republic, with the emergence of the reformist-centralist-moderate conservative coalition, a new, pro-government political actor has entered the Iranian political scene.