Mecca

A partir de l'étude du chapitre 38 de l'ouvrage du savant mecquois al-Fâsî (m. 1429), Shîfâ' al-gharâm bi-akhbâr al-balad al-harâm, consacré à l'histoire du hajj, cet article tente d'identifier les modes de représentation du pouvoir mecquois dans l'oeuvre d'al-Fâsî. Il suggère que le récit récurrent des fitnas qui déchirèrent la cité sainte au moment du pèlerinage était une manière de
mieux en neutraliser les effets et les traces, à un moment où s'affirmait un nouveau pouvoir local fort, autour du chérif Hasan b. 'Ajlân.

Muslims claim that Muhammad was born in Mecca and the earliest parts of the Qur’an were revealed to him there. Indeed, without Mecca the whole story of Muhammad would have to be re-evaluated and the very foundations of Islam would have to be questioned. However, recent archaeological and historical research calls into question whether Mecca even existed in the traditional time of Muhammad (570-632 AD). There are no archaeological artifacts from Mecca until the 8th century AD, the first direct mention of Mecca in external literature occurs in 741 AD, and the first time Mecca is listed on a map of the Middle East was 900 AD.  Indeed, if Mecca did not exist in the early 7th century, then who was Muhammad and from where did he come? 
This paper will consider the Muslim evidence for the existence of Mecca in light of the research of a number of recent scholars who have suggested that Mecca was probably neither a center of trade nor a religious center or pilgrimage site in the 7th century. One issue for consideration is that the geographical descriptions of the city of the prophet in the Qur’an do not match up with the barren landscape of Mecca. Furthermore, the qiblas, or the direction of prayer in the mosques, did not point to Mecca until 727 AD. The evidence also may indicate that Muhammad probably did not have anything to do with Mecca, especially since it may not have even existed at that time. Finally, a mounting body of evidence suggests that the Nabataean kingdom of Petra in Northeast Arabia might have actually been the center of the origin of Islam, and Muhammad a much different religious leader than the one traditionally portrayed by Islam.

Governments in Arabia today usually ignore the Ottoman Empire’s history in the region, but the Ottomans from 1516 to 1918 played a key role in coastal regions, especially in the Muslim holy cities of Mecca and Medina. While Ottoman administrations intermittently ruled in Yemen and eastern Arabia, their influence was greatest in the holy Hijaz, the site of the worldwide pilgrimage. However, Ottoman rule was limited by Istanbul’s distance from Arabia. Religion played a significant role in determining the nature of Ottoman control, helping to legitimize the state among its subjects. A detailed analysis of one province, the Hijaz, with a particular emphasis on the period from 1840 to 1908, shows the impact of general factors on political history. Hijazi environmental, social, and gender history were modestly influenced by the centralizing Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire in Arabia succeeded in notably slowing the encroachment of European imperialism into the heart of Islam.

INTRODUCTION
Drawings and images of Islam’s holiest places, the Kaaba and the
city of Mecca, alongside Medina with the Mosque of Prophet, have
been very popular over the centuries. These images have been
used for various purposes and had also been executed for these
purposes (drawn, sketched, coloured, incised, stencilled, cut, knitted,
printed or even built) on or using a variety of materials, such
as stone, ceramics, paper, textiles, wood, marble/tiles (in the form
of frescoes), etc. This book is a publication for the first time of nine
key objects, and contains unique information about the history
and topography of the holy cities of Islam. All of these key objects
are monuments of the arts, and will, for the first time, be analysed
and studied and compared to one another so that the information
they have will be disclosed to the reader.

OTTOMAN INSCRIPTIONS IN SAUDI ARABIA: FIRST
CENTURY OF OTTOMAN RULE IN ARABIA (1509-1600)
XVII. Türk Tarih Kongresi, 15-17 Eylül 2014, Ankara (IV. Cilt-VI. Kısım)
Proceedıngs XVII Congress of Turkısh Hıstory )IV volumeö Part VI)
MEHMET TÜTÜNCÜ: Ottoman Inscriptions in Saudi Arabia: First Century of Ottoman Rule in Arabia (1509-1600)  2033
In this paper, we will look at the building activities in the holy cities
and on the Hajj route of the Ottoman Sultans. Our point of departure is the
inscriptions that were placed on the buildings. In 16th Century Ottoman Empire was governed by 5 Ottoman Rulers. Hereunder
is a list of of inscriptions in the name of this Sultans that is known to exist.
This information is based on my previous research which I have compiled in a Catalogue of Inscriptions in Arabia. Th e catalogue numbers are based on this
study.
Sultan Year AH Amount of Inscriptions
Bayezid II 886-918 2 inscriptions from Mecca and Medina
Selim I 918-926 1 Inscription from Mecca
Suleyman I 926-974 20 Inscriptions from Mecca, 6 from Medina
and 4 from the Hajj Route
Selim II 974-982 2 Inscriptions from Mecca
Murad III 982-1003 22 Inscriptions from Mecca and 2 from Medina
Th erefore, there are some 59 inscriptions that give evidence of the ottoman building activities in the Arabian Peninsula in 10th century AH / 16th Century AD.

Essay is a development of the author’s talk, “Mosque as Metaphor” delivered at The Hall of Philosophy, Chautauqua Institution, New York, on July 27, 2000.

“Ka’ba, in Arabic, means the “cube” and also “a shape that emerges”— both the form and the emergence of form. If the form is the cube, then what form remains to emerge? As an ordering device, the Ka’ba is not the modest cube in Mecca but a monumental project that has, for over a millennium now, been redefining the world in its own image. It has been constructing its circumferences (without which the center is a point without identity). Each time a group of Muslims gathers in prayer or builds a mosque, each time Muslims follow Muhammad’s (pbuh) practice of sleeping on the right side with their faces towards the Ka’ba, each time a Muslim dies and is buried in a grave that is always oriented towards the Ka’ba, in each instance a fragment of a circumference is being put into place. Prayer halls, beds, and graves are all rectangles with their longer side facing the Ka’ba; all chords of its circumnavigating circles. With the global consolidation of a sacred center, the faithful barely perceive that with their bricks and their bodies, they construct and constitute an ongoing international installation.”

See also “The Kaaba: Guarding the Centre, Generating the Circumference ( Folia, Literary Supplment, Hindu, India: Sept 23, 2001)

Die Zweite der Glaubenssäulen des Islam ist das Gebet in die Richtung der Kaaba zu Mekka, letzteres mit dem arabischen Begriffe Qibla ("Gebetsrich-tung") angedeutet. Die islamische Überlieferung zu den Anfängen dieses Brauches ist, wie sooft in diesen Angelegenheiten, widersprüchlich-so soll einer Tradition zufolge Muḥammad anfänglich in Mekka, gemäss jüdischer Gepflogenheit, Jerusalemwärts sein Gebet verrichtet haben 1 ; einer anderen Tradition zufolge war aber die Kaaba immer richtungsweisend 2 ; eine dritte versucht hingegen diese beiden zu harmonisieren: der Gesandte Gottes habe immer mit der Kaaba und Jerusalem geradlinig vor ihm gebetet 3. Gemein-hin wird angenommen, dass Muhammad erst im zweiten Jahre nach seiner Hidschra nach Medina die Gebetsrichtung endgültig zur Kaaba umgelenkt habe: "Der Grund für die Veränderung der jerusalemischen Gebetsrich-tung liegt in der neuen Stellung zu den älteren Offenbarungsreligio-nen, die Muhammad allmählich in Medina gewonnen hatte. Wäh-rend er sich früher den Juden und Christen nächstverwandt fühlte, bewog ihn die Erfolglosigkeit seiner Propaganda unter diesen, sich nach einer anderen Anknüpfung umzusehen, und er fand sie schließ-lich in der ‚Religion des Ibrahim', den eine Offenbarung eng mit der Ka'ba verflocht … So wurde der heidnische Kultusort zu einem Hei-ligtum des Islam und als solches zum Ort der Gebetsrichtung ebenso geeignet, wie es Jerusalem für die Juden war." 4

Le présent essai vise à démontrer que les positions listées par Ptolémée mesurées depuis trois villes repères suivent une progression d’erreur qu’il est possible de circonscrire à l’aide de moyens mathématiques simples. Nous montrerons que la «fuite» observée des positions en fonction de la distance s’intègre dans un cadre statistique. Il devient alors possible de «dilater» la carte pour la faire s’adapter à la géographie réelle de telle sorte que placer Macoraba à La Mecque actuelle reviendrait dès lors à accorder à notre fantaisie des droits supérieurs à la logique. L’approche a permis ainsi de proposer des positions cohérentes pour environ 120 localités sur la carte d’Arabia Felix dont des lieux fameux comme Tabuk, Najran, Sanaa qui restaient à placer. Ceci n’est qu’une ébauche qui sollicite non seulement l’indulgence du lecteur mais toute l’aide qu’on pourra lui apporter.

Este artículo explica las razones que han llevado a la construcción de la Meca como centro del mundo en el imaginario musulmán; parte de la revisión del Corán y de otros textos que han fundamentado el origen y desarrollo de la tradición islámica sunna, pero también destaca la experiencia del musulmán que vive el centro del mundo en sus oraciones, visitas, pereg!rinaciones, pensamientos, etc.

Every year on the 27th of Rajab, Muslims around the world commemorate the event called Al-Isra` and al-Mi'raj, the Prophet(SAW) 's night journey from Mecca to al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem from where he embarked on the second leg of the journey heavenwards.

There are different versions of this journey. Some say that both the events happened in a dream, while others are of the opinion that both of these took place in the waking state and the Prophet(SAW) physically went on the journey, and some say that it was merely a mystic vision shown to him.

The analysis of the author suggests that Al-Isra could have been a bodily experience. Technically, with a little lift from Jibraeel(AS) , who can travel at the speed of light (186,000 miles per second), it was possible for the Prophet(SAW) to physically travel to Jerusalem and return to Mecca in less than five minutes.

Al-Miraj, on the other hand, could not have been a bodily or mystical experience. It could not even be a dream. It fits the core elements of a superlative form of out of body experience (OBE), which is beyond imagination. The state he was in was very conducive to trigger such an OBE. While the body stayed where he was sleeping, his conscience (soul) saw things which fits the pattern of an OBE e.g. looking at what Jibraeel(AS) was doing with his body, passing through a huge space (heaven), meeting the dead (some of the Prophets), and seeing a bright light and the paradise.

This chapter investigates Islamic pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the network of Islamic holy sites in the city during the Mamlūk period. Using the Faḍā’il al-Quds pilgrimage guides on Jerusalem dating from the Mamlūk period, the study will first enumerate the holy sites visited by Muslim pilgrims on the Ḥaram al-Sharif complex. Second, the study will delineate the Islamic holy sites existing outside the Ḥaram and in and around the city. Third, the intensive building of Islamic religious institutions undertaken by Mamlūk authorities in Jerusalem will be examined to reveal how the sacred sphere further extended beyond the Haram complex and into the city and its environs, thus blurring the liminal spaces separating the sacred from the urban. Finally, the study will demonstrate how this phenomenon of blurred liminal spaces in Mamlūk Jerusalem also existed in another important Islamic holy city – Mecca. Research will demonstrate how medieval Mecca’s holy sites were also not restricted to al-Masjid al-Ḥarām complex and its Ka‘ba, but, rather, numerous secondary holy sites were scattered throughout Mecca city and its surrounding mountains, resulting in the blurring of liminal spaces in Mecca as well. This chapter will thus attempt to show how, just like in medieval Mecca, the sacred in Mamlūk Jerusalem transcended beyond the Ḥaram al-Sharīf complex, and that the presence of Islamic holy sites and religious buildings both inside and outside the Ḥaram rendered the boundaries delimiting the sacred from the urban more fluent. The city of Jerusalem, it will be argued, thus became one wider liminal space during the Mamlūk period.

Nous publions ici pour le public et étudiants de langue française, la traduction d'une série d'articles réalisés par l'historien Ian David Morris au sujet de l'historicité de la Mecque.

Ian David Morris est historien spécialisé dans l'hidtoitre des débuts de l'islam, ses travaux ont été publiés entre autres, dans le "Journal of Middle East Medievalists" et dans l'édition actuelle de l"Encyclopédie de l'islam".

En 2018-2019, il a enseigné l'histoire du Moyen-Orient à l'université de St Andrews, tout en poursuivant un doctorat en  histoire médiévale à l'université d'Amsterdam.

En 2013-2016, il a été  boursier de "Marie Skłodowska-Curie" au Conseil national de la recherche espagnol (CSIC), dans le cadre d'un projet collaboratif international intitulé "Pouvoir et institutions dans l'islam médiéval et la chrétienté"  (PIMIC).

Have we not all one patriarch Father?  Why are the descendants of patriarch Abraham slaying others?  What if the popular terms of jihad are ALL MISUNDERSTOOD?  The original documents prove that veganism was the teaching of ALL OF THE PROPHETS. The illiterate of the 21st century will not be those who cannot read or write, but those who cannot unlearn the many lies they’ve been taught to believe.  The Khurasan Banner is not of Afghanistan, the Sharia law is not what contemporary religious zealots are preaching.  This is the second part of the Ark of the Covenant series.

Tarihçi, şair, asker ve eğitimci gibi sıfatlarla vasıflandırılabilecek Eyüb Sabri Paşa çok sayıda memuriyette bulunmuş ve Bahriyeli olarak sürdürdüğü kariyerinde mirlivalığa kadar yükselmiştir. Bu askerî vechesiyle bile öğretmekten geri kalmamış; Mekteb-i Rüşdiye-i Bahriye’de müdürlük vazifesi ifa etmiş ve Bahriye talebelerinin istifadesi için Kaside-i Bürde Şerhi hazırlamıştır. Bu eserde Arapçaya ve eski kültüre vukufiyeti açık bir şekilde görülmektedir. Ayrıca siyer sahasında Mahmûdü’s-Siyer’i, hacca gidecekler için Tekmiletü’l-Menâsik’i, son dönem İslam tarihine dair Târîh-i Vehhâbiyân’ı, ahlâka dair Riyâzu’l-Mukinîn’i onun diğer önemli eserleri arasındadır.

Mir’âtü’l-Haremeyn ise onun çalışmaları arasında ayrı bir yere sahiptir. Mekke, Medine ve Arap yarımadasının (Cezîretü’l-Arab) tarihlerini anlatan bu eser üç müstakil kitaptan ibaret olup toplamda beş cilttir. Eser hazırlanırken o zamana kadar yazılmış onlarca kaynak müellif tarafından etraflıca incelenmiştir. Mir’âtü’l-Haremeyn’i müstesna kılan bir diğer taraf ise Eyüb Sabri Paşa’nın Mekke ve Medine’de bulunduğu müddetçe saha araştırmaları yapması ve tespitlerini esere aktarmasıdır. Bu itibarla XIX. asrın ikinci yarısındaki Hicaz’ı bugünden görebilme imkânı mümkün olabilmektedir. Devrinde Ahmed Cevdet Paşa’dan Ahmed Midhat Efendi’ye kadar çok sayıda tanınmış şahsiyet bu eserden övgüyle bahsetmişlerdir.

Ömer Fâruk Can ve F. Zehra Can tarafından yayına hazırlanan Mir’âtü’l-Haremeyn’in ilk kitabı Mir’ât-ı Mekke’dir. İki cilt halinde basılan eser, münhasıran Mekke’nin kadim tarihini ele almaktadır. Yaşanan önemli hâdiseler hakkında bilgi verilmekte ayrıca Kâbe’nin geçirdiği tamirat ve onarımlar etraflı bir şekilde anlatılmaktadır. Yer yer Kâbe’ye geleceklere tavsiyelerde bulunulması ve bazı görsellerle eserin desteklenmesi de dikkat çekicidir.

In this essay, I will assess the motif of kissing and flirting at the Kaʿba and its sanctified environs (e.g., al-Ṣafā, al-Marwa, Minā, al-Muzdalifah), specifically. I will also generally treat the employment of Islamic religious language (astaghfiru ʼllāh, ayyām ʿaẓīmat al-ḥurma), intimate spaces (miḥrāb, masjid), and symbols (al-ḥajar, al-maqām) in the articulation of (sensual) love in Umayyad Arabic ghazal poetry.  This particular motif and subject matter can be observed for comparative purposes in several early prominent poets — e.g., Abū Nuwās (d. between 198/813 and 200/815) and Ibn al-Rūmī (ca. 283/896).  For now, one is best served by approaching the problem chronologically. As a case study for examining the admixture of amorous activity and religious space, I herewith focus exclusively on the poetry of ʿUmar b. Abī Rabīʿa, the prince of the Ḥijāzī school of ghazal, as he praises, pursues, and even kisses women within the Kaʿba precinct.

Les découvertes et analyses nouvelles ne cessent de s'accumuler au sujet des origines réelles de l'islam, dévoilant une tout autre histoire que celle des traditions musulmanes.
Pour défendre l'islam, un auteur musulman s'est ainsi essayé à la réfutation de certaines de ces recherches nouvelles, hélas au mépris de l'esprit scientifique, et s'enferrant dans une attitude de déni de la réalité de ces découvertes.
Répliquant point par point à cette tentative de réfutation, cet article permet de mettre au clair pour le grand public les avancées de la recherche dans les domaines suivants :
- Archéologie de La Mecque
- Formation de la tradition musulmane (jahiliya, tradition orale coranique)
- Elaboration du Coran
- Christianisme des origines et développement du courant judéonazaréen

In 1543, a quarter century after the Ottoman conquest of the Holy Cities, the Meccan jurist, hadith scholar, and chronicler Jar Allah Muhammad Ibn Fahd (d. 1547) completed a short work devoted to the construction projects undertaken in the city by the Ottoman sultans Selim I (r. 1512–20) and his son Süleyman (r. 1520–66). The work is highly unusual from the perspective of the Arabic historiographical tradition and constitutes the first comprehensive response by an Arab chronicler to the emergence of an Ottoman imperial architectural idiom around the turn of the sixteenth century. The article situates Ibn Fahd and his work in three interrelated contexts: (a) the incorporation of Mecca and Medina into the Ottoman domains; (b) the emergence of an Ottoman architectural idiom and visual interest in the description of the Holy Sanctuaries across the Indian Ocean, from Istanbul to Gujarat; and (c) the competition between the new Custodians of the Two Holy Sanctuaries and other Islamic rulers, past and present. In particular, the article focuses on the challenges posed by the sultans of Gujarat, who were also quite interested in the Holy Sanctuaries. This interest is captured in Muhyi al-Din Lari’s (d. 1526–27) description of the pilgrimage and the Haramayn, which was written for the Gujarati sultan Muzaffar Shah II (r. 1511–26).


The exegesis of sūrat al-Quraish (Q. 106) had no satisfying explanatory power neither in theological nor in logical grounds. Although all conventional sources presumed that this sūrat took its name from the tribe of Quraish which prophet Muhammad belonged to, our proposal completely differ from this concession. We propose that this sūrat should be having taken its name from an important figure of Hebrew Bible’s Book of Ezrah, namely Persian King Cyrus (Qoresh, Kūruš, Kowresh, ko'-resh). Because, the previous sūrat al-Fīl (Q. 105), to us, was mentioning of Jews’ Babylonian exile and the next sūrat al-Quraish (Q. 106) was mentioning of their real liberator Persian King Qorash, and other figures named Artaxerxes and Asaph. In short, Q. 105 and Q. 106 make a complete story; the first is mentioning of Jews’ Babylonian exile; and the next is mentioning of their exodus from Babylon captivity with the help of three non-Jew saviors.

Muḥammad's first wife Khadīja bint Khuwaylid belonged to a clan of the Quraysh tribe called Asad ibn ʿAbd al-ʿUzzā. This biographical detail is crucial in the analysis of the literary evidence about her and her family. Khadīja had a well-known paternal cousin who was Christian, namely Waraqa ibn Nawfal. Another paternal cousin of hers who was Christian, ʿUthmān ibn al-Ḥuwayrith, attempted on the eve of the hijra to gain control of Mecca. The Christian faith of the cousins belongs in the discussion of Muḥammad's spiritual environment and his preparation for the Call to prophethood. After all, Muḥammad and Khadīja, both of whom were descendants of Quṣayy ibn Kilāb, were married for a quarter of a century and he must have known her family very well. During the long marriage she was his only wife and she gave birth to all of his children with the exception of Ibrāhīm whose mother was a Copt slave girl. A third paternal cousin of Khadīja who is of interest for us here was the son of a Jewish slave girl who belonged to Muḥammad's uncle ʿAbbās.

This article questions the domination of the prophethood of Muhammad in the narrative of the seventh century of the Arabian Peninsula presented by both Muslim and Western scholars. There were many other claimants to prophethood, who are ignored in Muslim and Western sources. In this vein, this article deals with Umayya ibn Abi Salt, a poet who claimed prophethood. Umayya’s short biography, collections of his poems (diwan) and , and examples of his poems are discussed.

In this paper we will show how Qurashī patrilines and marriage records can be statistically analysed to generate an estimate of the tribe's size at the time of Muḥammad. By extension this will also give us an estimate for the population size of Mecca. We will begin by using the marriage data preserved in a genealogical work to identify a cohort of adult Qurashī male contemporaries of Muḥammad. We will then divide this cohort into men who had brothers versus those who did not. It will be shown that this ratio is exactly what we would expect if we were modelling a complete population and therefore it cannot be a sample. With this in place we can extrapolate the number of women and dependants that would have been linked to each man, giving us an estimate of the tribe's size in the period. Supplementing this with selected historiographical data will give us the population size of Mecca. The resulting findings raise a series of questions concerning Qurashī origins that will then be addressed by applying a similar methodology to the eras before Muḥammad's. This will illuminate the manner and timing of the emergence of the Quraysh as a distinct entity.

Images of Islam’s holiest place, the Ka’ba and the city of Mecca, have been very popular throughout the centuries. These images have been put on different materials, such as stone, ceramics, paper, and cloth (Blair 2013: 160–168). The Hajj exhibition Longing for Mecca, the Pilgrim’s Journey held at the National Museum of Ethnology in Leiden exhibited many samples of representations of the holy city of Mecca and the Ka’ba.1 A key piece was a particularly important and special eighteenth-century painting from the Uppsala University collection in Sweden, of which no other comparable contemporary drawings exist (Mols
2013: 120–121).
The painting by an unknown artist appears to be a realistic and astonishingly exact drawing of Mecca and the Ka’ba in the years 1710–1712 (figure 1). It contains unique and very important information about the cultural topography of Mecca and its urban fabric at the beginning of the eighteenth century. The painting shows a topographical view of Mecca with the Great Mosque in the centre, the houses immediately surrounding it, the different neighbourhoods of the city, and the surrounding hills and mountains. The street patterns of Mecca
can easily be recognised, as can many buildings that are marked by a red brush to identify their names. In the middle of the large open court of the Great Mosque stands the Ka’ba, the holiest sanctuary of Islam.

When 100% of the proper definitions are utilized for the text, the message does exhaustively within a treatise format, identify the authentic Bronze Age relic of Moses and Aaron of the Exodus.  There was a crime committed against the peoples of faith where the Bible Versions were made by the imprimatur of Rome.  The foretold "forgetting" of the Ark of the Covenant is because Rome has subsituted the false into the mind with their idolatrous art.

Revised extract with illustration added in Building 22, of "Introduction" previously titled "Standing on the Shore, Contemplating the Cube" in Three Cubes of Perception by Jason Freedman (Toronto: Dans le Vide) 2015.

Note: The byline is incorrect, it should read as follows, "Adjunct Professor | M.Arch [Distinction] Dip. Arch. [Bombay]."

As per the teachings of the NOI, Elijah Muhammad, Fard Muhammad, and  Louis Farrakhan are all divine beings i.e. gods. According to the Koran, God was not born of a woman and he has no partners. All three of the people mentioned were born of women.

Tarbiah Islamiah merupakan kesinambungan bidang pendidikan umat manusia. Generasi dahulu lahir bukan sahaja cemerlang dari aspek akidah dan akhlak bahkan baik dari sudut kehidupan duniawi dan ukhrawi. Hal ini disebabkan oleh tarbiah Islamiah yang terpantul daripada pengasas utamanya iaitu Rasulullah s.a.w. Maka, kajian ini membincangkan pelaksanaan tarbiah Islamiah bagi dua tempat terkenal di semenanjung tanah Arab yakni Mekah dan Madinah selain menjejaki kesan peninggalan tarbiah Islamiah pada era pentadbiran Rasulullah s.a.w yang menjadi titik permulaan kepada transformasi baharu pengkaedahan pendidikan. Kertas kajian ini juga turut menelusuri setiap tarbiah Islamiah pada zaman Rasulullah s.a.w yang bersesuaian dengan konteks pendidikan kontemporari khususnya bagi membentuk rohani dan insani dalam masyarakat. Penulisan ini adalah berbentuk kualitatif dengan pengumpulan data berdasarkan kepada kajian kepustakaan. Hasil dapatan kajian diambil melalui analisis dokumen. Kajian ini mendapati, fasa-fasa berlakunya tarbiah ialah berlandaskan kepada pola masa yang tersendiri selain mempunyai silibus dan skop pedagogikal yang standard serta bersepadu. Kepesatan dalam tarbiah Islamiah juga dapat dilihat selepas hijrah apabila institusi masjid menjadi tempat formal dalam pentarbiahan bagi ilmu-ilmu Islam. Justeru, diharapkan umat Islam dapat mengambil iktibar daripada pentarbiahan Islamiah yang dibawa oleh Rasulullah s.a.w terutama pengorbanan dan perjuangannya.

(Islamic education is a continuation of the field of human education. The early generation of Muslims was born not only excellent both faith and morals even both life in this world and the hereafter. This is due to the acceptance of Islamic education from the prophet. Therefore, this study discusses the implementation of Islamic education in two famous places in the Arabian Peninsula namely Mecca and Medina besides tracing the impact of the abandonment of Islamic education civilization in the reign of the Prophet Muhammad s.a.w, which is the starting point for a new transformation of education methodology. This paper also explores each Islamic education in the era of the Prophet Muhammad s.a.w which is relevant to the context of contemporary education in particular to develop spirituality and humanity in society. This study is a qualitative study with data collection based on library research. The results of the study through document analysis. This article finds the phases that occur in Islamic education are based on their own time pattern besides having syllables and scope of standard and integrated pedagogical. The progress in Islamic education can also be seen after the migration (hijrah) when the mosque becomes a formal place in Islamic education. Thus, it is hoped that Muslims can take lessons from Islamic education that the Messenger of Allah carried mainly through his sacrifice and struggle)

This book investigates female Muslims pilgrimage practices and how these relate to women's mobility, social relations, identities, and the power structures that shape women's lives. Bringing together scholars from different disciplines and regional expertise, it offers in-depth investigation of the gendered dimensions of Muslim pilgrimage and the life-worlds of female pilgrims. With a variety of case studies, the contributors explore the experiences of female pilgrims to Mecca and other pilgrimage sites, and how these are embedded in historical and current contexts of globalisation and transnational mobility. This volume will be relevant to a broad audience of researchers across pilgrimage, gender, religious, and Islamic studies.

Bu kitap, hacıların çevrelerindeki insanlara aktardıkları her türlü tecrübe ve gözlemlerinin oluşum sürecini ve Mekke ve Medine’de gerçekleştirdikleri dini ve dünyevi faaliyetlerini konu edinen hac eserlerini, hac literatürünün gelişmesi ve yaygınlaşması bağlamında kültürel dolaşıma önemli katkılar sağlayan araçlar olarak gündeme getirmektedir. Dini, edebi ve tarihi metinler olarak hac eserlerinin bu yönü, Osmanlı toplumunda “kitap sahipliği” olgusundan yola çıkılarak sorgulanmaktadır.
Osmanlı ‘ulemâsı tarafından telif edilen veya intinsâh edilmek suretiyle çoğaltılan hac eserlerinin çoğunluğu haccın usulüne göre nasıl eda edileceğini anlatan menâsik-i hacc niteliğindedir. Elinizdeki kitabın konusunu oluşturan Nebzetü’l-menâsik adlı menâsik-i hacc türündeki hac el yazması, ilmî kimliği 18. yüzyılda şekillenmiş bir Osmanlı âlimi, kadısı, kazaskeri, mutasavvıfı ve kitap-severi olarak Dâmadzâde Mehmed Murad Efendi -ki eserde “en-Nakşibendî el-Murâdî” olarak zikredilmiştir- tarafından telif edilmiştir. Eserin metni Osmanlı Türkçesi, metnin izah ve kaynakları sayfa kenarlarında Arapça derkenar notları şeklinde yazılmıştır. Eseri diğer menâsik-i hacc’lardan ayıran bu derkenar notlarının niteliğidir. Diğer pek çok hac menâsikinden ayrı olarak eserde, Mekke ve Medine’nin yanı sıra ziyaretgâh olarak Kudüs ve el-Halil fezâilnâme ve tarih kitaplarına referansla etraflıca tasvir edilmiştir.

In the last weeks of 1523, a colorful traveler arrived in Venice from Alexandria: “Dark in aspect, short in stature, gaunt, his language Hagarish [Arabic] and a little Jewish. … He wore striped silk according to the custom of the Ishmaelites, and on his head a white scarf, with which he covered his head and most of himself.” The traveler presented himself to local Jews and community leaders as “David,” the ambassador of an independent Jewish state on the Arabian peninsula, where he claimed that his brother, King Joseph, ruled over the tribes of Reuven, Gad, and half the tribe of Menashe. The “Jewish ambassador” announced that he was on his way to Rome to hold a state meeting with the Pope, as an emissary of the Seventy Elders, the advisers of his brother the king. He added, of course, that he needed money.(Online publication May 06 2011)